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1
Nissen, Mogens Rostgaard. "Alex Walter – “… den tyske embedsmand, der overhovedet har gjort Danmark de største tjenester under krigen”." Fund og Forskning i Det Kongelige Biblioteks Samlinger 54 (March 3, 2015): 423. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/fof.v54i0.118896.
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Mogens Rostgård Nissen: Alex Walter, — “… the German official who rendered the largest services of all to Denmark during the war.”
Alex Walter was head of the German government committee, which during the occupation of Denmark negotiated trade agreements with the corresponding Danish government committee. That is why he had great influence on the economic side of occupation policy, which the German occupying power carried out in Denmark during the war. Walter had a broad knowledge of Danish economy and Danish conditions in general, because since 1932 he had negotiated trade agreements with top Danish officials. At the same time, he was well-known and respected in Denmark, and that was important for the agreements he assisted in concluding during the occupation. Under his leadership, the German occupying power followed a traditional trade policy, which was focused on practical issues and concrete results. It was a policy, which objectively was for the common good of Denmark and Germany. Walter was a very high-level official in the thoroughly Nazified Ministry of Nutrition and Agriculture. His immediate superior, Herbert Backe, was responsible for German food planning, and he had a decisive influence on the Nazi occupation policy for all of Europe, including the exploitation policy, which took place in Eastern and Southeastern Europe. But Denmark followed an entirely different economic track, which was characterized by negotiations and cooperation, and it was very much Walter, who became responsible for planning and implementing this economic policy. Among his negotiation partners in Denmark, Walter was perceived as a reasonable and sensible man, with whom one could negotiate and rely on. There was a clear understanding that Walter had intervened several times during political crises — among other things when the Danish government stood down in August 1943; during the general strike in the summer of 1944 and in connection with the deportation of the police in the autumn of 1944. But he also had a dark Nazi side to him, precisely because he was linked to Backe and the Ministry of Nutrition and Agriculture. After the war, he was interned due to the fact that as a senior official, he had been a member of the Nazi party and held the rank of SS Sturmbannführer. That is why he was only finally acquitted and stripped of his Nazi status in October 1948, a few months before he died.
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WEINSTEIN, HARVEY M., and ERIC STOVER. "Asylum Evaluations—The Physician's Dilemma." Cambridge Quarterly of Healthcare Ethics 11, no. 3 (May 17, 2002): 303–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963180102210129.
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In the following paper, Annemiek Richters of the University of Leiden in the Netherlands addresses the dilemmas faced by health professionals who are asked to evaluate and provide supporting documentation for those refugees who seek political asylum in the countries of Europe. It is in the politically charged arena of asylum applications, government regulations, and public policy where bioethics, human rights, and health converge. Despite the 1951 Convention on Refugees, a treaty signed by nations around the world to safeguard the rights of those who are displaced, and other treaties that protect the rights of vulnerable populations, refugee and asylum policies have become increasingly strict in an effort to deter those who would seek safety. This tightening of borders in the countries of the West challenges physicians who find themselves caught between obligations to treat, to advocate, and to challenge policies that make treatment a potentially dangerous proposition. Unfortunately, the World Trade Center attacks have exacerbated the problem by labeling asylees and refugees as potential terrorists and subject to deportation.
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Andrukhiv, Oleh. "Legal basis of the incorporation of the USSR of Galicia in 1939." Scientific and informational bulletin of Ivano-Frankivsk University of Law named after King Danylo Halytskyi, no. 12(24) (December 9, 2021): 8–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.33098/2078-6670.2021.12.24.8-16.
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Purpose. The purpose of our study is to determine the legal basis and arguments for the incorporation of Galicia in the USSR in 1939, the place of the "Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact", as well as the features of the Sovietization of the newly annexed territories. The ideological and historical reasons for the incorporation of the newly annexed territories by the Soviet state, the specifics of the geopolitical situation in Europe at the time, and the legal interpretation of the "reunification" process are also determined. Method. The methodology includes a comprehensive analysis and generalization of theoretical and source material and further formulation of relevant conclusions and recommendations. The study used the principles of objectivity and systematicity, as well as general scientific, special legal and special historical methods of scientific knowledge: analysis, synthesis, comparative, functional-legal, system-historical. Results. It is established that the process of incorporation of Western Ukrainian lands into the Ukrainian SSR took place on the basis of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact. From a legal point of view, Germany and the USSR did not violate the norms of international law in force at the time. In addition, the occupation of Galicia was justified from a historical and ideological point of view. Despite the harsh policy of Sovietization, repression and deportation, there were positive consequences, revived the foundations of the unity of the Ukrainian lands. Beginning in October 1939, Soviet law and a new administrative-territorial system were introduced, based on law enforcement and criminal law, which qualified all opponents of the government as «enemies of the people». Scientific novelty. For the first time, the legal basis for formulating the incorporation of Western Ukrainian lands into the USSR, ideological, legal and historical arguments of the Soviet government, which were used to attack Poland, were traced. Practical significance. The results of the study can be used in further historical and legal studies, preparation of special courses.
