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Published: 11 March 2023

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1

Park, Jusik. "Rationality in nuclear deterrence /." The Ohio State University, 1991. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu148775905515793.

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2

Rasmussen, David C. "Credible nuclear deterrence for Japan." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2000. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA378257.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs) Naval Postgraduate School, March 2000.
Thesis advisor(s): Wirtz, James J. ; Olsen, Edward A. "March 2000." Includes bibliographical references (p. 73-80). Also available in print.
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3

Estoch, Christopher. "Nuclear deterrence : insecurity and the proliferation of nuclear weapons." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2009. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/1258.

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This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf.edu/Systems/DigitalInitiatives/DigitalCollections/InternetDistributionConsentAgreementForm.pdf You may also contact the project coordinator, Kerri Bottorff, at kerri.bottorff@ucf.edu for more information.
Bachelors
Sciences
Political Science
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4

Eckford, James. "Nuclear Proliferation And The Nuclear Deterrent: Will The Non-Proliferation Treaty Ever Achieve Total Nuclear Disarmament? Is The Nuclear Deterrent Worth Keeping?" Thesis, Högskolan i Halmstad, Centrum för studier av politik, kommunikation och medier (CPKM), 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hh:diva-16926.

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In 2009 President Obama outlined his utopic vision of a nuclear-free world, admitting that this would not be possible within his lifetime he claimed that while the US will continue to reduce its stockpile it would implement the missile defence shield as long as Iran, North Korea and terrorists pose a nuclear threat. Such a pledge...
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5

Wieninger, William A. "Nuclear deterrence : neither necessary nor sufficient for peace." Thesis, McGill University, 2004. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=85030.

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This thesis carefully examines the question of the effect of nuclear weapons possession on international relations through a detailed examination of all international crises between nuclear powers, as identified by the International Crisis Behavior Project (ICB). It distinguishes itself from similar studies in four key areas. First, by including the recent dyadic nuclear crises between India and Pakistan, this study significantly expands the number of cases under consideration. Next, the India-Pakistan crises provide an opportunity for a novel comparison to the US-USSR crises of the Cold War.
Third, this work is unique among studies of nuclear deterrence in its combined use of qualitative and quantitative methodology. The quantitative analysis uses ordered logit with the ICB data set on a variety of variables, discussed below, that do not lend themselves to standard regression techniques. The qualitative analysis examines whether or not nuclear weapons caused decision-makers on both sides of each crises to refrain from escalation due to fear of nuclear catastrophe. Finally, this study compares the effect of mutual nuclear weapons capability with the effects of democracy and interdependence on the level of violence in crises.
Ultimately, this thesis finds that nuclear proliferation is far less successful at preventing war among states in dyadic nuclear crises than is commonly believed. In only one of 17 crises (the Cuban Missile Crisis) is it clear that mutual possession of nuclear weapons caused leaders on both sides to eschew war. Relative to nuclear weapons possession, democracy and trade were found to be significantly more effective at limiting violence in crises and preventing war. Moreover, regimes suffering a lack of legitimacy in either the international community or among their neighbors had a significantly higher level of violence in crises.
Taken together, these findings have significant implications for public policy regarding nuclear proliferation, suggesting that the international community should work even more diligently to prevent nuclear proliferation, while working to strengthen democratic regimes, increase interstate trade, and reduce the international isolation of states such as North Korea and Iran.
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6

Corbett, Andrew Scott. "The British Government, the public, and nuclear deterrence." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2017. https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/the-british-government-the-public-and-nuclear-deterrence(165940d4-2781-4df2-acf9-eac2e939495c).html.

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This thesis offers a novel insight into the relationship between British government engagement with the public on nuclear deterrence policy, and the factors which influence that policy development. It considers the evolution of a complex, and largely unacknowledged aversion to the implications of total war, in particular the notion of inflicting non-combatant casualties as a deliberate, if not intentional, aspect of national strategy. This aversion was evident in the reluctance to engage in reprisals for bombing raids on London during the First World War, and the tensions it caused between operational strategy and public policy during the bombing campaign of the Second World War. The same aversion influenced early British understanding of nuclear deterrence, and public government engagement on nuclear deterrence policy tends to have been limited to technical detail such as performance or cost ever since. This is symptomatic of a reluctance to engage in complex moral debates in public, and modern media have exacerbated the problems by a tendency to reduce such issues to polarised arguments inhibiting genuine discussion while producing eye-catching studio drama. The public messaging implications of the challenging relationship between contemporary ‘rights-based’ ethical concepts and the more consequentialist ‘just war’ ethics that tend to dominate government policy have not been satisfactorily examined before. This thesis considers that relationship and its impact. It concludes that only government must face all aspects of moral choices: while antinuclear opposition can afford selective deontological absolutes, governments must have recourse to consequentialist moral concepts to provide for national defence, and this is difficult to portray in public, particularly through modern media. Government must engage in more than technical arguments if the strategic requirement for retention of the nuclear deterrent is to be perceived as legitimate and not rendered vulnerable to public misapprehension driven by vocal minorities.
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7

Griffin, Gail Alane. "Nuclear winter and nuclear policy: implications for U.S. and Soviet deterrence strategies." Thesis, Monterey, California: U.S. Naval Postgraduate School, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/22385.

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Nuclear weapons were rapidly incorporated into the policies for maintaining the national security objectives of both the Soviet Union and the United States--in spite of poorly understood nuclear weapons effects. The nuclear winter hypothesis, the basis of which was first proposed in 1982, directed scientific research into the consequences of massive amounts of dust and smoke, from nuclear detonations, on the earth's climate and subsequently on the ecology of the earth. This thesis presents the evolution of the nuclear winter hypothesis in order to elucidate its unique aspects for global devastation and the consensus of plausibility which the hypothesis holds in the scientific community. The hypothesis has aroused a flurry of debate on its implications for nuclear policy. With the historical aspects of the nuclear era as a backdrop, the question of incorporating new scientific information on the consequences of nuclear war into policy is discussed. The observed responses of the U.S. and Soviet Union and the implications for future actions in response to the nuclear winter hypothesis are examined-- leading to the conclusion that the hypothesis will have little or no impact on U.S. and Soviet nuclear policy. Theses. (JHD)
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8

Laderman, Sarah (Sarah Jane). "Minimal nuclear deterrence : a nuclear arsenal reduction plan for the United States." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/76953.

