Books on the topic 'Design interdependency'

All federal systems face an internal tension between divisive and integrative political forces, striking a balance between providing local autonomy and representation on one hand and maintaining an integrated political community on the other hand. How multi-level systems strike this balance depends on the development of styles of either integrated politics, which creates a shared framework for political competition across the units of a federation, or independent politics, preserving highly autonomous arenas of political life. This book argues that the long-term development of integrated or independent styles of politics in multi-level systems can be shaped by two key elements of federal institutional design: the degree of fiscal decentralization, or how much is ‘at stake’ at each level of government, and the degree to which the allocation of policy jurisdiction creates legislative or administrative interdependence or autonomy. These elements of federal institutional design shape integrated and independent politics at the level of party organizations, party systems, and voter behaviour. This book tests these arguments using a mixed-method approach, drawing on original survey data from 250 subnational party leaders and aggregate electoral data from over 2,200 subnational elections in seven multi-level systems: Canada, the United States, Australia, Austria, Germany, Switzerland, and Spain. It supplements this with configurational analysis and qualitative case studies.

Rapid changes in technology are altering some of the basic ways in which we interact with our world, as seen in the evolution of the telephone to mobile phone to smart phone. These technological changes are ushering in new methods of data collection and analysis, which also open up new types of research questions and designs for couple researchers. This chapter reviews current and emerging methods for data acquisition and analysis in relationship science. Data acquisition methods include mobile technology and context-specific ecological momentary assessment, as well as behavioral signal-processing techniques to quantify such data. Analytic methods cover mixed models and actor–partner interdependence models, as well as a broad introduction to machine learning techniques that are appropriate for massive datasets.

For a given division of labor, (potential) breakdowns of integration can be traced to either motivational or knowledge-related sources (or both). Integration failures arising from coordination problems require managing the need for and/or the extent of predictive knowledge; those arising from cooperation problems require managing the valence of interdependence. A fruitful area for further enquiry awaits the student of organization design at the intersection of these sources of integration failure. I outlined two possible approaches: a closer look at the interactions between knowledge and motivation-related issues, or a coarser bundling of both into the construct of integration. In particular, given the behavioral assumptions of adaptive rationality, thinking of integration of effort as a search problem may be an area of high research potential. It can help understand organizations as “marvels but not miracles”—how boundedly rational designers can nevertheless organize boundedly rational agents towards accomplishing goals.

This chapter considers the interdependence among the quality levels of government institutions. Citizens of democratic societies are consumers of institutional output and the quality they demand from individual institutions is posited to be a function of the joint quality of all institutional output. Specifically, the quality of institutions is hypothesized to enter into consumers’ preferences in a supermodular fashion. An implication of this is that citizens will tend to desire institutions of the same quality; thus resource constrained democratic governments will tend to match the quality level of their complementary institutions. The Nash equilibrium concept is employed to show that multiple equilibria will result, and that a stable equilibrium exists at a low level of quality.

Using the example of Ohio and its media markets, this chapter discusses the geographic distribution of respondents resulting from alternative sampling schemes. Traditional survey research designs for gathering information on voter attitudes and behavior usually ignore variability in context in favor of representation of a target population. When sample sizes are large, these polls also provide reasonably accurate estimates for focal subgroups of the electoral population. As the examples here show, conventional polls frequently lack the variations in geographic context likely to matter most to understanding social environments and the interdependence among voters, limiting variation on such continua as urban and rural, economic equality and inequality, occupational differences, exposure to physical environmental conditions, and a variety of other factors that exhibit spatial variation. The chapter calls for more surveys that represent exposure to a broader range of social and physical environments than researchers have produced up to now.

We are in a struggle for the very soul of democracy, and all that we hold dear - interdependence, reason, compassion, respect for all human beings, and stewardship of the natural world that sustains us,– is under direct, unabashed assault. This book is meant for those who are concerned about dangers to our democracy, and to our social health as a nation. It is for those who desire to work for social justice, and to respond to essential protests by enacting progressive change. The stories offered in this book provide examples of the critical work being done to create generative interdependence: a community that fully values diversity and connection, that nurtures creativity and scientific rigor, and that embodies responsibility for others and the freedom to find new and better ways of living out, and creating, expansive human communities of connection, respect and cooperation. In this book, we will explore the worlds of social enterprise, impact investing, and other attempts to create economic systems that are environmentally sound and economically just. And we will study the way in which universities and colleges are educating students to be critical participants in creating a truly just and sustainable social order. In each of these instances, activists are working from positions of power to transform institutional practices and structures to foster justice and equality. Their work, “after the protests are heard,” aims at actually enacting social change once injustices are brought to light.