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Fekete, Liz. "Detained: foreign children in Europe." Race & Class 49, no. 1 (July 2007): 93–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306396807080071.
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The EU's target-driven and draconian deportation policy towards asylum seekers and undocumented migrant workers has a shocking but little heeded impact on minors, whether the children of asylum-seeking families, separated/unaccompanied minors seeking refuge or the children of sans papiers. The detention of children whose only crime is their parentage is now commonplace across Europe and often in contravention of international law. The harm done to children, as documented here, is incalculable.
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Bacon, Lucy, Rebekah Bourne, Clare Oakley, and Martin Humphreys. "Immigration policy: implications for mental health services." Advances in Psychiatric Treatment 16, no. 2 (March 2010): 124–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/apt.bp.108.006601.
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SummaryImmigration is increasing and government policies are shifting. Clinicians need to be aware of the mental health needs of immigrants and the challenges of delivering appropriate care. In certain circumstances there are potential conflicts between doctors' clinical, ethical and legal responsibilities. Detention of refugees and asylum seekers may have a detrimental effect on mental health and can result in significant psychiatric morbidity. Ongoing management of foreign nationals following hospital treatment may be complicated by the threat of deportation and its implications for the patient's mental health.
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Barrell, Ray J., and Sylvia Gottschalk. "Fiscal Policy in Europe." National Institute Economic Review 201 (July 2007): 33–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0027950107083047.
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In the past twelve months the government budget situation in Germany has improved markedly, and the budget deficit has moved from 3.2 per cent of GDP in 2005 to 1.7 per cent in 2006, with further improvements in prospect. Over the same period in France, the budget deficit moved marginally from 3 per cent of GDP in 2005 to 2.5 per cent of GDP in 2006. The prospects for further improvement appear limited as the new government plans to cut taxes to stimulate the economy. Projections for budget deficits are very uncertain, as they are the difference between two large numbers (receipts and spending) that are difficult to predict accurately. Figures 1 and 2 plot the errors around our budget projections for France and Germany based on stochastic simulations on NiGEM. The 95 per cent confidence limit for our forecast one year ahead is around 1 per cent of GDP around our central forecast, and uncertainty increases into the future. As we can see from figures 3 and 4, our forecast errors for France and Germany have been well within the 95 per cent bands in the past three years, except for our one year ahead forecast for Germany for 2006. The budget improved by 1.5 per cent of GDP more than we had anticipated, and this appears to have been due to unexpectedly high tax receipts, rather than to changed policy.
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Kudlasevych, Olga. "Deportation of Ukrainian population: political causes and economic consequences (to the 75th anniversary of Operation Vistula)." Ìstorìâ narodnogo gospodarstva ta ekonomìčnoï dumki Ukraïni 2019, no. 52 (2019): 178–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/ingedu2019.52.178.
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From the standpoint of today, the article presents an overview of the practice of mass migration of peoples used by major powers during the first half of the twentieth century. Mass evictions were a prearranged act of public policy, part of the broader geopolitical plans of the USSR, Britain and the US. Deportations were the usual instrument (tool) of repression for Communist total regimes, were purely political in nature and were not economically justified, being their main purpose ethnic cleansing of civilians, while the secondary purpose was the elimination of the Ukrainian underground. The historical and economic analysis was made of the deportation of the Western Ukrainian population from lands that had been relegated to Poland based on the Lublin Agreement between the Polish Committee for National Liberation and the Government of the Ukrainian USSR. The socio-economic consequences of the deportation of Ukrainians from Poland, their resettlement, and their adaptation are revealed. The article deals with the issues of material losses during deportation, and the extent and quality of compensation in places of new settlement, namely: the unsatisfactory condition of the socio-economic adaptation of the deported, broken promises by the government of the Ukrainian USSR regarding the financial support of resettles people, etc. On the basis of the conducted research a number of generalizing conclusions are formulated.