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Thesis (S.B.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Nuclear Science and Engineering, 2012.
"June 2012." Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 39-40).
The global political climate has called for reductions to nuclear arsenals around the world. This thesis researches how potential deep cuts to the United States' large strategic nuclear arsenal would affect its current nuclear deterrence goals. First, case studies on pre-1960 United States, 1964-2012 France, and 1964-2012 China are conducted to understand how a small nuclear arsenal should be constructed in order to prevent nuclear attack from countries with large nuclear arsenals. The lessons learned from these case studies, the current United States deterrence requirements, and the destructive effects from different warheads are then used to propose a potential composition of a small nuclear arsenal for the United States. The proposal consists of only around 500 warheads (in comparison to the current 2,000 the US has on deployment) and achieves United States deterrence goals through its vast destructive capability, variability, and survivability if targeted against in a first nuclear strike.
by Sarah Laderman.
S.B.
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9

Funtanilla, Neil E. "Nuclear deterrent cooperation involving Britain, France, and Germany." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1998. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA359133.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs) Naval Postgraduate School, December 1998.
"December 1998." Thesis advisor(s): Michael W. Boudreau. Includes bibliographical references (p. 91-97). Also available online.
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10

Arbuckle, Larry J. "The deterrence of nuclear terrorism through an attribution capability." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2008. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA483633.

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Thesis (M.S. in Defense Analysis)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2008.
Thesis Advisor(s): O'Connell, Robert. "June 2008." Description based on title screen as viewed on August 26, 2008. Includes bibliographical references (p. 45-47). Also available in print.
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11

Gunning, Edward G. "Germany and the future of nuclear deterrence in Europe." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/23687.

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12

Valenzuela, Joseph John. "Non-nuclear deterrence in U.S. strategic policy incentives and limitations /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 1992. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA256700.

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13

Merritt, Emily S. "Britain’s nuclear deterrent force and the U.S.-U.K. special relationship." Thesis, Monterey, California: Naval Postgraduate School, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/42685.

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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited
Britain established in 1940 the first national nuclear weapons program in the world, and this gave Britain credibility in participating in the U.S.-led Manhattan Project during World War II. Despite the interruption in U.S.-U.K. nuclear cooperation in 1946-1958 owing to the McMahon Act, since 1958 the United States and the United Kingdom have worked closely in the nuclear domain. Indeed, since the 1962 Nassau Summit, the United States has sold submarine-launched ballistic missiles (SLBMs) and support systems to the United Kingdom. In 1980 and 1982, London chose to modernize its nuclear deterrent with Trident SLBMs. The British made a similar decision in 2006, and it may be reconfirmed in 2016 with legislation to construct a new fleet of Trident nuclear ballistic missile submarines. Britain has been motivated to remain a nuclear weapons state in order to protect its own national security interests and to contribute to the security of its NATO allies in an unpredictable international security environment.
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14

Sun, Meng Qi. "Analysis of India's nuclear strategy :why India insist on developing nuclear weapons?" Thesis, University of Macau, 2015. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3335229.

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15

Stanton, Lowell S. "U.S./NATO sea-based non-strategic nuclear deterrence : paradox or pitfall?" Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/26832.

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16

Navias, Martin Stephen. "The Sandys White Paper of 1957 and the move to the British new look : an analysis of nuclear weapons, conventional forces and strategic planning 1955-57." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 1989. https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/the-sandys-white-paper-of-1957-and-the-move-to-the-british-new-look--an-analysis-of-nuclear-weapons-conventional-forces-and-strategic-planning-195557(bd864f27-997b-427d-8f3c-9f75e7934bbd).html.

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17

Minamide, Alyssa M. "Deterring Nuclear Attacks on Japan: An Examination of the U.S.-Japan Relationship and Nuclear Modernization." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1165.

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This paper evaluates the effectiveness of the U.S. nuclear weapons arsenal in covering security commitments with its foreign allies, particularly Japan. The U.S. has promised to defend allies all over the world with nuclear forces, and consequently has been forced into a delicate and precarious position. President Barack Obama wants to reach nuclear zero, which would make the world safe from nuclear destruction in the future; yet he also wants to provide security for allied nations in the present, using the
very weapons he has marked for destruction. And he is facing an aging Cold War-era nuclear arsenal that needs serious repairs and upgrades in order to remain a credible and capable deterrent. This paper argues that while the U.S nuclear posture up to this point has been satisfactory enough to prevent panic and ensure protection of Japan, the evolving nuclear posture from this point onward will strengthen the credibility of existing security commitments, deter potential attackers, and give Japan the confidence to become a more coordinated partner in the relationship. Components of the paper include the evolution of U.S. nuclear strategy and deterrence, the three historical occurrences of tensions between the U.S. and Japan over nuclear issues, and the current concerns and actions in the alliance today.
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18

Geelhood, Philip. "Deterrence of nuclear terrorism via post-detonation attribution is the United States on target?" Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2009. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2009/Dec/09Dec%5FGeelhood.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Homeland Security and Defense))--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2009.
Thesis Advisor(s): Knopf, Jeffrey. Second Reader: Davis, Zachary. "December 2009." Description based on title screen as viewed on February 1, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: Nuclear terrorism, nuclear forensics, attribution, deterrence, risk of nuclear terrorism, probability of nuclear terrorism, consequences of nuclear terrorism, post-detonation response. Includes bibliographical references (p. 83-95). Also available in print.
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19

Moshaver, Z. "The question of nuclear weapons proliferation in the Indian subcontinent." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.234604.