On the one hand, the idea of a capitalist peace is a set of loosely integrated, but testable propositions. On the other hand it is part of a wider, libertarian philosophy of life. The spirit of this wider conception is best expressed by a quote from a pioneer of quantitative international politics, in 1981 Rummel wrote, “If you want peace, then minimize the power of government.” Although there has been a proliferation of variables assessing capitalism and economic interdependence—from economic freedom via contract intensity to the avoidance of state ownership or protectionism—the most frequently analyzed proposition about the capitalist peace says that trade makes military conflict and war less likely. By and large, the evidence supports this proposition in dyadic designs as well as in monadic designs. This cross-design validity of the proposition is important, because it distinguishes the peace by trade proposition from the democratic peace proposition. Most researchers agree that war is extremely unlikely in dyads where both nations are democracies. But only a minority contends that democracies are less frequently involved in military conflict than other states. The dyadic and the monadic findings are compatible because military conflict looks even more likely between an autocracy and a democracy than between two autocracies. Whereas the democratic peace is limited in application, the pacifying impact of trade or economic interdependence is more general. Moreover, the democratic peace may be embedded in a wider economic or capitalist peace. There is strong evidence that democracy rests on a foundation of capitalism or economic freedom and the prosperity that has been gained only by capitalism or some degree of economic freedom. Moreover, economic freedom and prosperity contribute to the avoidance of civil war. Better still: Economic freedom does not only promote economic growth and prosperity among those nations where people enjoy economic freedom, but the economic freedom of rich countries provides poor countries with the advantages of backwardness and catch-up opportunities.Capitalist peace theory evolves. It has been suggested that the pacifying impact of trade rests on the expectation that trade, or access to resources and markets, will continue. This suggestion requires a new look at economic sanctions, too. By interfering with trade, sanctions must undermine the expectation of future benefits of trade and globally interconnected markets. Given the rareness of evidence in favor of the effectiveness of economic sanctions in eliminating undesirable policies of other nations, a capitalist peace perspective implies the recommendation to use sanctions much less frequently than politicians do. They are likely to eliminate a pacifying factor when it is most urgently needed.The wider or visionary perspective on the capitalist peace is useful not only in connecting it with the issue of sanctions, but also in demonstrating the inherent limitations of capitalism as a tool to achieve peace. From a static perspective, capitalism, economic freedom, or trade may exert some pacifying impact, as argued above. But capitalism is a dynamic economic order. It is about “creative destruction”. Capitalism is not egalitarian. Nations grow at different speeds. They rise and decline. Capitalism and unequal economic growth upset pecking orders and contribute to power transitions that are related to risks of war, especially great power war. Whether the contribution of capitalism to power transitions—or its pacifying impact prevails—cannot be judged with much confidence.

Course-focused and comprehensive, the Textbook on series provide an accessible overview of the key areas on the law curriculum. This chapter provides a brief account of a new form of landholding, called ‘commonhold’. Commonhold is a new system of land-holding introduced by Part 1 of the Commonhold and Leasehold Reform Act 2002, which came into force on 27 September 2004. Commonhold was designed to facilitate freehold ownership of ‘interdependent properties’; that is, individual units such as flats in an apartment building, homes in a retirement village, and workshops or offices on an industrial estate. The chapter discusses the disadvantages of leasehold ownership; how commonhold works; and the current lack of interest in the commonhold system.

Taiwan was the first acquired country to be placed on the Japanese overseas empire after the resounding victories of the Sino-Japanese War in 1895. This acquisition was not a primary objective of the Japanese imperial power, but it was a desire to undermine and to unseat Chinese influence over the strategic positions of Korea and southern Manchuria that encouraged Japanese aggression. The incorporation of Taiwan into the Japanese Empire reveals the particular historical relationship of Japanese colonialism in the geopolitics of global colonialism. The author emphasizes two issues in this chapter: (1) the particularization of Japanese imperialism and colonialism are different and unique, highlighting the interrelationship and interdependency of the Japanese case with the generality of global capitalist colonialism; and (2) the lack of the decolonization process in the separation of the Japanese Empire has prevented both Japan and Taiwan from addressing and confronting their colonial relationship and the overall Japanese colonial legacy.

By 1960, William O. Jenkins was an octogenarian of thrifty habits, still pursuing his love of farming, but leftist leaders and journalists made him a political football, their critiques of his business practices designed to whip up sentiment against the dominant conservative wing of the ruling Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI). The context was the Cold War, made tenser by the Cuban Revolution, with ideological battles between left and right using increasingly strident rhetoric; thus the name of the infamous gringo became a key rhetorical tool. This episode is a point of departure for laying out the book’s five key themes: the growth of Mexican capitalism in often adverse circumstances; interdependence between business and political elites; the role of the states, such as Puebla, in cultivating that bond and shifting national politics to the right; the evolution and political uses of gringophobia; and similarities between business in the United States and Mexico.