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Delsen, Lei. "Atypical Employment Relations and Government Policy in Europe." Labour 5, no. 3 (December 1991): 123–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9914.1991.tb00049.x.
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Esafrin, Aninda Novedia, Antikowati -, and Gautama Budi Arundhati. "Legal Consequences of Refugees’ Visa Misuse to Obtain Indonesian Citizenship." Indonesian Journal of Law and Society 1, no. 2 (September 30, 2020): 125. http://dx.doi.org/10.19184/ijls.v1i2.17479.
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This paper aims to examine problems regarding the possible abuse by refugees inconsistent with Indonesia’s laws and regulations. In the context, the government can make efforts to deal with refugees who enter Indonesia illegally and the government can formulate new laws and regulations that can discuss problems caused by refugee actions in more detail, clearly and in detail, starting from the arrest process to the sanctions process that is obtained. Because until now Indonesia has not had this policy. Those refugees' status then serves the purpose to get a decent living in a recipient country such as Australia. Misuse of visas is widely used by refugees because Indonesia implements a visa-free system of visits to 169 countries in the world. Visa-Free Visit Policy based on President Regulation Number 125 of 2016 concerning Visa-Free Visit. In this regard, the country needs to anticipate the increasing number of visa misuse for refugees entry to Indonesian territory by sending them to immigration detention centers as a form of sanctions imposed before returning to their country and making deportation the last step in resolving the visa misuse problem committed by refugees.
KEYWORDS: misuse of visa in Indonesia, immigration detention, refugee deportation.
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Bakhturina, Alexandra Yu. "Documents from the Latvian State Historical Archive on the Situation of German Citizens in Riga at the Beginning of the First World War." Herald of an archivist, no. 2 (2020): 368–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2020-2-368-379.
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The article discusses the information potential of the documents from the Latvian Historical Archive for studying policy of the Russian government towards subjects of adversary states in the First World War. Citizens of Germany and Austria-Hungary who were in Russian regions, where at the beginning of the First World War the martial law was imposed, were subject to administrative deportation to the Central and Eastern gubernias of the Russian Empire as prisoners of war. This problem is being studied mainly on the basis of documents from the central archives, which does not permit to reconstruct the complete picture of what had happened. The article analyses the lists, petitions of deported German citizens, correspondence of police officials, statistical data, and orders of the administration of the governorate of Livonia. Drawing on these documents, it studies social and age composition of the deportees, reconstructs courses of action of the gubernia government. It is noted that petitions of deportees have a strong emotional impact, as they draw pictures of difficult life circumstances of those forced to leave their place of residence and travel far into Russian lands. The emotional intensity of these documents needs to be balanced by using record keeping documents. Lists of deportees have notations on canceling of deportation for various reasons; they permit to introduce into scientific use statistics on the number of deportees. The archival documents suggest that the practice of deportation of adversary state subjects was not a standard procedure. At request, many of them were given a brief reprieve, some received permission to return to Riga later. By the winter of 1914-15, within German and Austrian subjects there were exuded categories of persons not to be subject to deportation (Czechs, Slovaks, French, widows who had previously been Russian subjects, their minor children, persons of over 60 and the sick).
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Burgess, Harvey. "Rough Justice: Inside the British Asylum System." Refuge: Canada's Journal on Refugees 27, no. 2 (January 18, 2012): 122–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.25071/1920-7336.34729.
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This paper constitutes a detailed analysis and critique ofthe British asylum system from 1997 until the present day. It covers all the clearly defined areas of government policy, including funding, detention, deportation, human rights, European Union obligations, and asylum welfare. It also addresses the role of the judiciary and cites many of the landmark legal cases that have had a major impact on the sector. In providing a comprehensive overview of asylum and immigration that spans the entire period of the Labour government and the first few months of the new Coalition’s tenure, the author aims to show that an often illiberal UK asylum policy is largely governed by principles of deterrent and political expediency. Only an enlightened House of Lords, now the Supreme Court, has served as a bulwark for justice and mitigated the effect of draconian government policies.
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Jacobo Suárez, Mónica Liliana, and Nuty Cárdenas Alaminos. "Back on your own: migración de retorno y la respuesta del gobierno federal en México." Migraciones internacionales 11 (January 1, 2020): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.33679/rmi.v1i1.1731.