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20

LaBauve, Jeffrey W. "China and Japan's strategic nuclear relationship." Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2009. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2009/Sep/09Sep%5FLaBauve.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Far East, Southeast Asia, and the Pacific))--Naval Postgraduate School, September 2009.
Thesis Advisor(s): Twomey, Christopher P. "September 2009." Description based on title screen as viewed on 5 November 2009. Author(s) subject terms: Deterrence, Japan, China, Nuclear Missile Defense. Includes bibliographical references (p. 57-66). Also available in print.
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21

Sens, Allen Gregory. "NATO and the INF controversy : nuclear weapons, deterrence, and the Atlantic Alliance." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/28280.

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The Intermediate-Range Nuclear Force (INF) controversy was one of the most intense intra-Alliance debates experienced by NATO. The depth of the dispute, especially between the US and the European NATO members, threatened the very unity and cohesion of the Alliance itself. The INF controversy was the result of two factors: first, the establishment of strategic parity by the Soviet Union which brought into question the credibility of the US security guarantee to Europe; and second, the widening gap in the political and strategic interests of the US and its European allies. These factors combined to produce the two central--and conflicting--forces at work during the INF debate. The Europeans sought strategic reassurance, in the form of theatre-nuclear systems, to restore the integrity of the seamless web of deterrence. The divergence of political and strategic interests between the US and Europe, however, meant conflict over the posture and character of any new force. In the interests of preserving the unity of the Alliance, these problems were "solved" in typical Alliance fashion; through compromising to a consensus. The December 12 decision was based on erroneous and outdated conceptions of the significance of nuclear weapons for deterrence in Europe. What NATO planners, and many western analysts, have failed to recognize is the diminishing effectiveness of US nuclear weapons in maintaining effective deterrence in Western Europe. Deterrence in Europe is not primarily dependent on US nuclear forces and the threat of deliberate nuclear escalation they imply. Rather, deterrence in Europe should be understood as a compound product of many risk factors. Henceforth, thinking about NATO's deterrent requirements must recognize the limited utility of successive deployments of US nuclear forces as a deterrent. Greater reliance must be placed on the deterrent value of other risk factors which exist in the European theatre, most notably the increasingly powerful and discriminating capabilities of the French and British nuclear forces.
Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
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22

Lun, Kit-ming Kimmy. "The People's Republic of China (PRC) as a nuclear power in the post-Cold War era : strategic intentions and security concerns /." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1996. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B20715195.

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23

Below, Tim D. Q. "Options for US nuclear disarmament : exemplary leadership or extraordinary lunacy? /." Maxwell AFB, Ala. : School of Advanced Air and Space Studies, 2008. https://www.afresearch.org/skins/rims/display.aspx?moduleid=be0e99f3-fc56-4ccb-8dfe-670c0822a153&mode=user&action=downloadpaper&objectid=5cd8bc33-01ca-4efc-9def-842aaa95dd8c&rs=PublishedSearch.

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24

Pennie, K. R. "Analysis of superpower nuclear strategy : compellence as a competing paradigm to that of deterrence." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1991. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1150/.

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This thesis centers on that aspect of superpower strategic nuclear systems that lies beyond pure deterrence. Much has been offered under the rubric of deterrence, but little analysis of compellence has been attempted. Considering the widespread criticisms of deterrence theory, this is surprising. A comprehensive look at nuclear strategy from the conceptual framework of compellence helps clarify the limits of deterrence and indicates that deterrence and compellence are increasingly interrelated. To demonstrate these assertions, this dissertation provides a quantitative and qualitative analysis of intercontinental nuclear systems. The thesis is that nuclear strategy in the United States and the Soviet Union from 1970-1986 may be described at least equally well by compellence rather than deterrence. By looking closely at technological capabilities, the real capability of these nuclear systems can be more accurately determined. This analysis includes an assessment of how these nuclear systems could interact in combat, based on a Soviet correlation of nuclear forces model. This is the first time in the West that this model has been used for this purpose. It provides a unique Soviet perspective on nuclear strategy. This dissertation begins with the theoretical basis of deterrence and compellence, and then establishes two models based on these two concepts which provide the conceptual framework for the dissertation. The second chap ter examines the theoretical basis for arms control based on each paradigm. The next two chapters address alternately the American and the Soviet nuclear strategies, attempting to draw out the deterrent and compellent aspects therein. The fifth chapter narrows the focus to the role of arms control in identifying actual nuclear strategy; to what extent are the superpowers attempting to achieve foreign policy objectives in SALT I, SALT II and START. The sixth chapter considers the NATO-Warsaw Pact relationship to determine to what extent the superpowers are using their respective alliance systems in their strategic interrelationship. The next three chapters analyze quantitatively and qualitatively the American and Soviet strategic nuclear force structures to determine a correlation of forces trend and develop some predictions as to the viability of each force structure in supporting its respective strategy. The paradigmatic analysis of superpower nuclear strategy clearly portrays the limitations of deterrence as an explanation for international strategic behaviour. The compellent paradigm is shown as a reasonable alternative that in many ways better explains what has happened in superpower strategic relations from 1970-1986.
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25

Yetgin, Murat. "Strategic interactions between the United States and North Korea : deterrence or security dilemma? /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2003. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/03Dec%5FYetgin.pdf.

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26

VEENEMAN, DENNIS RICHARD. "RELATIVE AND ABSOLUTE GAINS AND THEIR IMPACT IN THE DECISION MAKING PROCESSES OF CONVENTIONAL AND NUCLEAR WAR." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2003. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1061223391.

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27

Miranda, Cristobal M., and Cristobal M. Miranda. "Towards A Balanced U.S. Nuclear Weapons Policy." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/620870.

