Academic literature on the topic 'Despotism – Europe – History'
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Journal articles on the topic "Despotism – Europe – History"
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Paula, Fábio De Souza de, and João Emílio de Assis Reis. "DO BERÇO DO CONSTITUCIONALISMO À SUA DIMENSÃO MODERNA: EUROPA E BRASIL/THE BITH OF CONSTITUTIONALISM TO ITS MODERN DIMENSION: EUROPE AND BRAZIL." Revista Diorito 1, no. 1 (August 1, 2017): 32. http://dx.doi.org/10.26702/rd.v1i1.8.
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RESUMO Este estudo descreve o constitucionalismo, do berço à sua dimensão moderna com alguns momentos relevantes para a compreensão na atualidade, com evidência na Europa e no Brasil. Uma trajetória histórica com diversidade geográfica, cultural, social e política tem marcado a evolução do constitucionalismo em diferentes épocas da existência humana desde o período da barbárie, do despotismo marcado pela monarquia até chegar ao surgimento do Estado Moderno e do Neoconstitucionalismo nos dias atuais.Palavras-chave: História do Constitucionalismo. Brasil. Europa. ABSTRACTThis study describes the constitutionalism, the cradle of the scale with some modern times relevant to understanding today, with evidence in Europe and Brazil. A historical trajectory with geographic diversity, cultural, social and political has marked the evolution of constitutionalism in different epochs of human existence from the terror periods, marked by monarch despotism until the emergence of the modern state and neoconstitutionalism today.Keywords: History of Constitucionalism. Brazil. Europe.
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Jacobsen, Stefan Gaarsmand. "Limits to Despotism: Idealizations of Chinese Governance and Legitimizations of Absolutist Europe." Journal of Early Modern History 17, no. 4 (2013): 347–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700658-12342370.
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Abstract The term “oriental despotism” was used to describe all larger Asian empires in eighteenth century Europe. It was meaningful to use about the Ottoman, Mughal and Chinese empires. However, this did not mean that all Europeans writing on Asian empires implied that they were all tyrannies with no political qualities. The Chinese system of government received great interest among early modern political thinkers in Europe ever since it was described in the reports that Jesuit missionaries had sent back from China in the beginning of the seventeenth century. The descriptions of an ethical and political bond between emperor and administrators in China and of specific administrative organs in which age-old principles were managed made a great impression on many European readers of these reports. Although it did not remain an undisputed belief in Europe, many intellectuals held China to be a model of how the power of a sovereign could be limited or curbed within an absolutist system of government. This article investigates three cases of how the models of China were conceived by theorists reading Jesuit reports and how they subsequently strategically communicated this model to the courts of Prussia, Austria, and Russia. These three ambitious European monarchies have been regarded to give rise to a form of “enlightened absolutism” that formed a tradition different from those of England and France, the states whose administrative systems formed the most powerful models in this period. Rather than describing the early modern theories about China’s despotism as a narrative parallel, but unrelated to the development of policy programs of the respective states, this article documents how certain elements of the model of China were integrated in the political writings of Frederick II of Prussia, Joseph II of Austria, and Catherine II of Russia. Thus, in addition to the history of political thought on China, the article adds a new perspective to how these monarchs argued for fiscal reforms and a centralization and professionalization of their administrations.
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Çirakman, Asli. "FROM TYRANNY TO DESPOTISM: THE ENLIGHTENMENT'S UNENLIGHTENED IMAGE OF THE TURKS." International Journal of Middle East Studies 33, no. 1 (February 2001): 49–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743801001039.