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U.S.-Mexico migration has been completely transformed. Currently, more Mexicans return from the United States to Mexico than those who migrate to that country. Millions of Mexican migrants have left the United States due to the economic recession, a harsher immigration policy, and a stronger deportation system. Mexican returnees, voluntary and involuntary, present a diverse profile and wide-ranging reintegration needs, which constitutes a challenge for the government in Mexico. Here we analyze specific initiatives and programs created by the Mexican federal government to serve returnees, also we identify various challenges and areas of improvement. Finally, we offer recommendations for a better reintegration of the returnee population.
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Ogbeifun, Lawrence. "Job Search With Legal and Illegal Workers: A Comparative Static Analysis." Economics and Business 34, no. 1 (February 1, 2020): 156–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/eb-2020-0011.
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AbstractThis paper incorporates government immigration policy variables in a job search and match framework to examine its implication on labour market outcomes. The main assumption is that illegal workers can be penalized by receiving lower equilibrium wages or face possible deportation; and government can regulate illegal workers by introducing a “caught variable”, η, in the model. By a comparative statics analysis, the study has revealed that changes in the wages of illegal workers have both direct and indirect effect on wages of legal workers. Also, an important finding is that η has positive impact on most of the labour market parameters considered in the study.
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Wauters, Patrick. "Benchmarking e‐government policy within the e‐Europe programme." Aslib Proceedings 58, no. 5 (September 2006): 389–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/00012530610692348.
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A. Abdulkarim, Bagian Aleyssa. "Changes in the Dimensions of Life of Filipino Deportees from Malaysia." Asian Social Work Journal 1, no. 1 (December 12, 2017): 17–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.47405/aswj.v1i1.6.
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This research examined the life experiences of Filipinos deported from Malaysia. Anchored on the symbolic interaction theory, the study sought to investigate how the interpretation of these experiences defined and shaped their personhood. It documented the life experiences of Filipino deportees before and after deportation from Malaysia to determine the consequences of such forcible repatriation on their health, socio-economic, cultural and psychosocial dimensions of life. The study looked into coping strategies with life changes focusing on deportation as a main turning point and identified this event’s differential treatment considering the variables of age and sex group. The research utilized a exploratory design and presented extensive case studies of 24 Filipino deportees, eight of which are included in this paper synthesized from in-depth interviews of deportees and key informants. Other technique used were non-participant observation and data gathering from records of government offices assisting the repatriates including the Department of Social Welfare and Development Region 9 and the Zamboanga City Philippines Social Welfare and Development Office. The study showed varying consequences of deportation with respect to the deportees’ health, socio-economic, cultural, and psychosocial condition. While all the respondents admitted having been adversely affected by their deportation there is evidence of remarkable resiliency and optimism as gleaned from their narrations. Deportees have varied interpretations of deportation in their lives. For some respondents, the experience meant re-connection and re-union with the family in the place of origin. For others, the experience meant free travel to their homeland. A number of respondents reported deportation was an opportunity to be free from detention, an experience which they described as "hell". Most of the deportees were stigmatized with the new identity, that of a Halau. Deportation was a shameful event to the family and friends but it has to be accepted because it happened and they made it happened. The respondents interpreted experience as evidence they were “meant to be at the lower rung of the ladder of life due to many reasons. Many reported the deportation experience meant they lost loved ones and felt diminished in individual worth and dignity. The recommendations that the study can make have been elucidated in the findings of the study which can be realize through policy formulation, advocacy, education/information, social networking and social services.
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Zartaloudis, Thanos. "Public Policy and the Administrative Government of Unlawful Detention: The Landmark Case of Lumba and Mighty." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 22, no. 1 (February 9, 2015): 68–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718115-02201003.
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This article critically analyses the landmark case of wl (Congo) 1 & 2 v. sshd; km (Jamaica) v. sshd [2011] uksc 12 (Lumba and Mighty) which examined whether certain breaches of public policy and law were capable of rendering unlawful the detention of foreign national prisoners pending their deportation under the Immigration Act 1971. The liability finding in this case is a welcome reminder of the critical role that the Courts can play in this field of litigation as well as the great difficulty within which they are placed. Yet the award of nominal damages not only dilutes the significance of the nature of liberty as a fundamental right, but forces the Court into having to read down its role along the lines of a managerial logic of immigration control which has increasingly displaced a principled approach to immigration law and policy.
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Asad, Asad L. "Deportation Decisions: Judicial Decision-Making in an American Immigration Court." American Behavioral Scientist 63, no. 9 (March 24, 2019): 1221–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764219835267.