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Nuclear weapons remain salient to international security and stability given their continued existence within the strategic context of interstate relations, as well as their continued proliferation to state actors and potentially to non-state actors. Since the end of the Cold War, the U.S. and Russia have dramatically reduced their nuclear arsenals; however, the U.S and Russia today still have the large majority of the world's nuclear inventory, with thousands of nuclear weapons each and plans to maintain these large stockpiles. The central question of this study is-how does one reconcile the size and continued existence of the U.S. nuclear arsenal with U.S. nonproliferation policy and the U.S. commitment to pursue nuclear disarmament? This study's primary argument is that a nuclear-armed state can craft a weapons policy involving nuclear posture and force structure that balances the requirements of nuclear deterrence with nuclear nonproliferation objectives and eventual nuclear disarmament, and that the U.S. has imperfectly pursued such a balanced nuclear weapons policy since the end of the Cold War. This study's primary policy recommendations are that the U.S. nuclear arsenal can be reduced further and the U.S. can modify its nuclear posture to limit the role of nuclear weapons; such nuclear weapons policy changes that limit the mission and size of U.S. nuclear forces would demonstrate genuine commitment to nuclear nonproliferation and progress towards nuclear disarmament, while also maintaining a strategic deterrence capability for the foreseeable future. The pursuit of a balanced nuclear weapons policy will allow the U.S. to function as a genuine actor to positively influence the international nuclear environment towards a potentially nuclear-free world. Ultimately, global nuclear disarmament will likely require major developments within the international system, including the solving of the world's major security issues.
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28

Smith, Derek Delbert. "Deterrence and counterproliferation in an age of weapons of mass destruction." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2004. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:a1dc826c-f25d-4581-89e7-5371dafa43f9.

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Faced with America's conventional military superiority, many countries are turning to weapons of mass destruction as a means to deter U.S. intervention in their affairs. At the same time, 11 September 2001 awakened the United States to a degree of vulnerability it had never experienced before, making it increasingly unwilling to tolerate such weapons in the hands of unstable and unpredictable regimes, particularly those with connections to terrorist organizations. These twin fears of American encroachment and American vulnerability create a modern security dilemma, forming a vicious cycle of insecurity that challenge straditional notions of deterrence. It is unquestionable that the United States possesses the strategic capabilities to retaliate with devastating effect to any attack, but regional asymmetries of interest may tip the scales of brinksmanship in favor of potential adversaries, thereby dissuading American involvement in responding to global security threats. While this might be a welcome change to some, the United States is developing Counter proliferation options to prevent, protect against, or destroy threatening weapons reserving the right to use preemptive force in order to retain freedom of action abroad and protect the homeland. This is a worthwhile objective, but deterrence will never be guaranteed by American strength, and unprovoked wars of disarmament will inevitably spark yet further proliferation and hatred toward the United States. Ultimately, the only reliable road to peace lies in nurturing and broadening friendly relations with nations that share the goal of destroying the threat posed by catastrophic weapons of mass murder and terror.
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倫潔明 and Kit-ming Kimmy Lun. "The People's Republic of China (PRC) as a nuclear power in the post-Cold War era: strategic intentions andsecurity concerns." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1996. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B3121342X.

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30

Stanford, David L. "Assessing the influence of the United States' nuclear deterrent on the China-Japan security relationship." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/4988.

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To what extent has the United States' guaranteed nuclear deterrent to Japan influenced the security relationship between China and Japan? The conventional wisdom holds that while the overall balance of U.S. influence has been to both ameliorate and exacerbate tensions between Tokyo and Beijing, Washington's nuclear guarantees in particular have served to reduce tensions by helping to prevent a nuclear-armed Japan. Much scholarly work has been dedicated to analyzing the U.S. impact on the China-Japan relationship generally and the prediction of increased tensions resulting from changes to the U.S. nuclear umbrella (namely, development of ballistic missile defense). However, little attention has been paid to assessing how the magnitude and direction of U.S. influence have varied over time and whether the predictions of a worsening Sino-Japanese security dilemma have come to fruition. Conducting a historical analysis of the period 1945-present, this thesis finds that the influence of U.S. extended deterrence is more nuanced. While the strongest influence has been to ameliorate long-term hostilities, the influence most frequently felt was exacerbation of short-term tensions. This influence notwithstanding, this thesis finds that changes in the U.S. nuclear guarantee to Japan have infrequently been associated with changes in the China-Japan security relationship.
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31

Zink, Jeffrey Aloysius. "An analysis of the morality of intention in nuclear deterrence, with special reference to final retaliation." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1990. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:bc275bf1-4cbb-497a-a266-20995574cbdb.

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Quite apart from its apparent political obsolescence, the policy of nuclear deterrence is vulnerable to attack for its seemingly obvious immorality. Nuclear war is blatantly immoral, and nuclear deterrenec requires a genuine intention to resort to the nuclear retaliation which would precipitate such a war. Therefore, since it is wrong to intend that which is wrong to do, deterrence is immoral. This thesis seeks to examine the nature of the deterrent intention as a means of verifying the soundness of the above deontological argument. This examination is carried out by first suggesting an acceptable notion of intention in general and then, after analysing the views of deterrent intention by other writers, proceeding to demonstrate the uniqueness of that intention. Having done this, and having explored the possibility that deterrence need not contain a genuine intention to retaliate, the thesis moves on to suggest and defend a moral principle which states that endeavours requiring the formation of an immoral intention may nevertheless be moral. Called the Principle of Double Intention (and based on the Principle of Double Effect), it offers a method for the moral assessment of agents who form immoral intentions within larger contexts. By applying this principle to nuclear deterrence, it is demonstrated that agents who undertake such a policy may be morally justified in doing so, provided certain conditions are met. The thesis closes with a refutation of the objection that an agent cannot rationally form an intention (such as that required in deterrence) which he has no reason to carry out. By highlighting the objection's reliance on a claimed isomorphism between intention and belief, it is shown that the objection, while generally sound, does not apply to the special case of nuclear deterrence. The conclusion suggests a framework for disarmament which results in a deterrent force structure which is both strategically effective and morally acceptable.
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32

Khan, Saira. "Nuclear proliferation in protracted conflict regions : a comparative study of South Asia and the Middle East." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape10/PQDD_0015/NQ55346.pdf.

