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Bakhturina, Alexandra Yu. "Documents from the Latvian State Historical Archive on the Situation of German Citizens in Riga at the Beginning of the First World War." Herald of an archivist, no. 2 (2020): 368–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2020-2-368-379.
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The article discusses the information potential of the documents from the Latvian Historical Archive for studying policy of the Russian government towards subjects of adversary states in the First World War. Citizens of Germany and Austria-Hungary who were in Russian regions, where at the beginning of the First World War the martial law was imposed, were subject to administrative deportation to the Central and Eastern gubernias of the Russian Empire as prisoners of war. This problem is being studied mainly on the basis of documents from the central archives, which does not permit to reconstruct the complete picture of what had happened. The article analyses the lists, petitions of deported German citizens, correspondence of police officials, statistical data, and orders of the administration of the governorate of Livonia. Drawing on these documents, it studies social and age composition of the deportees, reconstructs courses of action of the gubernia government. It is noted that petitions of deportees have a strong emotional impact, as they draw pictures of difficult life circumstances of those forced to leave their place of residence and travel far into Russian lands. The emotional intensity of these documents needs to be balanced by using record keeping documents. Lists of deportees have notations on canceling of deportation for various reasons; they permit to introduce into scientific use statistics on the number of deportees. The archival documents suggest that the practice of deportation of adversary state subjects was not a standard procedure. At request, many of them were given a brief reprieve, some received permission to return to Riga later. By the winter of 1914-15, within German and Austrian subjects there were exuded categories of persons not to be subject to deportation (Czechs, Slovaks, French, widows who had previously been Russian subjects, their minor children, persons of over 60 and the sick).
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A. Abdulkarim, Bagian Aleyssa. "Changes in the Dimensions of Life of Filipino Deportees from Malaysia." Asian Social Work Journal 1, no. 1 (December 12, 2017): 17–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.47405/aswj.v1i1.6.
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This research examined the life experiences of Filipinos deported from Malaysia. Anchored on the symbolic interaction theory, the study sought to investigate how the interpretation of these experiences defined and shaped their personhood. It documented the life experiences of Filipino deportees before and after deportation from Malaysia to determine the consequences of such forcible repatriation on their health, socio-economic, cultural and psychosocial dimensions of life. The study looked into coping strategies with life changes focusing on deportation as a main turning point and identified this event’s differential treatment considering the variables of age and sex group. The research utilized a exploratory design and presented extensive case studies of 24 Filipino deportees, eight of which are included in this paper synthesized from in-depth interviews of deportees and key informants. Other technique used were non-participant observation and data gathering from records of government offices assisting the repatriates including the Department of Social Welfare and Development Region 9 and the Zamboanga City Philippines Social Welfare and Development Office. The study showed varying consequences of deportation with respect to the deportees’ health, socio-economic, cultural, and psychosocial condition. While all the respondents admitted having been adversely affected by their deportation there is evidence of remarkable resiliency and optimism as gleaned from their narrations. Deportees have varied interpretations of deportation in their lives. For some respondents, the experience meant re-connection and re-union with the family in the place of origin. For others, the experience meant free travel to their homeland. A number of respondents reported deportation was an opportunity to be free from detention, an experience which they described as "hell". Most of the deportees were stigmatized with the new identity, that of a Halau. Deportation was a shameful event to the family and friends but it has to be accepted because it happened and they made it happened. The respondents interpreted experience as evidence they were “meant to be at the lower rung of the ladder of life due to many reasons. Many reported the deportation experience meant they lost loved ones and felt diminished in individual worth and dignity. The recommendations that the study can make have been elucidated in the findings of the study which can be realize through policy formulation, advocacy, education/information, social networking and social services.
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Barrell, Ray J., and Sylvia Gottschalk. "Fiscal Policy in Europe." National Institute Economic Review 201 (July 2007): 33–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0027950107083047.
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In the past twelve months the government budget situation in Germany has improved markedly, and the budget deficit has moved from 3.2 per cent of GDP in 2005 to 1.7 per cent in 2006, with further improvements in prospect. Over the same period in France, the budget deficit moved marginally from 3 per cent of GDP in 2005 to 2.5 per cent of GDP in 2006. The prospects for further improvement appear limited as the new government plans to cut taxes to stimulate the economy. Projections for budget deficits are very uncertain, as they are the difference between two large numbers (receipts and spending) that are difficult to predict accurately. Figures 1 and 2 plot the errors around our budget projections for France and Germany based on stochastic simulations on NiGEM. The 95 per cent confidence limit for our forecast one year ahead is around 1 per cent of GDP around our central forecast, and uncertainty increases into the future. As we can see from figures 3 and 4, our forecast errors for France and Germany have been well within the 95 per cent bands in the past three years, except for our one year ahead forecast for Germany for 2006. The budget improved by 1.5 per cent of GDP more than we had anticipated, and this appears to have been due to unexpectedly high tax receipts, rather than to changed policy.
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Delsen, Lei. "Atypical Employment Relations and Government Policy in Europe." Labour 5, no. 3 (December 1991): 123–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9914.1991.tb00049.x.
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Chin, Low Choo. "The repatriation of the Chinese as a counter-insurgency policy during the Malayan Emergency." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 45, no. 3 (September 3, 2014): 363–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463414000332.