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This study aims to examine the way in which European writers of the 16th, 17th, and 18th centuries represented Ottoman government. The Ottoman Empire had a special place in European experience and thought. The Ottomans were geographically close to Western Europe, yet they were quite apart in culture and religion, a combination that triggered interest in Turkish affairs.1 Particularly important were political affairs. The Ottoman government inspired a variety of opinions among European travelers and thinkers. During the 18th century, the Ottomans lost their image as formidable and eventually ceased to provoke curiosity in the European public. They were no longer dreaded as the “public calamity”; nor were they greatly respected as the “most modern government” on earth. Rather, they were regarded as a dull and backward sort of people. From the 16th century to the 19th century, the European observers employed two similar, yet different, concepts to characterize the government of the Ottoman Empire. The concept of tyranny was widely used during the 16th and 17th centuries, whereas the concept of despotism was used to depict the regime of the Ottomans in the 18th century. The transition from the term “tyranny” to that of “despotism” in the 18th century indicates a radical change in the European images of the Ottoman Empire. Although both of these terms designate corrupt and perverse regimes in Western political thought, a distinction was made between tyranny and despotism, and it mattered crucially which term was applied to the Ottoman state. European observers of the empire gave special meanings to these key concepts over time. “Tyranny” allowed for both positive and negative features, whereas “despotism” had no redeeming features. Early modern Europeans emphasized both admirable and frightening aspects of Ottoman greatness. On the other hand, the concept of despotism was redefined as inherently Oriental in the 18th century and employed to depict the corruption and backwardness of the Ottoman government. This transformation was profoundly reflected in the beliefs of Europeans about the East. That is, 18th century thought on Ottoman politics contains a Eurocentric analysis of Oriental despotism that is absent from the discussions of Ottoman tyranny in earlier centuries.
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Lozhkin, Eugeny. "The influence of Swedish Constitutionalism on the Russian policy of the "Northernism" of the late XVIII century." Polylogos 6, no. 4 (22) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s258770110021683-3.
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In this article the author proposes a new approach to understanding the period of the reign of the Emperor Paul I. The author draws parallels between the history of Russian and Swedish constitutionalism of the second half of the XVIII century, and argues for the typological similarity of the "Gustavian era" in Sweden and the reign period of the Paul I in Russia. At the same time, the politics of Paul I was based on the identification model of Russian “northernism” prevailing in the last third of the 18th century, within which the special role of Russia in the region of northern Europe was designated. Giving the necessary historical and political context, the author reconstructs the internal logic of the evolution of the political worldview of Paul I, who consistently developed from a constitutional to an absolute monarchy. It is suggested that solving of the problematic notion of Paul as a liberal and enlightened heir apparent and, at the same time, a despotic autocrat, can be interpreted within the framework of the transition from «enlightened absolutism» to «enlightened despotism».
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Gluck, Mary. "In Search of “That Semi-Mythical Waif: Hungarian Liberalism”: The Culture of Political Radicalism in 1918–1919." Austrian History Yearbook 22 (January 1991): 96–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800019895.
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In contemporary discussions of the new, post-Communist regimes of Eastern Europe, Hungary is often given pride of place as the most “liberalized” society in the region. Although this perception is based on undeniable political and economic facts, it is also nourished by long-established historical traditions and myths. During the revolutions of 1848–49, Hungarians were also hailed by European opinion as the champions of liberty and heroic resistance to oppression. Over half a century later, in the wake of the political and military collapse of the Habsburg monarchy, Hungary once again staged a series of dramatic revolutions which earned it the reputation of being part of a political avant-garde. And in 1956, Hungarians yet again assumed the mantle of political idealism and revolutionary self-sacrifice in the face of foreign despotism.
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ROSENBERG, CLIFFORD. "Population Politics, Power and the Problem of Modernity in Stephen Kotkin'sMagnetic Mountain." Contemporary European History 23, no. 2 (April 2, 2014): 193–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777314000095.
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Did population policy under Stalin differ, in any fundamental respect, from those of inter-war France or other Western countries? In a radical rethinking of the Soviet experience, Stephen Kotkin said no.Magnetic Mountainmoved the field of Soviet history past an increasingly sterile cold war standoff between the so-called new social history and the totalitarian school. With the social history generation, Kotkin insisted on seeing the Soviet project from the perspective of ordinary people, subject to the same kind of forces that applied throughout Europe. He had no truck with ideas like oriental despotism or Russian exceptionalism, but, with the totalitarian school, he took ideology seriously, presenting everyday life and high politics within a single analytical frame. To do so, he drew eclectically on a range of theoretical perspectives, above all on the work of the late Michel Foucault. Foucault often implied that Auschwitz and the Gulag were the logical outcome of the Enlightenment project, but his primary goal was to illuminate the corrosive, coercive nature of liberal reform efforts in Western Europe, to puncture their claims to universality. The vast bulk of his corpus avoided the twentieth century. Kotkin, by contrast, used Foucault's perspective directly on the Soviet system itself.