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33

Ovšonka, Pavol. "NUCLEAR WEAPONS AS A TOOL OF NORTH KOREAN FOREING POLICY." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-113618.

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In 1990's, the North Korean leaders opened the military nuclear program in order to avoid the collapsing trend which affected many totalitarian regimes at that time. Thanks to the specific geographical position, Inter-Korean dispute became a very important issue of foreign policy of many great powers such as United States of America, People's Republic of China, Japan, or Russian Federation. This nuclear program is generally considered as a tool of threatening in order to maintain the regime and secure the food and energy assistance. In this thesis, the North Korean threatening policy is applied to various concepts dealing with the deterrence theory introduced by many authors.
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34

Coward, Louise. "Attitudes to nuclear defence : an investigation of processes of change in elite and non-elite belief systems." Thesis, University of Bradford, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/4241.

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The recent developments in negotiations to reduce nuclear weapons in Europe mark a watershed in attitudes towards nuclear deterrence and security. On the one side lie all the old beliefs and assumptions about nuclear defence and security that have been common parlance for the last forty years and more. On the other side lies a unique opportunity to develop a new relationship of increased mutual trust between East and West that could ultimately lead to substantial reductions in the world's nuclear arsenal. The object of this thesis is to establish how much information already exists about attitudes towards nuclear deterrence and the processes of attitude change. From there, to extend these boundaries of knowledge in the belief that if we are able to understand more exactly what people think about nuclear deterrence, why they hold these attitudes and how attitudes change then we will be in a better position to ease the transitional stage between one set of attitudes and another.
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Lefeez, Sophie. "An examination of the validity of the concept of nuclear deterrence within the framework of post-cold war international relations : an analytical conflict resolution approach." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/827.

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Nuclear deterrence is born from the two superpowers’ relations during the Cold War as they were the first countries to get nuclear weapons and they were the main and most powerful rivals in the world. Then new actors joined the game by testing their own nuclear bombs: the UK in 1952, followed by France in 1960, China in 1964, India in 1974, and Pakistan in 1998. Israel pretends it does not have any nuclear weapons but it is an open secret that they do 1. France helped Israel to get its weapons and the nuclear explosion in 1979 off the southern coast of Africa probably involved Israel and South Africa (sourced by the Federation of American Scientists, the Wisconsin Project on Arms Control, the Center for Defense Information, etc.). This was confirmed by Mordechai Vanunu, former Israeli scientist who worked on developing the bomb. The intrusion of new nuclear countries frightened the United States and the USSR because the balance was already fragile and newcomers could break it. Would the game remain "safe" with more players? Therefore in 1968 both countries drafted a treaty to prevent nuclear proliferation. The Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) came into force in 1970, at a time when five countries had successfully achieved a nuclear explosion. The NPT officially recognises only these five countries as nuclear-weapons states. They happen to be also the five permanent member states of the UN Security Council. India and Pakistan carried out a nuclear test after 1968 and are therefore referred to as non-official nuclearweapons states. The new nuclear states adopted and adapted the nuclear doctrine to their needs, their geopolitical interests and their place in international relations.
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Scholz, Fernando. "Implicações da dissuasão nuclear como capacidade de poder : o caso indiano." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/132900.

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O presente trabalho desenvolve o tema da dissuasão nuclear, partindo de uma discussão teórica sobre alguns conceitos desenvolvidos pela escola neorrealista de Relações Internacionais. Especificamente entra em consideração a obra de Kenneth Waltz e de John Mearsheimer, com vistas à elucidação de termos como poder, polaridade e capacidade nuclear. Num segundo momento, para fazer um contraponto à escola neorrealista, são abordados autores dos Estudos Estratégicos, com destaque para Bernard Brodie, Thomas Schelling, Lawrence Freedman, Colin Gray e Eugenio Diniz. Procura-se retratar, entre outros fatores, a evolução do pensamento estratégico nuclear ao longo da Guerra Fria. O trabalho também é permeado por questões relacionadas com uma elaborada explanação do que vem a ser dissuasão nuclear, aqui entendida como capacidade de poder. Embora grande parte do esforço desse trabalho esteja voltada para questões de cunho teórico, o refinamento da literatura permite, inerentemente, que o debate se estenda para o campo prático/político. Verificar quais são os pré-requisitos para um país ser considerado uma potência nuclear, bem como o significado e as implicações práticas disso tudo, permeiam grande parte da presente pesquisa. Acima de tudo, cabe verificar quem a Índia é capaz de dissuadir com as suas forças estratégicas/nucleares. Após a apresentação de um breve panorama securitário do subcontinente indiano, para que se tenha uma maior e melhor compreensão do que levou a Índia a se nuclearizar, o capítulo final desenvolve o tópico das implicações da dissuasão nuclear como capacidade de poder, aplicado ao caso indiano.
This dissertation deals with the topic of nuclear deterrence and takes as its starting point a theoretical discussion of some of the concepts presented by the neorealist school of International Relations. In particular, this paper focuses on the work of Kenneth Waltz and John Mearsheimer, explaining terms like power, polarity and nuclear capacity. Secondly, in order to provide a kind of foil or counterpoint to the neorealist school, this dissertation presents the views of various authors from the field of Strategic Studies, particularly Bernard Brodie, Thomas Schelling, Lawrence Freedman, Colin Gray and Eugenio Diniz. Among other things, the investigation traces the evolution of nuclear strategic theory during the period of the Cold War. The dissertation also deals with issues related to the meaning of nuclear deterrence, seen here as power capability. Although the main focus of this research has to do with theoretical matters, the literature that was taken into consideration also allows one to branch out into the more practical field of politics. Thus, a good deal of the research centers on the prerequisites that have to be met before a nation can be considered a nuclear power and the meaning and practical implications of this. Above all, what needs clarification is whom or which countries India is able to deter with the nuclear or strategic power at its disposal. Therefore, after a brief presentation of the security landscape of the Indian subcontinent, which will allow one to gauge why India decided to go nuclear, the last chapter of this dissertation takes up the implications of nuclear deterrence as power capability, as it applies to India.
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37