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During the Malayan Emergency, British High Commissioner Henry Gurney pushed the policy of repatriating to China thousands of ‘alien’ Chinese detainees suspected of supporting the Malayan Communist Party's guerrilla war. This article traces the stages of this controversial policy, which, despite obstacles, remained a key counter-insurgency strategy until 1953. But the policy ignored the civil war in China and risked jeopardising Sino–British relations. When China closed its ports, the British administration put forth more desperate proposals to continue repatriation, often in the face of Foreign Office objections, ranging from negotiations with the PRC, to dumping deportees on the coast of China, and even approaching the Formosan government. Yet, while the Chinese were the target of both harsh early counter-insurgency techniques and communist violence, when the faltering repatriation policy was replaced by the mass resettlement of ‘squatters’ in Malaya itself, the Chinese were given a path to citizenship, changing their political future and that of the nation.
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Bosworth, Mary. "Penal Humanitarianism? Sovereign Power in an Era of Mass Migration." New Criminal Law Review 20, no. 1 (2017): 39–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nclr.2017.20.1.39.
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Since creating the Returns and Reintegration Fund in 2008, the British government has financed a variety of initiatives around the world under the rubric of “managing migration,” blurring the boundaries between migration control and punishment. This article documents and explores a series of overlapping case studies undertaken in Nigeria and Jamaica where the United Kingdom has funded prison building programs, mandatory prisoner transfer agreements, prison training programs, and resettlement assistance for deportees. These initiatives demonstrate in quite concrete ways a series of interconnections between criminal justice and migration control that are both novel and, in their postcolonial location, familiar. In their ties to international development and foreign policy, they also illuminate how humanitarianism allows penal power to move beyond the nation state, raising important questions about our understanding of punishment and its application.
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Wauters, Patrick. "Benchmarking e‐government policy within the e‐Europe programme." Aslib Proceedings 58, no. 5 (September 2006): 389–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/00012530610692348.
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Collins, Susan M. "Policy Watch: U.S. Economic Policy Toward the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe." Journal of Economic Perspectives 5, no. 4 (November 1, 1991): 219–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jep.5.4.219.
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As the Soviet Union and the countries in Eastern Europe take steps towards market economies and democratic political systems, the U.S. and other western countries have been confronted by a range of difficult and important questions about the appropriate economic policy response. What role should government policies play? How much assistance should be given? In what form? What actual policies have been undertaken? Are they a lot or a little? At one extreme, some argue that the United States and other developed countries should finance the rebuilding of the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe—even though it may cost tens of billions of dollars per year, for at least a decade. At the other end of the spectrum are those who argue that Eastern Europe does not warrant official U.S. assistance, other than for humanitarian purposes, because the situation is just too precarious, because there are worthier uses of scarce government resources, or because any restructuring should be undertaken by the private sector. This paper suggests a framework for answering these questions that considers both the nations of Eastern Europe and recent proposals for direct assistance to the Soviet Union. It draws upon the valuable lessons to be learned from assistance to the developing countries and from historical experience.
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MacKenbach, Johan P., and Martin McKee. "Social-Democratic Government and Health Policy in Europe: A Quantitative Analysis." International Journal of Health Services 43, no. 3 (July 2013): 389–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/hs.43.3.b.
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Reher, Stefanie. "Gender and opinion–policy congruence in Europe." European Political Science Review 10, no. 4 (September 10, 2018): 613–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773918000140.
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Does public policy in Europe reflect women’s preferences equally well as men’s? This study compares the opinions of women and men with concrete policy on a set of 20 issues across a diverse range of policy areas in 31 European countries. It shows that the majorities of men and women frequently prefer the same policy. However, when they disagree, men’s preferences are more likely to be represented. Neither the proportion of women in parliament nor the left–right orientation of the government explains variation in women’s policy representation. Instead, a higher number of parliamentary parties increase the likelihood that policy reflects women’s views. This effect does not seem to be driven by left-libertarian politics or Green parties, even though women’s stronger support for ‘new politics’ issues is an important source of disagreement between men and women.
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Xu, Bo. "A Comparative Study of Language Educational Policy in China and Western Europe." Journal of Education, Humanities and Social Sciences 8 (February 7, 2023): 768–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/ehss.v8i.4351.
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Nowadays, English has become a very important communicative tool for people from non-English-dominant countries. The Chinese government has been trying to push its residents to keep this pace for decades while recently most Western European countries try to avoid English teaching to protect their languages and cultures. Most Chinese students have to study English when they enter Grade 3. The College English Test Band 4 (CET4) has been the basic examination for Chinese students for decades and some universities will even require their students to pass CET6. Certificates of proving passing CET4 and CET6 will also offer help in job hunting. Recently, Chinese government even released the “Chinese culture go abroad” which aims to teach students how to spread Chinese cultures in English. For Western countries, Germany government want to protect their language and maintain the use of English at the same time while English academic writing continues to develop in Italy even these triggered severe debates. Now the Chinese government can see their reward after policies released for decades as it has become one of the strong competitors on academic area while the objectors in Western Europe are still working hard to defend their opinions. However, there are problems with policies released by the Chinese government as some teachers will argue that learning English cost a huge part of students’ time.
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Hobolt, Sara Binzer, and Robert Klemmemsen. "Responsive Government? Public Opinion and Government Policy Preferences in Britain and Denmark." Political Studies 53, no. 2 (June 2005): 379–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.2005.00534.x.
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The ability of a political system to respond to the preferences of its citizens is central to democratic theory and practice; yet most empirical research on government responsiveness has concentrated on the United States. As a result, we know very little about the nature of government policy responsiveness in Europe and we have a poor understanding of the conditions that affect cross-national variations. This comparative study examines the relationship between public opinion and policy preferences in the United Kingdom and Denmark during the past three decades. We address two key questions: First, are the government's policy intentions driven by public opinion or vice versa? Second, do political institutions influence the level of government responsiveness? We suggest that public opinion tends to drive the government's policy intentions due to the threat of electoral sanction, and that this is more pronounced in proportional systems than in majoritarian democracies.