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Kivelson, Valerie. "Merciful Father, Impersonal State: Russian Autocracy in Comparative Perspective." Modern Asian Studies 31, no. 3 (July 1997): 635–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00017091.
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Comparative analyses traditionally have done Russian history no favors. Invidious comparisons have situated Russia firmly in a context of backwardness relative to the West. The term ‘medieval’ customarily applies to Russia until the era of Peter the Great, that is, until the early eighteenth century, and even the least condemnatory scholars point out similarities between Muscovite Russia of the fourteenth through seventeenth centuries and early medieval tribal formations of northern Europe. Along with ‘backwardness,’ comparative history has customarily found in Russia an example of extraordinarily oppressive autocratic despotism, while at the same time, and omewhat contradictorily, decrying the incompetence and rampant corruption of the central state apparatus. These and other unflattering comparative generalizations arose in the observations of Western travellers who recorded their impressions of Russia in the early modern period and have continued in the writings of scholars and journalists to this day.
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WHATMORE, RICHARD. "ETIENNE DUMONT, THE BRITISH CONSTITUTION, AND THE FRENCH REVOLUTION." Historical Journal 50, no. 1 (February 13, 2007): 23–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x06005905.
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Etienne Dumont became famous in the early nineteenth century for taking Jeremy Bentham's incoherent manuscripts and editing them into readable books which he translated into French. This article focuses on Dumont's earlier life, and specifically his Genevan background, to explain his work for Mirabeau in the first years of the French Revolution and his ultimate sense of the importance of Bentham's system of legislation. The article explains why Dumont's Genevan origins caused him to promote reforms in France intended to establish domestic stability and international peace. Dumont believed that states across Europe needed to combine free government with moral reform, in order to stifle the growth of democracy. The extent of the danger posed by popular government to modern societies was, in Dumont's view, the major lesson of the French Revolution. An alternative reform project to democracy was necessary, but one that did not entail a return to monarchical or aristocratic despotism. The characteristics of Dumont's planned reform became clear by adopting a comparative perspective on events in France. In developing a comparative perspective, Dumont argued that the history of Britain since 1688 needed to be in the foreground. He was perplexed by the French rejection of Britain's political and constitutional model, and explained many major developments at Paris in 1789 by reference to what he considered to be this peculiar fact. After the Terror, Dumont lost his faith in experiments in constitution building as a means of securing the independence of free states like Geneva. Bentham's great achievement was to have provided an alternative system of legislation that would transform national character gradually, making reform politics compatible with domestic and international peace. For Dumont, Bentham established a bulwark against the enthusiasm and democratic excess, and this was the key to utilitarianism as a moral reform project.
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Smirnova, Ekaterina. "Roman Emperors in Dostoevsky’s Calligraphic Notes to The Idiot." Неизвестный Достоевский 7, no. 4 (December 2020): 177–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.15393/j10.art.2020.4994.
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The article focuses on clarifying the role of names of Roman emperors in Dostoevsky’s calligraphic records in his notebooks of the late 1860s (Russian State Archive of Literature and Art. Funds 212.1.6 and 212.1.7). One of the reasons for Fedor Dostoevsky’s invocation of images and themes from Roman history was the idea characteristic of the educated class of the mid-19th century, namely, that the history of Rome is a model of virtues and example of vices and atrocities, and is therefore essential to everyone who is not indifferent to the fate of humankind. Since the writer’s creative reflections mainly refer to Gaius Julius Caesar and the rulers of the first two centuries (and the first three dynasties) of the Imperial Period, the writer’s interest in the Roman Caesars must be correlated with his assessment of Imperial Rome in the I—II centuries as the time of strengthening the sole nature of the Emperor’s power and the spread of the Imperial cult, on the one hand, and the formation of Christianity, on the other. At the same time, Dostoevsky’s attention was drawn to Attila and Romulus Augustulus, whose names are associated with the final pages of the history of the Western Roman Empire. For Dostoevsky, Not only texts authored by ancient and Christian authors, but also images of Imperial Rome in contemporary literature and journalism became the sources of associations and motifs associated with the Roman Caesars for Dostoevsky. The most important nuances of meaning were born from the comparison of ancient Roman history with the new history of Western Europe and Russia. The evolution of the subject of calligraphic notes in The Idiot is significant: in the initial drafts of the novel the emphasis was placed on the despotism and monstrosity of the Roman rulers, while the notes for the final version concentrated on the reflection of the history of Imperial Rome and its fate in the Apocalypse.