Kwak, Geunho. "Deterrence and engagement U.S. and North Korean interactions over nuclear weapons since the end of the Cold War." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2008. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2008/Dec/08Dec%5FKwak.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Far East, Southeast Asia, Pacific))--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2008.
Thesis Advisor(s): Moltz, James Clay. "December 2008." Description based on title screen as viewed on January 30, 2009. Includes bibliographical references (p. 99-112). Also available in print.
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38

Lombard, Alex. "Second-Strike Nuclear Forces and Neorealist Theory: Unit-Level Challenge or Balance-of-Power Politics as Usual?" Thesis, Department of Government and International Relations, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/2158.

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ABSTRACT: What are the implications of second-strike nuclear forces for neorealism? The end of the Cold War yielded a unipolar structure of international politics defined by the military, economic, and political preponderance of the United States. According to balance-of-power theory, which lies at the heart of neorealism, unipolarity has a short life span as secondary states waste little time in rectifying the global imbalance of power. Thus far, America remains unbalanced. Are we to take this as a refutation of balance-of-power theory? My thesis argues that second-strike arsenals render void the need to balance superior American military power. But because state survival is contingent not only upon military invulnerability (for which nuclear weapons are a sure guarantee), but also upon economic invulnerability (for which there is no absolute remedy), nuclear-weapon states are impelled to balance superior economic power for security reasons. By recasting balance-of-power theory in light of these assumptions, one can make sense of the great-power politics of the post-Cold War era.
N/A
Department of Government and International Relations
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39

Civelik, Ismail. "Russia And The Western Missile Defense Initiatives: Towards A Partnership In The Making?" Master's thesis, METU, 2012. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12614197/index.pdf.

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This thesis analyzes the Western missile defense initiatives and their role in Russia'
s relations with NATO and the U.S. The main question of this thesis is whether the Western missile defense initiatives have paved the way for a new era of cooperation between Russia and the West or not. The main argument of this thesis is that Russia has failed to collaborate with NATO in a meaningful manner on missile defense issue as Russia has not adjusted its security policies and nuclear strategy, which are still based on the Cold War thinking, to the changing conditions of global security in the post Cold War era. The missile defense initiatives have a negative impact on the relations between Russia and the West due to the intransigent stance of Russia on this issue. A robust cooperation can only be achieved between Russia and NATO if Moscow changes its Cold War mentality about global security issues.
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40

Deillon, Jean Pascal. "Nuclear ambitions in southwest Asia : Israel, Pakistan and Iran." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2010. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/1392.

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This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf.edu/Systems/DigitalInitiatives/DigitalCollections/InternetDistributionConsentAgreementForm.pdf You may also contact the project coordinator, Kerri Bottorff, at kerri.bottorff@ucf.edu for more information.
Bachelors
Sciences
Political Science
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41

Geiger, Luana Margarete. "A política nuclear norte-coreana : dissuasão, nacionalismo e relações regionais." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/180927.

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O presente artigo tem como objeto de estudo a política nuclear norte-coreana e analisa as suas origens e motivações históricas. O programa nuclear começou a ser desenvolvido na década de 1950 e evoluiu paulatinamente ao longo das três gerações do regime Kim (Kim Il Sung, Kim Jong Il, Kim Jong Un). A compreensão do que está por trás da política nuclear pressupõe o estudo das relações regionais que compõem as dinâmicas do Nordeste Asiático e envolvem os interesses, não apenas das duas Coreias, mas também da China, da Rússia, do Japão e dos Estados Unidos. A percepção das assimetrias regionais, bem como concepções acerca da política externa pós-revolucionária, contribuem para o entendimento da racionalidade da política nuclear da Coreia do Norte. A partir da revisão bibliográfica pertinente ao tema e da análise histórica do desenvolvimento nuclear norte-coreano, concluiu-se que a política nuclear é trabalhada como recurso de dissuasão e é elemento fundamental da estratégia de sobrevivência nacional.
The purpose of this article is to study the North Korean nuclear policy, analyzing its origins and historical motivations. The development of the nuclear program began in the 1950s and evolved gradually over the three generations of the Kim regime (Kim Il Sung, Kim Jong Il, Kim Jong Un). Understanding what lies behind the nuclear policy presupposes studying the regional relations that create the dynamics of Northeast Asia and engulf not only the interests of the two Koreas but also of China, Russia, Japan and the United States. The perception of regional asymmetries, as well as conceptions related to post-revolutionary foreign policy, contribute to the comprehension of the rationality behind North Korea's nuclear policy. Through the literature review of the relevant bibliography and the historical analysis of North Korean nuclear development, it was concluded that the nuclear policy is conducted to provide deterrence and represents a fundamental component of the national survival strategy.
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42

Hoekstra, Tijmen. "In Search of a Posture of Peace : Nuclear deterrence and the possibility of a Non-Offensive Defence with examples of India, Pakistan and Kazakhstan." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Institutionen för globala politiska studier (GPS), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-45436.