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Kovalchuk, Vitaliy, Iryna Sofinska, Taras Harasymiv, Ivan Terlyuk, and Maiia Pyvovar. "Parliamentary opposition and democratic transformation issues: Centraland Eastern Europe in focus." Cuestiones Políticas 40, no. 75 (December 29, 2022): 855–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.46398/cuestpol.4075.51.
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The article presents a framework for comparing the policy-making rights of the parliamentary opposition in the parliamentary democracies of Central and Eastern Europe (Czech Republic, Hungary, Lithuania, Poland and Ukraine). The right of the parliamentary opposition to oppose the government formed by the ruling majority is a fundamental feature of liberal democracy. The application of constitutional values (democracy and rule of law) in Central and Eastern European states demonstrates the actual level of fragmentation, polarization and cartelization of the opposition. The Rule of Law Index 2021 explicitly shows that, among the Central and Eastern European countries surveyed, Lithuania ranks 18th, the Czech Republic 22nd, Poland 36th, Hungary 69th and Ukraine 74th. The Rule of Law Index refers to limitations of government powers, absence of corruption, open government and other issues related to the mission of the parliamentary opposition. It is concluded that, the distance (not only ideological) between the ruling majority and the parliamentary opposition is based on the ability to form government, participation in policy making, scrutiny of strategy and (populist) government policy.
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Schapiro, Mark. "New Power for “Old Europe”." International Journal of Health Services 35, no. 3 (July 2005): 551–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/gyrm-92vr-h6m4-6hdq.
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The European Union's growing political clout is leading to new paradigms of environmental and health regulation. The E.U. is putting teeth behind new guidelines governing the toxicity of chemicals in consumer products, cosmetics, and automobiles that are forcing American companies to reconsider longstanding production practices. While U.S. government oversight over environmental and health concerns is being weakened, the E.U.'s strengthened governance over these and other arenas is rapidly, through the leverage of international trade, setting the stage for a new global standard. Europe's new standards present a historic choice to U.S. manufacturers: either conform to the E.U.'s preemptive screening for toxicity, or risk sacrificing the 450-million strong European market. The author explores the American response, and how the United States is slipping to the lower rungs of a double standard for protecting the health of citizens.
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Legge, J. S., and J. R. Alford. "Can Government Regulate Fertility? An Assessment of Pronatalist Policy in Eastern Europe." Political Research Quarterly 39, no. 4 (December 1, 1986): 709–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/106591298603900411.
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Legge, Jerome S., and John R. Alford. "Can Government Regulate Fertility? An Assessment of Pronatalist Policy in Eastern Europe." Western Political Quarterly 39, no. 4 (December 1986): 709. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/448273.
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Stoilova, D., and I. Todorov. "Fiscal policy and economic growth: Evidence from Central and Eastern Europe." Journal of Tax Reform 7, no. 2 (2021): 146–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/jtr.2021.7.2.095.
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This study aims to estimate the impact of three fiscal instruments (direct tax revenue, indirect tax revenue and government consumption expenditure) on the economic growth of ten new European Union member states from Central and Eastern Europe– Bulgaria, Czechia, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Romania, Slovakia and Slovenia. We examine the hypothesis about the effect of expansionary fiscal policy on economic growth. The study employs a vector autoregression and annual Eurostat data for the period 2007–2019. Four control variables (the shares of gross capital formation, household consumption, exports in GDP, and the economic growth in the euro area) are included in the model to account for the influence of non-fiscal factors on economic growth. The empirical results indicate that the real output growth rate in the ten new member states of the European Union is negatively affected by direct tax revenue, while economic growth in the euro area, exports and gross capital formation are positively related to economic growth. The results also imply that government consumption and indirect tax revenue have no significant impact on the growth rate of real output of the ten studied countries from Central and Eastern Europe. It may be inferred that policymakers in the new European Union member states can raise economic growth by encouraging exports and investment and by lowering the share of direct tax revenue in GDP. From the three analyzed fiscal instruments (direct taxes, indirect taxes and government consumption expenditure), only one has proven to be effective in the case of the new member countries.
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Ida, Yoram, and Gal Talit. "Israeli Government Policy on Non-Israeli Construction Workers." Migration Letters 20, no. 1 (January 31, 2023): 101–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ml.v20i1.2820.
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In Israel, there has been a severe shortage of housing units for several decades, due, among other things, to a shortage of skilled construction workers. The industry employs Palestinian labourers (since 1967) and migrant workers, mainly from Eastern Europe and China (since the 1990s). The Israeli government has changed its policy on the employment of non-Israeli workers several times. This article reviews these changes and discusses their successes and failures. The findings show that the shortage of workers in the construction industry in Israel might justify an increase in the quota of non-Israeli workers in the short term. However, in the medium and long term, measures must be taken to ensure implementation of planned reforms to reduce Israel's dependence on non-Israelis and encourage the integration of Israeli workers in the industry. This should be achieved mainly through technological improvements and a transition to industrialized construction.
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Cookson, Richard, and Alan Maynard. "HEALTH TECHNOLOGY ASSESSMENT IN EUROPE." International Journal of Technology Assessment in Health Care 16, no. 2 (April 2000): 639–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266462300101199.
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This paper discusses the challenges facing health technology assessment (HTA) in Europe, based on an explicit analysis of the characteristics of an “optimal” HTA system. It has three objectives: a) to elaborate an explicit system of policy goals and the characteristics of an optimal HTA system that facilitates the achievement of these goals; b) to identify the general institutional incentive barriers (government and market failures) that prevent the attainment of an optimal HTA system in Europe; and c) to argue that evaluation of the implications of health technologies for equity and inequality in health is an essential part of this optimal system and a considerable challenge for HTA decision makers, especially as national governments realign policy toward equity goals.