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Drawing on ethnographic observations and informal conversations with judges in Dallas Immigration Court, as well as archival documents, this article describes two approaches through which judges in this setting justify their decisions during removal proceedings. The “scripted approach,” used to effect the routine removal of noncitizens in most of the completed cases observed, entails judges’ recitation of well-rehearsed narratives regarding the limited legal rights and remedies available to noncitizens. The “extemporaneous approach” involves judges moving beyond their scripts and deliberating in greater depth about noncitizens’ cases. In doing so, judges’ personal attitudes, biases, and motivations are often revealed as they articulate their desire to circumvent the removal process for noncitizens they view as “deserving” of relief—but for whom only temporary relief from removal is often available given judges’ interpretations of immigration law. Although judges recognize that this temporary relief may allow some noncitizens to remain in the United States indefinitely, incomplete protection from removal can leave noncitizens in a precarious legal status and jeopardize these individuals’ future opportunities for legalization. These findings support a conceptualization of immigration judges as street-level bureaucrats, or frontline workers who interpret the law—sometimes unevenly—to enforce government policy while interfacing with the individuals subject to said policy. The study thus amplifies the social control capacity of the federal immigration regime.
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Collins, Susan M. "Policy Watch: U.S. Economic Policy Toward the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe." Journal of Economic Perspectives 5, no. 4 (November 1, 1991): 219–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jep.5.4.219.
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As the Soviet Union and the countries in Eastern Europe take steps towards market economies and democratic political systems, the U.S. and other western countries have been confronted by a range of difficult and important questions about the appropriate economic policy response. What role should government policies play? How much assistance should be given? In what form? What actual policies have been undertaken? Are they a lot or a little? At one extreme, some argue that the United States and other developed countries should finance the rebuilding of the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe—even though it may cost tens of billions of dollars per year, for at least a decade. At the other end of the spectrum are those who argue that Eastern Europe does not warrant official U.S. assistance, other than for humanitarian purposes, because the situation is just too precarious, because there are worthier uses of scarce government resources, or because any restructuring should be undertaken by the private sector. This paper suggests a framework for answering these questions that considers both the nations of Eastern Europe and recent proposals for direct assistance to the Soviet Union. It draws upon the valuable lessons to be learned from assistance to the developing countries and from historical experience.
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Timmerman, Ruben I., Arjen Leerkes, Richard Staring, and Nicola Delvino. "‘Free In, Free Out’: Exploring Dutch Firewall Protections for Irregular Migrant Victims of Crime." European Journal of Migration and Law 22, no. 3 (October 7, 2020): 427–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718166-12340082.
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Abstract Real and perceived risks of deportation may compromise the effective right of irregular migrants to report to the police if they have been a victim of crime. Some localities have therefore introduced so-called ‘firewall protection’, providing a clear separation between the provision of public services and immigration enforcement. This article explores one such policy in the Netherlands: ‘free in, free out’. While the policy began as a local pilot project, in 2015 it was introduced at the national-level alongside implementation of EU Victim’s Rights Directive, and currently represents the only national-level example of ‘firewall protection’ for victims of crime in Europe. This article is based on a socio-legal study that included interviews with informants from governmental and non-governmental organisations. It documents the legal and social reasons for instituting the policy, while critically assessing the challenges in implementation. Finally, it discusses the lessons and opportunities for expanding firewall protection more broadly in a European context.
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MacKenbach, Johan P., and Martin McKee. "Social-Democratic Government and Health Policy in Europe: A Quantitative Analysis." International Journal of Health Services 43, no. 3 (July 2013): 389–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/hs.43.3.b.
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Reher, Stefanie. "Gender and opinion–policy congruence in Europe." European Political Science Review 10, no. 4 (September 10, 2018): 613–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773918000140.
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Does public policy in Europe reflect women’s preferences equally well as men’s? This study compares the opinions of women and men with concrete policy on a set of 20 issues across a diverse range of policy areas in 31 European countries. It shows that the majorities of men and women frequently prefer the same policy. However, when they disagree, men’s preferences are more likely to be represented. Neither the proportion of women in parliament nor the left–right orientation of the government explains variation in women’s policy representation. Instead, a higher number of parliamentary parties increase the likelihood that policy reflects women’s views. This effect does not seem to be driven by left-libertarian politics or Green parties, even though women’s stronger support for ‘new politics’ issues is an important source of disagreement between men and women.
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Solonari, Vladimir. "“Model Province”: Explaining the Holocaust of Bessarabian and Bukovinian Jewry." Nationalities Papers 34, no. 4 (September 2006): 471–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990600842106.