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This thesis takes the initial steps to find what it calls a ‘posture of peace’, a counterpart to what Hobbes refers to as a posture of war (Hobbes 1651/2004: 79)1. A posture of war representsdefensive initiatives that can be interpreted by others as a certain preparation for conflict, and its base definition is used as a template to formulate an initial version of a posture of peace2.While keeping this concept as an overarching theme throughout the thesis explores the concepts of nuclear posture and a credible minimum deterrence (CMD) through the examples of India and Pakistan. While the thesis discusses four different nuclear postures, there really are only two categories, namely the pro-nuclear and anti-nuclear posture. The main examples of pronuclear posture used here is the case of India and Pakistan, two geographical neighbouring Nuclear Weapon States (NWS) who have been experiencing ongoing frictions and conflicts since (and prior to) becoming nuclear powers. On the other side Kazakhstan serves as an example of an anti-nuclear posture and in regards to the nuclear debate a possible empirical example of a posture of peace. In addition to these postures there is also the concept of NonOffensive Defence (NOD), which is more exemplified in the Kazakhstan’s approach to their nuclear situation as well as their more contemporary initiative in collaboration with several other neighbouring states to form the Central Asia Nuclear Weapons Free Zone (CANWFZ). The thesis concludes that while NOD finds little support in pro-nuclear posturing, there is ample space for it over on the ani-nuclear posture side of the spectrum which in addition aligns more with the present interpretation of a posture of peace. Moreover, the CANWFZ initiative appears to be as close a perfect example of a NOD in the present case and as close as this stage of the research will come to observing a posture of peace.
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Kubiak, Katarzyna Anna [Verfasser], and Michael [Akademischer Betreuer] Brzoska. "Poland and the B61 : Theory-led Analysis of the Polish Official Position on American Extended Nuclear Deterrence in Europe / Katarzyna Anna Kubiak ; Betreuer: Michael Brzoska." Hamburg : Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek Hamburg, 2018. http://d-nb.info/1152384333/34.

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44

Jedinák, Marek. "Vliv Ruska a Spojených států na soupeření Izraele a Íránu na Blízkém východě: Jak se vypořádat s jaderným Íránem?" Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-193378.

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Main aim of this master's thesis is to answer the following research question: How to deal with nuclear Iran? Author explores this vast topic through lens of a neorealist paradigm in order to analyze the impact of Russia's and US influence over Israeli-Iranian rivalry in the Middle East. Discourse analysis has been chosen as a methodological blueprint to examine strategic dimension of Israeli-Iranian relations with a special emphasis on its nuclear dimension. In addition, a comparison of both possible military and peaceful solutions of Iranian nuclear program is stressed. Main empirical data used are infamous Israeli air-strikes on nuclear reactors of its neighbors; Osirak and Al-Kibar. Deterrence theory, especially its conventional realm, provides a basis for an assessment of strategic balance between State of Israel an Islamic Republic of Iran, in case Iran emerges as a nuclear power.
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45

Venables, Mark. "The place of air power doctrine in post-war British defence planning, and its influence on the genesis and development of the theory of nuclear deterrence, 1945-1952." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 1985. https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/the-place-of-air-power-doctrine-in-postwar-british-defence-planning-and-its-influence-on-the-genesis-and-development-of-the-theory-of-nuclear-deterrence-19451952(1c2445b8-0369-49ba-abe5-a927d2f6ee7a).html.

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46

Svensson, Griparic Janne. "Ryssland och missilförsvaret. En extern/intern analys av Rysslands negativa inställning till USA:s planerade missilförsvar i Polen och Tjeckien." Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-22841.

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Våren 2007 offentliggjorde USA planerna på att upprätta ett missilförsvar i Polen och Tjeckien som ett skydd mot missilangrepp från Iran. Från Ryssland blev reaktionen mot planerna kraftfull. Retoriken från Moskva påminde om kalla krigets dagar. Vilka är de bakomliggande orsakerna till denna starka reaktion? Syftet med studien är att undersöka vilka orsaker, såväl externa som interna, det är som styr den ryska inställningen. Studien är teorianvändande med teorier inom den politiska realismen som verktyg. Analysen genomförs i två delar där först externa och därefter interna orsaker till motståndet kartläggs. Förklaringen till motståndet inom den externa dimensionen finns i att missilförsvaret med en framtida utbyggnad kan komma att utgöra ett hot mot rysk andraslagsförmåga och därmed hota Rysslands kapacitet till kärnvapenavskräckning. Interna orsaker till motståndet finns i att såväl den ryska makteliten som Rysslands befolkning anser att landet är utsatt för ett hot från USA. Då Ryssland är väl sammanhållet inom fyra avgörande interna områden ges möjligheten för den förda utrikespolitiken.
In the spring of 2007 the United States went public with its plans to build a missile defence system in Poland and the Czech Republic as a protection to missile attacks from Iran. The Russian reaction to the plans was harsh. The Moscow rhetoric reminded of the Cold War days. What are the underlying reasons to this strong reaction? The purpose of this essay is to analyse what reasons there are, both external and domestic, that direct the Russian attitude. The essay uses theories from the political realism as tool. The analysis is done in two parts where first external and then domestic reasons to the attitude are surveyed. The reason to the attitude is in the external dimension to be found in the fact that the missile defence, if in the future extended, may poses a threat to Russian second strike capacity and by that poses a threat to Russian nuclear deterrence capacity. Domestic reasons to the attitude are to be found in the fact that both the ruling political elite in Russia as well as the Russian population believes that the country is subject to threat from the United States. As Russia is well united in four crucial domestic areas, the possibility for the current foreign policy is given.
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47

Filip, David. "Atomová zbraň jako nástroj míru." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2010. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-124639.

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Regarding the existence of nuclear weapons, which were never used all over atomic bombings of Nagasaki and Hiroshima as a tool of war against civilian or military targets during the Cold War, I try to give an explanation of "armed peace". I consider the question of why the two superpowers (the USA and the USSR) didn't start a "hot war" that would have been more likely nuclear. As an example of the most critical event will serve me Cuban Missile Crisis, with which can be the description of it understood in broader context. The paper points to the interrelations of opposing ideologies that related to atomic weapons have often drawn the same conclusions. I examine the military-strategic value of the atomic bombs which have shaped international relations troughtout the second half of the twentieth century. Besides the military aspects I also mention economic interpretation of the nuclear arms race and economic potential of the USSR and the USA. Why have in the first instance occured one-sided and than gradually overall disarment, reducing the number of nuclear warheads? I try to documented the explanation out of historical events also by using teoretical models.
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48

Hagström, Christoffer. "Anledningar till staters anskaffande och behållande av kärnvapen och faktorer som påverkar staters kärnvapenpolitik." Thesis, Örebro University, Department of Social and Political Sciences, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-4831.