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Ryabinin, Alexei. "The East, the West, and the World History." Oriental Courier, no. 3-4 (2021): 57. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s268684310017999-6.
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The author raises in the article an important question of human civilization development: what contribution the East has made to the centuries-long evolution of society. The author emphasizes that, despite the low attention to the countries of the East in the World History books, it was the “Eastern” way that laid down by the great despotisms: Ancient Mesopotamia, Ancient Egypt, Ancient India, Ancient China, and was the main way of human development. Indeed the “Western path” did not appear immediately in Europe itself: both Minoan and Mycenaean Greece developed along the Eastern path, and only in Homeric Greece did the features of “Western” development begin to emerge, more clearly manifested in archaic Greece. The author concludes that such a “Western” emerged as a result of historical coincidence. The author turns to the similarities between the Eastern and Western paths of development, reinforcing them with examples from the history of Ancient Mesopotamia, Ancient Egypt, and Ancient China. The author pays special attention to the ancient Chinese model of statehood as a special kind of transformation of the supreme power. Many scholars record the presence in Ancient China in the 8th–7th centuries B.C. of the socio-political and political-administrative system typologically like the one that existed in Western Europe in the 11th–13th centuries. Ryabinin asks the question: “Why did this socio-political and politico-administrative system in Ancient China cease to exist?”. By the 8th–7th centuries, the Chinese state practice during the time of confrontation with the barbarians developed a new model of the political system and mobilization economy which did not allow the Chinese society to rebuild and avoid the format of a despotic regime. According to the author, the concept of “feudalism” in terms of relations within the ruling stratum does not belong exclusively to Western Europe. “Feudalism” as a system of vassal-loyal relations, for example, can also be observed in certain areas of India. Accordingly, the uniqueness of the European way of developing political systems lies not in democracy but something else. The paper emphasizes that this peculiarity is the priority of the wealthy people associated primarily with the market. It was those people who determined the main direction of the development of ancient society both in Classical Greece and in Republican Rome.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Despotism – Europe – History"
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KISER, EDGAR VANCE. "KINGS AND CLASSES: CROWN AUTONOMY, STATE POLICIES, AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT IN WESTERN EUROPEAN ABSOLUTISMS (ENGLAND, FRANCE, SWEDEN, SPAIN)." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/184073.
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This dissertation explores the role of Absolutist states in the transition from feudalism to capitalism in Western Europe. Three general questions are addressed: (1) what are the determinants of variations in the autonomy of rulers? (2) what are the consequences of variations in autonomy for states policies? and (3) what are the effects of various state policies on economic development? A new theoretical framework, based on a synthesis of the neoclassical economic literature on principal-agent relations and current organizational theory in sociology, is developed to answer these three questions. Case studies of Absolutism in England, France, Sweden, and Spain are used to illustrate the explanatory power of the theory.
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Smidt, Andrea J. "Fiestas and fervor: religious life and Catholic enlightenment in the Diocese of Barcelona, 1766-1775." The Ohio State University, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1135197557.
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MARGREITER, Klaus. "Konzept und Bedeutung des Adels im Absolutismus." Doctoral thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5892.