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Todo, Charles Oghenekparobor, and Edwin Ikechukwu Obisue. "A Statistical Investigation of Variables on Government Economic Policy Choices, Business Environments and Prices." International Journal of Mathematics and Statistics Studies 10, no. 2 (February 15, 2022): 26–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.37745/ijmss.13/vol10n2pp2639.
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Does government economic policy choices have effects on businesses and/or prices? Do they relate in some way? This is the issue the paper seeks to address. We collected data on government economic policy choices, businesses environments and prices from countries in Africa, Asia, America and Europe. The data were subjected to statistical investigation by calculating six correlation coefficients for each continent, ascertaining which variables are correlated, and getting the levels of correlations. The results empirically show that in three continents, government economic policy choices do have effects on the business environment. The continents are Africa (correlation between Govt. Debt to GDP growth and Corruption Index is 0.504488), Asia (0.488973), and America (0.515489). They are all in the same range. The correlation coefficient for Europe is very low (0.016655).
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HELLER, WILLIAM B. "Regional Parties and National Politics in Europe." Comparative Political Studies 35, no. 6 (August 2002): 657–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414002035006002.
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Parties participate in national politics that do not pretend to national presence. The author asks whether such parties affect policy outcomes and concludes that they do, albeit in unexpected ways. Basically, nonnational parties influence policy making under certain conditions by trading policy for authority. They help national parties get the policies they want in return for transfers of policy-making authority to regional governments. This willingness to support national policies with minimal amendment makes regional parties attractive partners for national parties in government. The author examines this argument in light of detailed evidence from Spain's minority Socialist and Popular Party governments in the 1990s, along with discussions of the role of regionalism in Belgian politics and of the relationship between the Scottish Nationalist Party and the Labour Party in the United Kingdom.
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Lugo, Stefano, and Giulia Piccillo. "The Relation between Corporate and Government Debt Maturity in Europe." Journal of Financial and Quantitative Analysis 54, no. 5 (October 8, 2018): 2119–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022109018001205.
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This article investigates the gap-filling explanation for corporate debt maturity choices in a multi-country setting. We argue that companies adjust their debt maturity in response to shocks in government debt maturity both at home and abroad; the difference between the two effects depends on the markets’ relative size and level of integration. Focusing on the European case and treating the Economic and Monetary Union as a shock in market integration, we find strong empirical support for our predictions. Our results have relevant implications for the opportunity for individual governments to use their debt maturity structure as a policy tool.
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Etzkowitz, Henry, and Alex Etzkowitz. "Europe of the Future and the Future of Europe: The Innovation/Austerity Choice." Industry and Higher Education 29, no. 2 (April 2015): 83–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.5367/ihe.2015.0250.
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Although innovation policy usually follows the business cycle, it is both desirable and possible to reverse this trend. Perhaps the most telling commentary on contemporary Europe is the silence that met the presentation, at the recent European Parliament Innovation Conference, of the Chinese R&D spending curve passing the European Union curve in 2013. This intersection is a symptom of a deeper divergence in response to economic downturn between societies committed to innovation and those committed to austerity. One response to downturn is to double down on fiscal stimulus to increase spending in the short term and to create jobs, exemplified by the early Obama Administration's relatively modest stimulus package. Another response is to pull back, decrease government spending or, at best, hold it constant, as in the UK. The optimal response, as exemplified by China's continuing infusion of resources into higher education and advanced technology development, is for government to pursue fiscal expansion targeted at innovation, providing short-term economic stimulus while accelerating the transformation from a manufacturing-based economy to a knowledge-based economy.
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Rosicki, Remigiusz. "Political topology of Europe." Przegląd Politologiczny, no. 4 (December 15, 2019): 71–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pp.2019.24.4.6.
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The objective scope of the analysis performed in the text encompasses selected aspects of policy in its topological dimension. The space of policy is understood as both a theoretical construct (a policy field) and relations between the characteristics of political actors and their special kind of geographical co-existence. The following have been recognised as essential characteristics of policymaking: (1) electoral process and pluralism, (2) functioning of government, (3) political participation, (4) political culture and (5) civil liberties. These features can become an object of analysis in the assessment of democratic and authoritarian tendencies in selected countries. The text uses two statistical methods of multidimensional comparative analysis (Ward’s method and k-means method), apart from which use has been made of basic descriptive statistics and a comparative analysis of the values of the parameters of political characteristics. A selection of 40 European countries (EU-28 and 12 other countries) have been subjected to a statistical analysis according to the 2018 data. The main goal of the analysis is to connect facts and characteristics attributed to policy with a specific geographical area. In order to elaborate the objective scope of the research problem, the following research questions have been presented in the text: (1) Which of the characteristics of policy will determine the division of state entities according to a special type of clusters?, (2) Will political characteristics determine the division of particular state entities according to a special type of geographical division? The addressed research questions have been related to the hypotheses subjected to verification in the text.
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Ustek-Spilda, Funda. "Statisticians as Back-office Policy-makers: Counting Asylum-Seekers and Refugees in Europe." Science, Technology, & Human Values 45, no. 2 (October 20, 2019): 289–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0162243919882085.