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The purpose of this thesis is to explain why states obtain nuclear weapons and the role various

actors and interests play in the making of states´ nuclear policies. The main questions are as

follows: (1) What big theories exist concerning states obtaining nuclear weapon and nuclear

armament in International Relations and what relevance do they have of the post cold-war period?,

(2) What is the meaning of the perspective of the Military-Industrial Complex (MIC)?, and (3)Are

there empirical studies which supports the existence of a MIC in the United States?

The focus lies on actors and driving forces that are internal to states and it is also important to

investigate if the theories have relevance for the post 9/11-era. The study uses the method of

qualitative literature-study with some quantitative segments. It is claimed that states might be

interested in justifying their behaviour in a morally appealing way and that real reasons may be

hidden. There are many reasons for states to obtain and keep nuclear weapons and related

technology (which includes many of the most lucrative elements of the arms industry´s sales).

Among this reasons are that arms and related technology may be used to influence other states and

nuclear weapons-construction and modernisation might be used to protect the state from external

threats, stop unwanted interference from other actors, secure job and gain recognition and prestige

in world politics. For security reasons states might hold onto their own nuclear weapons and try to

hinder other actors from getting access to them. The internal actors and driving forces we look at

are bureaucratic, economical and political, and the MIC-perspective. The military can be said to

have interests in as much resources and capabilities as possible, which includes advanced

weaponary such as nuclear weapons and related technologies, at its disposal because of the goal to

defend the state from all possible threats and for officers career reasons. Much of its influence is

said to come from its expert knowledge and position and it is said to be especially influential in

matters of foreign policy, military spending and foreign policy. The major economical actors

mentioned are big corporations involved in military spending and these have interests in

maximizing profits. Nuclear weapons making and maintenance and the related areas of missile

defense and delivering methods for nuclear weapons seem to be areas with high changes of being

profitable for the involved major companies. The actors wield influence for example through

lobbying and campaign contributions. An economic driving force claim is that state spending is

necessary for stimulating the economy and defense spending is easily justified in other ways.

Political actors and driving forces concerns politicians interest in promoting the interests of

supporting groups, there are indications that the weapon industry is such a group. Research have

shown various results about the extent politicians tend to further the interests of supporting groups.

The MIC-perspective talks about groups with interest in high levels of military spending. Most

researchers seem to agree that the complex exists but there are different opinions about what actors

belongs to it and its power on various issues. There is some mention of the core of the complex

consisting of such internal actors as mentioned above. MIC-related empirical research has been

conducted and this author finds that the MIC is a relevant analytical tool for the post cold war – and

9/11 era.

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Meyer, Anthony Lee Isaac. "Determining the Significance of Alliance Pathologies in BipolarSystems: A Case of the Peloponnesian War from 431-421 BCE." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1464219367.

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50

Badde-Revue, Magdalena Antonia. "L'Allemagne fédérale et la défense de l'Europe : Le débat sur les missions de la Bundeswehr, de la création de la RFA a l'unification allemande." Thesis, Paris 3, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010PA030025.

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Du réarmement de l’Allemagne fédérale en 1955 jusqu’aux nouvelles missions actuelles à l’étranger mandatées par une organisation internationale et au nom de la défense des droits de l’homme, la Bundeswehr a accompli une évolution singulière, différente des armées des autres nations. Créée de toutes pièces, après la défaite de la 2e guerre mondiale, selon une conception tout opposée à la Wehrmacht et sous la contrainte qu’imposait la Guerre froide, elle s’est ensuite adaptée au gré des menaces et des détentes, mais sans jamais avoir d’autres missions que celle pour laquelle elle a été conçue : défendre l’Europe au sein de l’Alliance atlantique contre l’expansionnisme communiste. La RFA a cherché à se positionner parmi les nations non-nucléaires de l’OTAN et tout en tentant de participer la décision en matière nucléaire. Elle a cherché à faire valoir ses intérêts à travers l’influence que les gouvernements et les chanceliers de tous bords se succédant ont pu exercer sur les deux puissances à l’Est et à l’Ouest, mais aussi à travers l’engagement résolu pour la construction européenne, en concert avec la France. Elle a fait de même par les positions que ses ministres de la Défense et ses représentants civils et militaires ont occupées au sein de l’OTAN. Cette remarquable continuité a abouti à la chute du mur de Berlin et à la fin du monde bipolaire. La Bundeswehr a dû en conséquence à l’instar de son organisme de tutelle, l’Alliance atlantique, se redéfinir et prendre des responsabilités plus importantes dans les conflits européens et mondiaux, sans pour autant abandonner sa doctrine initiale liée à la « Loi fondamentale »
From the rearmament of Western Germany in 1955 to the today « new missions » under UN mandate and on behalf of the protection of human rights, the “Bundeswehr”, i.e. the German Armed Forces, has been evolving in quite a different way from the other nations. As a matter of fact, the Bundeswehr was set up from scratch after the World War 2 defeat as an armed force based on a conception opposite of the previous Wehrmacht and under the constraints of the Cold War. It then tried to adapt to the various threats and policies of détente but without diverging from its fundamental mission: the defence of the European territory against communist expansion. At that time, Western Germany tried to find its place among the NATO non nuclear States while participating in the nuclear decision making process. It also pushed forward its national interests through the particular influence of its governments and prime ministers on both western and eastern nations and helped promote the EU construction in cooperation with France. It conducted the same policy within NATO. This remarkable political continuity led to the fall of the Berlin Wall and the end of the bipolar world. From that moment on, the Bundeswehr had, just as NATO, to redefine and accept wider responsibilities in European and world conflicts while maintaining its original political doctrine enshrined in its Fundamental Law
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