Gods are agents believed to be largely free from the constraints that limit the agency of humans, and have been imagined with features that frequently collide with the theological expectations nurtured by contemporary monotheistic religions. Traditionally, gods have demanded offerings, which create a relation of interdependence between gods and humans. Divine qualities can be understood as produced by the projection of intensified human characteristics upon imaginary beings, by means of two processes: the desire to leave behind the limitations that afflict us, and the inescapable tendency to conceive the world as if it were populated by beings analogous to us. In order to understand the gods, therefore, one must focus on the unresolvable tension between the gratuitousness and the deliberateness of their deeds; between their neediness and their self-sufficiency; between their human-like nature and their otherness; between their omniscience and the realization that their minds cannot but be like ours.

Taking as its starting point the formative role of fear in Spinoza’s thought, this book argues that Spinoza’s vision of human freedom and power is realised socially and collectively. It presents a new critical study of the collectivist Spinoza, wherein we can become freer through desire, friendship, the imagination, and transforming the social institutions that structure a given community. A freedom for one and all, attuned to the vicissitudes of human life and the capabilities of each one of us to live up to the demands and constraints of our limited autonomy. It repositions Spinoza as the central thinker of desire and freedom, and demonstrates how the conflicts within his work inform contemporary theoretical discussions around democracy, populism and power. Spinoza’s politics and their development are analysed both philosophically and historically. The argument approaches Spinoza’s texts critically, presenting new findings from the Latin. It critically engages with diverse hermeneutic traditions in Spinoza studies, from continental readings of Spinoza’s ontology and politics to more analytical or historicist Anglophone approaches to his epistemology and metaphysics, alongside recent work sensitive to the socially useful roles of the imagination and the affects. The book sets out new concepts to work through with Spinoza like commonality, collectivity, unanimity and interdependence, and analyses existing debates around democracy, the multitude, slavery and autonomy. Its overarching claim is that freedom in Spinoza is a necessarily political endeavour, realised by individuals acting cooperatively, requiring the development of socio-political institutions and communal imaginings that can realise the common good.

Global policy making is unfurling in distinctive ways above traditional nation-state policy processes. New practices of transnational administration are emerging inside international organizations but also alongside the trans-governmental networks of regulators and inside global public—private partnerships. Mainstream policy and public administration studies have tended to analyse the capacity of public sector hierarchies to globalize national policies. By contrast, this Handbook investigates new public spaces of transnational policy making, the design and delivery of global public goods and services, and the interdependent roles of transnational administrators who move between business bodies, government agencies, international organizations, and professional associations. This Handbook is novel in taking the concepts and theories of public administration and policy studies to get inside the black box of global governance. Transnational administration is a multi-actor and multi-scalar endeavour having manifestations at the local, urban, sub-regional, subnational, regional, national, supranational, supra-regional, transnational, international, and global scales. These scales of ‘local’ and ‘global’ are not neatly bounded and nested spaces but are articulated together in complex patterns of policy activity. These transnational patterns represent an opportunity and a challenge for the study of both public administration and policy studies. The contributors to this Handbook advance their analysis beyond the methodological nationalism of mainstream approaches to re-invigorate policy studies and public administration by considering policy processes that are transnational and the many new global spaces of administrative practice.

Within the international society, law and diplomacy have always been complementary and interdependent. However, lawyers and diplomats deal with international issues differently, making them rivals to be the primary mode of international interaction. Diplomacy is the art and practice of conducting negotiations between representatives of states; it usually refers to international diplomacy, the conduct of international relations through the mediation of professional diplomats with regard to a full range of topical issues. Nations sometimes resort to international arbitration when faced with a specific question or point of contention in need of resolution. For most of history, there were no official or formal procedures for such proceedings. They were generally accepted to abide by general principles and protocols related to international law and justice. International law is the set of rules generally regarded and accepted as binding in relations between states and between nations. It serves as a framework for the practice of stable and organized international relations. Much of international law is consent-based governance. This means that a state member is not obliged to abide by this type of law, unless it has expressly consented to a particular course of conduct, or entered a diplomatic convention. Interdisciplinary courses, like diplomacy and international law, are designed to help one think critically about diplomatic and international legal issues in real-life contexts, while applying theory to practice and addressing some of the key questions facing the world today.