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Street-level bureaucracy literature ascertains that policies get made not only in the offices of legislatures or politicians but through the discretion bureaucrats employ in their day-to-day interactions with citizens in government agencies. The discretion bureaucrats use to grant access to public benefits or impose sanctions adds up to what the public ultimately experience as the government and its policies. This perspective, however, overlooks policy-making that gets done in the back offices of government, where there might not be direct interaction with citizens. Furthermore, it treats discretion as inherently anthropogenic and ignores that it is exercised in relation to sociotechnical arrangements of which bureaucrats are a part. In this paper, based on extensive ethnography at national statistical institutes and international statistical meetings across Europe, I make two arguments. The first is that, statisticians emerge as back-office policy-makers as they are compelled to take multiple methodological decisions when operationalizing abstract statistical guidelines and definitions, thus effectively making rather than merely implementing policies. This is the “discretion” they employ, even when they may not interact with citizens. The second argument is that the exercise of discretion is sociotechnical, that is, it happens in relation to the constraints and affordances of technologies and the decisions of other bureaucrats in their institutions and others.
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심성지 and 최유미. "The Social Democratic Government in Western Europe and It’s Reform Policy: Social-and Employment Policy(1998~2002)." Dispute Resolution Studies Review 8, no. 1 (April 2010): 69–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.16958/drsr.2010.8.1.69.
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Minesashvili, Salome. "Europe in Georgia’s Identity Discourse." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 54, no. 1-2 (March 2021): 128–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/j.postcomstud.2021.54.1-2.128.
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Georgia’s European identity, often regarded as the basis of its pro-Western foreign policy, has been contested in the domestic arena by alternative agendas. While government changes are usually deemed instigators of change in this contestation, no systematic analysis has been conducted on the effect of external developments. Considering that Georgia’s relations with the West and Russia have been evolving and that the debates on European identity inherently relate to foreign policy, this article asks to what extent and how contestation within the European identity discourse changes in response to different external events. To elucidate these questions, the study unpacks European identity discourse in Georgia between 2012 and 2017 in the context of various ongoing foreign policy developments. These include developments in Georgia–European Union (EU) and Georgia–Russia relations, the war in Ukraine, and internal issues of the EU. Moreover, instead of common pro- and anti-European binary positions, identity discourse is analyzed as a combination of three identity categories via media in which each category constructs different degrees of difference with Europe. This article finds that advocates of each category interpret different foreign policy developments to reinforce, rather than challenge, their positions; thus, contestation and division in the discourse persist over time.
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Antioch, Kathryn M., Michael K. Walsh, David Anderson, and Richard Brice. "Forecasting hospital expenditure in Victoria: Lessons from Europe and Canada." Australian Health Review 22, no. 1 (1999): 133. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/ah990133.
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This paper specifies an econometric model to forecast State government expenditure on recognised public hospitals in Victoria. The OECD's recent cross-country econometric work exploring factors affecting health spending was instructive. The model found that Victorian Gross State Product, population aged under 4 years, the mix of public and private patients in public hospitals, introduction of case mix funding and funding cuts, the proportion of public beds to total beds in Victoria and technology significantly impacted on expenditure. The model may have application internationally for forecasting health costs, particularly in short and medium-term budgetary cycles.
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Scharpf, Fritz W. "A Game-Theoretical Interpretation of Inflation and Unemployment in Western Europe." Journal of Public Policy 7, no. 3 (July 1987): 227–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x00004438.
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ABSTRACTThe paper aims at a more complete, yet still parsimonious, explanation of macro-economic policy failure and success during the ‘stagflation’ period of the 1970s. Focusing on four countries, Austria, Great Britain, Sweden and West Germany, it is shown that both runaway inflation and rising unemployment could be avoided whenever it was possible to achieve a Keynesian concertation between fiscal and monetary expansion on the one hand and union wage restraint on the other. The actual policy experiences of the four countries are then explained in terms of the linkage between a ‘coordination game’ played between the government and the unions in which macro-economic outcomes are determined, and a politics game in which the government tries to anticipate the electoral responses of different voter strata to these outcomes.
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Horváthová, Brigitte, Michael Dobbins, and Rafael Pablo Labanino. "Towards energy policy corporatism in Central and Eastern Europe?" Interest Groups & Advocacy 10, no. 4 (October 22, 2021): 347–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41309-021-00138-9.
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AbstractThis paper contributes to our understanding of interest intermediation structures in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) and, specifically, whether, which, how and to what extent organized interests are incorporated into policy-making processes. Unlike previous studies primarily focusing on patterns of economic coordination (Jahn 2016), we focus on energy policy-making in the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovenia. We address the extent to which these energy interest intermediation systems are gravitating towards a more corporatist policy-making paradigm and whether corporatist arrangements have been dismantled in view of the new wave of national conservatism in CEE. We offer a complex operationalization of corporatism based on concrete indicators and present the results of a survey of energy interest groups operating in the region. It covers questions regarding interest intermediation between the organized interests and the government, regulatory authorities as well as the degree of policy coordination and political exchange with the state and between rivalling organizations, enabling us to derive a “corporatism score” for each national institutional setting and discuss them in the light of Jahn’s (2016) corporatism rankings for the region. We show that—despite striking differences—at least rudimentary corporatist interest intermediation structures have emerged with some variations of pluralism and statism in all four countries.
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Dana, Leo Paul, and Bella L. Galperin. "The role of government policy in post-communist Europe: a multi-country qualitative study." Global Business and Economics Review 10, no. 4 (2008): 467. http://dx.doi.org/10.1504/gber.2008.020596.
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Oppermann, Kai. "The Blair Government and Europe: The Policy of Containing the Salience of European Integration." British Politics 3, no. 2 (June 2008): 156–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/bp.2008.1.
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Wang, Xinyue. "Policy evaluation of electric vehicle promotion in China and Europe." Highlights in Science, Engineering and Technology 26 (December 30, 2022): 6–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/hset.v26i.3633.