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Defence date: 19 December 2005Examining board: Prof. Jaap Dronkers, European University Institute ; Prof. James Van Horn Melton, Emory University ; Prof. Regina Schulte, Ruhr-Universität Bochum (Supervisor) ; Prof. Bernd Wunder, Universität Konstanz
First made available online: 26 October 2016
In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the Central and Western European nobilities underwent a major process of transformation, which affected not only its material basis and the conditions of power. As a result of its changed social profile, its legitimation had to be readjusted in order to meet the demands and the requirements of the Early Modern state. The central feature of its new ideological concept was the assumption that the nobility formes a hereditary ruling class, both qualified for and entitled to power on account of inherited substantial superiority. By using its privilege of ennoblement, the imperial government exerted significant influence on the shaping of a new model nobility, which was intended to be an elite of loyal and dependent subjects. The analysis of contemporary characterisations and definitions of the term nobility and of arguments, given by applicants for ennoblement to prove their claim for noble superiority demonstrate that the entire notion of nobility was gradually changing from a concrete corporate body, legally defined by privileges, towards a status symbol.
Books on the topic "Despotism – Europe – History"
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1946-, Miller John, ed. Absolutism in seventeenth-century Europe. Basingstoke: Macmillan Education, 1990.
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Miller, John, 1946 July 5-, ed. Absolutism in seventeenth century Europe. Basingstoke: Macmillan Education, 1990.
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Despotism and capitalism: A historical comparison of Europe and Indonesia. Saarbrücken: Breitenbach, 1985.
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Wilson, Peter H. Absolutism in Central Europe. London: Taylor & Francis Group Plc, 2004.
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Absolutism in central Europe. London: Routledge, 2000.
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Absolutism in Central Europe. London: Taylor & Francis Inc, 2004.
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Mooers, Colin Peter. The making of bourgeois Europe: Absolutism, revolution, and the rise of capitalism in England, France, and Germany. London: Verso, 1991.
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Perry, Anderson. Lineages of the absolutist state. London: Verso, 1986.
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The making of bourgeois Europe: Absolutism, revolution, and the rise of capitalism in England, France, and Germany. London: Verso, 1990.
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1946-, Scott H. M., ed. Enlightened absolutism: Reform and reformers in later eighteenth-century Europe. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Macmillan, 1990.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Despotism – Europe – History"
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"THE LIMITATIONS OF ENLIGHTENED DESPOTISM." In Age of the Democratic Revolution: A Political History of Europe and America, 1760-1800, Volume 1, 373–408. Princeton University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv1nj34z5.15.
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"XII. The Limitations of Enlightened Despotism." In The Age of the Democratic Revolution: A Political History of Europe and America, 1760-1800, 280–306. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781400850228-015.
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Fuglestad, Finn. "Historiography, Sources and Epistemology." In Slave Traders by Invitation, 37–56. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190876104.003.0003.
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Apart from a discussion of the voluminous historiography (due in part to the fascination with the reputedly despotic and tyrannical Dahomey), this chapter addresses the central problem of the abundant but biased – because mainly European – sources. The second problem the chapter addresses is how to write African history with an inadequate Eurocentric conceptual framework, but the only one available so far. Finally, it looks at how the focus on Dahomey has resulted in a somewhat imbalanced historiography. A problem apart is constituted by the oral traditions; in many cases they serve as propaganda, but they provide valuable information about the world outlook, beliefs and fabric of the relevant societies.
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Khan, Maryam Wasif. "Martyr/Mujāhid: Muslim Origins and the Modern Urdu Novel." In Who Is a Muslim?, 126–64. Fordham University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5422/fordham/9780823290123.003.0005.
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This chapter traces the rise of Muslim nationalism within the large network of twentieth-century Urdu literary journals and print novels. While this period is best-known for the subversive works of All-India Progressive Writer’s Movement, a Bloomsbury-inspired collective in India, the powerful, looming influence of a parallel set of Muslim nationalist writers—Rashid ul-Khairi, Nasim Hijazi, and Razia Butt—has gone unnoticed in literary histories both in the Euro-Amerian academy and in Urdu. Composed largely from the 1920s into the 1970s, the novels of these nationalist writers resituate the once-itinerant, despotic Mahometan in terms offered by colonial modernity: nation, state, language. Within these mainstream works, which include Hijazi’s wildly successful Muhammad bin Qāsim (1945) and Butt’s enduring Bānō (1971), the Muslim qaum, or nation, is envisioned in terms of a single origin and its onward history: the caliphate or Mecca, and the revived relevance of mujāhids, or warriors who fight in the name of Islam for the purpose of creating a separate Muslim state called Pakistan.