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In order to meet the goals for carbon neutrality, China and Europe are both adopting a variety of strategies to encourage electric vehicles as an alternative to gasoline vehicles. However, government incentives have changed in 2022, and the factors influencing the expansion of the electric vehicle market have changed. This paper provides a comparative analysis of European and Chinese policies on the promotion of electric vehicles over the last decade and makes predictions and recommendations for future developments based on the current market situation. Although the market for electric vehicles in China and Europe is slow to expand in the short term, in the long term, the market for these vehicles, which are very beneficial in reducing carbon emissions, will continue to expand. This paper hopes to provide a state-of-the-art understanding of the policies regarding the promotion of renewable energy cars, thus facilitating the worldwide goals of achieving carbon neutrality.
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Irimie, Rada Cristina. "eParticipation Issues in Contemporary Europe." European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 1, no. 3 (December 30, 2015): 16. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v1i3.p16-34.
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Today, Information and Communication Technologies have developed to the extent of amplifying political procedures that are central to the contemporary civic society, such as political participation and citizen engagement. eParticipation is a multidisciplinary field of study, which is particularly relevant in several contexts and environments, e.g. digital democracy, public services, open government, popular social media etc. This paper addresses the eParticipation framework in the European context, during the last 10 years.Our research will explore theoretically and empirically how citizen participation is achieved through social media and digital public services. The article explores both the cultural and political environments that favor the development of eParticipation initiatives, with the study of networking interactions based on social and public policy initiatives. We are particularly interested in the public policy formulations that embrace eParticipation and most importantly the recent developments in the field, which include a number of eConsultation, ePolling, eLegislation, eElectioneering, eVoting etc. A review of the good practice examples in eParticipation policy development will help us identify the strengths and weaknesses of the digital framework. Within the context of social value, we want to explore the aspect of eParticipation in the broader political scene, by examining the role of digital participation in political crises. By drawing examples based on case studies of public policy formulation in European countries, the research suggests a correlation between digital innovation and challenging politics. The framework is originally designed to be sustainable for the European societies and it places citizens in the center of its conception. It is, however, argued that the interaction between public policy innovation and citizen engagement needs continuous scholarly attention and study.
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Irimie, Rada Cristina. "eParticipation Issues in Contemporary Europe." European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 3, no. 1 (December 30, 2015): 16. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v3i1.p16-34.
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Today, Information and Communication Technologies have developed to the extent of amplifying political procedures that are central to the contemporary civic society, such as political participation and citizen engagement. eParticipation is a multidisciplinary field of study, which is particularly relevant in several contexts and environments, e.g. digital democracy, public services, open government, popular social media etc. This paper addresses the eParticipation framework in the European context, during the last 10 years.Our research will explore theoretically and empirically how citizen participation is achieved through social media and digital public services. The article explores both the cultural and political environments that favor the development of eParticipation initiatives, with the study of networking interactions based on social and public policy initiatives. We are particularly interested in the public policy formulations that embrace eParticipation and most importantly the recent developments in the field, which include a number of eConsultation, ePolling, eLegislation, eElectioneering, eVoting etc. A review of the good practice examples in eParticipation policy development will help us identify the strengths and weaknesses of the digital framework. Within the context of social value, we want to explore the aspect of eParticipation in the broader political scene, by examining the role of digital participation in political crises. By drawing examples based on case studies of public policy formulation in European countries, the research suggests a correlation between digital innovation and challenging politics. The framework is originally designed to be sustainable for the European societies and it places citizens in the center of its conception. It is, however, argued that the interaction between public policy innovation and citizen engagement needs continuous scholarly attention and study.
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Bloodgood, Elizabeth, and Joannie Tremblay-Boire. "Does government funding depoliticize non-governmental organizations? Examining evidence from Europe." European Political Science Review 9, no. 3 (January 11, 2016): 401–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773915000430.
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Prior work suggests that government funding can encourage non-governmental organizations (NGOs) to engage in political advocacy and public policy. We challenge this finding and examine two theoretical explanations for the dampening effect of government funding on NGO lobbying. First, donors are known to discipline NGO activity via an implicit or explicit threat to withdraw funding should the organization become too radical or political. Second, NGOs with more radical political agendas are less willing to seek or accept government funding for fear this will limit or delegitimize their activities. Using data from the European Union’s Transparency Register, we find that the share of government funding in NGO budgets is negatively associated with lobbying expenditure. This effect is statistically significant and substantial, which provides a reason for concern about NGO resource dependence. Even when governments are motivated by honorable intentions, their financial assistance has the (unintended) effect of dampening NGOs’ political activity.
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Elena, Ananieva. "Britain between the U.S. and Europe." Russia and America in the 21st Century, no. 4 (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207054760017769-2.
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Prime Minister T. May has put forward the concept of "Global Britain". After the United Kingdom had left the EU, the concept was formalized under the government of Boris Johnson in the document “Integrated Review of Security, Defense, Development and Foreign Policy "Global Britain in a Competitive Age"”. The article presents an analysis of its goals, methods and practical implementation. Britain, realizing itself as a "middle power", intends to build a system of alliances to counter China and Russia, the latter designated as an ”acute direct threat” to the UK.
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Trachtenberg, Marc. "The United States and Eastern Europe in 1945: A Reassessment." Journal of Cold War Studies 10, no. 4 (October 2008): 94–132. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2008.10.4.94.
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This article reassesses U.S. Cold War policy in 1945, with particular emphasis on Eastern Europe. The article considers how the U.S. government proposed to deal with the Soviet Union in the postwar period more generally. The article looks closely at U.S. policy toward Poland and toward Romania and Bulgaria and sets these policies into context in order to determine whether U.S. leaders had “written off” the East European countries by the end of the year, consigning them to a Soviet sphere of influence. The article traces the strategic concept underlying U.S policy and analyzes key aspects of Secretary of State James Byrnes's policy at the July 1945 Potsdam conference and in the October–December 1945 negotiations with the USSR about the occupation of Japan.
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Rocha, Melina. "Policy Forum: How Canada Could Benefit from E-Invoicing for GST/HST Purposes." Canadian Tax Journal/Revue fiscale canadienne 70, no. 2 (July 2022): 361–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.32721/ctj.2022.70.2.pf.rocha.
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In this article, the author reviews the importance of electronic invoicing (e-invoicing) in value-added tax systems from the perspective of both government and taxpayers. E-invoicing is defined as the adoption of a standard requiring that businesses issue invoices containing mandatory information related to the supply in a prescribed electronic format, and transmit to the tax administration in real time through a specified electronic system. The author also analyzes the development of e-invoicing systems around the world, beginning with the Latin American pioneers and then proceeding to recent experiences in Europe. The experience in Latin America shows that governments can gain from e-invoicing through the reduction of tax fraud and the consequent increase in government revenue, while the experience in Europe shows that businesses have their own reasons for promoting e-invoicing, most notably to reduce compliance costs. In conclusion, the author suggests avenues for introducing e-invoicing into the Canadian goods and services tax/harmonized sales tax system.
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Patel, I. G. "On Taking India into the Twenty-First Century (New Economic Policy in India)." Modern Asian Studies 21, no. 2 (April 1987): 209–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00013780.
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On one of his many visits to India Kingsley Martin was once asked how he saw the prospects for Western Europe. His reply was that he was very optimistic as most of the leaders of Western Europe then were very old. If the transition from age to youth in national leadership is a sufficient basis for hope, we certainly have much to be grateful for in India. And our young Prime Minister has already struck a very responsive chord among large sections of Indian society by his promise of change. His mother had won the 1980 election on the promise of a ‘Government that works’. Mr Gandhi promised in 1984 a ‘Government that works faster’—thus heralding a promise of greater efficiency in general. When asked about the objective of his new Government, he used the now famous phrase that his objective was to take India into the twenty-first century. Taken at its face value, this was a rather vacuous phrase. It is not necessary for anyone to carry India, Atlas-like, into the twenty-first century. It would arrive at our doorstep in due course, as it will at everyone else's, and most probably without even a whimper.
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Fard, Rebin. "The New Foreign-Policy Pendulum: Geopolitical Codes of German Foreign Policy in the Post-bipolar World Order." Politics in Central Europe 15, no. 3 (December 1, 2019): 383–418. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pce-2019-0022.
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AbstractThis article deals with the question of how German foreign policy can be characterized from a geopolitical perspective in an era in which the constellation of world politics is undergoing change, as evidenced by the conflict in Ukraine, shift in US foreign policy under President Trump and the on-going Brexit negotiations. In order to identify changes in the geopolitical orientation of German foreign policy and sketch a profile of German foreign policy, the article includes official German government documents. It can be concluded from the study that the geopolitical codes of German foreign policy are of a varying character, and can be characterized into three geopolitical spatial structures: the Atlantic, European and Eurasian regions. In terms of the geopolitical orientation of German foreign policy, the Federal Government develops German strategy in a multipolar world system, in which it aims to turn Europe into a world power. While the continued existence of NATO remains a goal of German foreign policy, the Federal Government, in unison with France, seeks a multipolar world order, in which Germany and France assume leading roles within the European spatial structure, and are liberated from US supremacy in the transatlantic spatial structure.
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Cox, Kevin R. "Development policy, Western Europe and the question of specificity." European Urban and Regional Studies 27, no. 1 (October 2, 2018): 4–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0969776418798689.
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In the Anglophone literature on local and regional development policy there are tendencies to overextension of claims from one side of the Atlantic to the other, or there is no comparative framing at all. As a result the specificity of the West European case tends to be lost. In contrast with the USA, the West European instance is very different indeed. Although there have been changes since the postwar golden years of urban and regional planning, central government remains crucial in the structuring of local and regional development and has given expression to counter-posed class forces: regional policy was historically an aspect of the welfare state as promoted by the labor movement, while urbanization policy has been much more about the forces of the political right. In the USA, by contrast, local governments and to a lesser degree, the states, have been and continue to be supreme; in contrast to Western Europe, location tends to be much more market-determined, with local and governments acting as market agents. Class forces have seemingly been much weaker, territorial coalitions occupying the center ground. As a first cut, these differences have to do with state structure: the Western European state is far more centralized, facilitating the implementation of policies that are relatively indifferent to local specificity, while in the USA the converse applies. State structures, however, are parts of broader social formations and reflect the different socio-historical conditions in which West European societies, on the one hand, and their American counterpoint, on the other, have emerged.
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Pickvance, C. G. "Decentralization and Democracy in Eastern Europe: A Sceptical Approach." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 15, no. 2 (June 1997): 129–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c150129.
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The author focuses on the link between local government decentralization and democracy in Eastern Europe. It is shown that decentralization is a multidimensional concept and that actual local government systems can be positioned differently on each dimension (functions, control, and finance) depending on the implicit model of local government. Formal and substantive definitions of democracy are distinguished and some conventional measures examined; it is concluded that decentralization and democracy do not necessarily go together. The degree of decentralization and implicit models of postsocialist local government in Eastern Europe are then outlined, with a focus on the contrast between Budapest and Moscow. The development of social movements in the two capitals is taken as an index of substantive democracy and is shown to be influenced not only by the extent of decentralization but also by other features of the local political context. This illustrates the earlier argument that the relation between decentralization and democracy is an empirically variable one rather than a necessary one.
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WILSON, ELIZABETH, and DANA ŠVIHLOVÁ. "DEVELOPING MUNICIPAL CAPACITY FOR EIA IN SLOVAKIA." Journal of Environmental Assessment Policy and Management 01, no. 04 (December 1999): 489–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1464333299000363.
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Effective implementation of environmental policy proves difficult in many countries. Even where there is a comprehensive policy framework, the capacity for implementation at the local level may be weak. In some countries of central and eastern Europe, such as Slovakia, local government has acquired new environmental responsibilities, but lacks the capacity for exercising these roles. The Slovakian environmental impact assessment (EIA) law, for example, gives local government a role as a channel for public comment. However, most municipalities lack the technical expertise or political experience to play an effective role in the EIA process. This paper describes a project supported by the UK Know-How Fund with Slovakian partners to develop municipal capacity. It offers a preliminary evaluation of the effectiveness of the programme, and emphasises the need for training in EIA to relate to municipalities' other environmental responsibilities. It draws some conclusions on cross-national learning between local government in central and western Europe.
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Laver, Michael, and Kenneth A. Shepsle. "Coalitions and Cabinet Government." American Political Science Review 84, no. 3 (September 1990): 873–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1962770.
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The formal study of coalitions is active in Europe, whereas the formal study of political institutions preoccupies American scholars. We seek to integrate aspects of these two bodies of research. For nearly thirty years models of coalition government have focused more on coalition than on government. Thus, these theories are essentially extensions of the theory of voting in legislatures. Unlike passing a bill or “dividing a dollar,” however, forming a government is not the end of politics but the beginning. During the formation process, rational actors must entertain expectations of subsequent government behavior. We provide a model of rational expectations with an emphasis on the credibility of the policy promises of prospective government partners as determined by the allocation of portfolios in the new government. Portfolio allocation becomes the mechanism by which prospective coalitions make credible promises and so inform the expectations of rational agents in the coalition formation process.
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Szabo, Stephen F. "Germany’s Aussenpolik After the Election." German Politics and Society 36, no. 2 (June 1, 2018): 118–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2018.360208.
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The German election of 2017 has produced an unstable government which is unlikely to offer the kind of leadership in foreign and security policy that Europe and the larger West need in a turbulent time. Chancellor Angela Merkel will be in a weaker position than before with the loss of key cabinet positions to the Social Democrats and the Bavarian Christian Social Union. Many will be looking past her as the struggle to succeed her will in - crease. The key foreign policy agenda will include Europe and the Franco- German relationship, Russia, Turkey and Transatlantic relations. Merkel 4.0 is likely to be a transitional and unruly government that will bridge the end of the Merkel era and the start of one led by a new generation of leaders.
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Kornyliuk, Anna, Alla Ivashchenko, Yevheniia Polishchuk, Oleg Tereshchenko, and Serhii Onikiienko. "Government early policy responses on COVID-19 challenges in central and eastern europe: SME support." Acta Innovations, no. 42 (March 14, 2022): 50–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.32933/actainnovations.42.4.
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he main aim of the given research is to analyse Government policy early response due to the Covid-19 crisis in Central and Eastern Europe regarding SME support. The research methodology is based on an analysis of the pandemic impact on key indicators of countries development as well as an analysis of SME support policies responses by selected countries (Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Romania, Slovenia and Ukraine). The dynamic trends of Covid-19 spread and its impact on macroeconomic indicators were analysed. The negative growth of GDP, as well as current account balance and increasing gross debt burden, were explored in all analysed countries and the policy responses were the required measures to avoid possible economic collapse. Implemented measures were mainly directed to achieve economic recovery and capturing stability, but the main focus of the research is to analyse the support policies according to the criterion of enterprise size, SME in particular. The study is based on country-level data as well as on individual State Aid cases of each analysed CEE country. It allowed to evaluate policy response mechanisms in terms of measures regarding enterprise size. Although SMEs suffered the most during the crisis, CEE countries spent most of their resources on supporting companies, regardless of their size.
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Hall, Graham, David B. Audretsch, and Martin Chick. "The Market and the State: Government Policy Towards Business in Europe, Japan and the USA." Economic Journal 101, no. 407 (July 1991): 991. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2233881.
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Rodrik, Dani. "Coordination failures and government policy: A model with applications to East Asia and Eastern Europe." Journal of International Economics 40, no. 1-2 (February 1996): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0022-1996(95)01386-5.
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Chojan, Adrian. "Brexit and Its Impact on Poland’s Policy Towards Europe – An Attempt to Forecast." Studia Europejskie - Studies in European Affairs 24, no. 2 (July 19, 2020): 91–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.33067/se.2.2020.5.
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Brexit has betrayed the disadvantages of the European project along with the fact that European institutions have no desire to conduct deeper reforms. Brexit cannot be considered without the stance that the British have developed not only in the last few years but generally over the period of its integration with continental Europe. A study shows the political consequences of the UK’s exit from the European Union alog with the potential scenarios of Poland’s European policy in the next 2–3 years. This article presents three scenarios for the development of Poland's European policy, i.e. the British scenario, a conservative scenario and a pro-European scenario. In addition, this article aims to show the potential activities of the Polish government in the context of selected scenarios for the development of the situation in Europe. Currently, the most likely is the British scenario, where the Polish government concentrates on those areas of integration that are important to it. The European Union will be treated by Poland as an economic organization providing access to the common European market as well as political support in the event of disputes with the powers. The adoption of the British scenario by Poland assumes an evolutionary drift towards polexit. The least realistic choice of scenario is the strongly pro-European approach. This would require a total change in Poland's European policy strategy and the abandoning of internal reforms.