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Romanian war-time policy towards Jews presents a paradox. In the summer and fall of 1941 Romanian military and police were killing the Jews of Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina indiscriminately. In late fall of the same year, those Jews who survived the first wave of killings were forcibly deported further to the east—this time not only from Bessarabia and the northern part of Bukovina but from the whole of the latter's province. In the late fall of 1941, Jews from Odessa were once again murdered en masse and any survivors deported from the city. At this time, i.e. in the summer and fall of 1941, Romanian policy was at least as radical and brutal as the Germans', perhaps surpassing it in its brutality, a fact that elicited Hitler's delight and commendation. But then Romanian policy underwent a gradual but more and more pronounced change. Though Romanian authorities took part in the preparations for the deportation of Romanian Jews to the Nazi concentration camps in the summer and early fall 1942, in October of that year the Romanians abruptly terminated their participation in all preparations. In 1943 and 1944 the Romanian government even took measures to protect Romanian Jewish citizens residing in the German-ruled territories by demanding that those Jews were exempt from deportation to concentration camps and facilitated Jewish emigration to Palestine from Romania. Inside Romania, Jews were still heavily discriminated against, exposed to various vexations and harsh confiscatory taxation, but the majority of them survived the war.
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Xu, Bo. "A Comparative Study of Language Educational Policy in China and Western Europe." Journal of Education, Humanities and Social Sciences 8 (February 7, 2023): 768–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/ehss.v8i.4351.
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Nowadays, English has become a very important communicative tool for people from non-English-dominant countries. The Chinese government has been trying to push its residents to keep this pace for decades while recently most Western European countries try to avoid English teaching to protect their languages and cultures. Most Chinese students have to study English when they enter Grade 3. The College English Test Band 4 (CET4) has been the basic examination for Chinese students for decades and some universities will even require their students to pass CET6. Certificates of proving passing CET4 and CET6 will also offer help in job hunting. Recently, Chinese government even released the “Chinese culture go abroad” which aims to teach students how to spread Chinese cultures in English. For Western countries, Germany government want to protect their language and maintain the use of English at the same time while English academic writing continues to develop in Italy even these triggered severe debates. Now the Chinese government can see their reward after policies released for decades as it has become one of the strong competitors on academic area while the objectors in Western Europe are still working hard to defend their opinions. However, there are problems with policies released by the Chinese government as some teachers will argue that learning English cost a huge part of students’ time.
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Hobolt, Sara Binzer, and Robert Klemmemsen. "Responsive Government? Public Opinion and Government Policy Preferences in Britain and Denmark." Political Studies 53, no. 2 (June 2005): 379–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.2005.00534.x.
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The ability of a political system to respond to the preferences of its citizens is central to democratic theory and practice; yet most empirical research on government responsiveness has concentrated on the United States. As a result, we know very little about the nature of government policy responsiveness in Europe and we have a poor understanding of the conditions that affect cross-national variations. This comparative study examines the relationship between public opinion and policy preferences in the United Kingdom and Denmark during the past three decades. We address two key questions: First, are the government's policy intentions driven by public opinion or vice versa? Second, do political institutions influence the level of government responsiveness? We suggest that public opinion tends to drive the government's policy intentions due to the threat of electoral sanction, and that this is more pronounced in proportional systems than in majoritarian democracies.
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Kovalchuk, Vitaliy, Iryna Sofinska, Taras Harasymiv, Ivan Terlyuk, and Maiia Pyvovar. "Parliamentary opposition and democratic transformation issues: Centraland Eastern Europe in focus." Cuestiones Políticas 40, no. 75 (December 29, 2022): 855–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.46398/cuestpol.4075.51.
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The article presents a framework for comparing the policy-making rights of the parliamentary opposition in the parliamentary democracies of Central and Eastern Europe (Czech Republic, Hungary, Lithuania, Poland and Ukraine). The right of the parliamentary opposition to oppose the government formed by the ruling majority is a fundamental feature of liberal democracy. The application of constitutional values (democracy and rule of law) in Central and Eastern European states demonstrates the actual level of fragmentation, polarization and cartelization of the opposition. The Rule of Law Index 2021 explicitly shows that, among the Central and Eastern European countries surveyed, Lithuania ranks 18th, the Czech Republic 22nd, Poland 36th, Hungary 69th and Ukraine 74th. The Rule of Law Index refers to limitations of government powers, absence of corruption, open government and other issues related to the mission of the parliamentary opposition. It is concluded that, the distance (not only ideological) between the ruling majority and the parliamentary opposition is based on the ability to form government, participation in policy making, scrutiny of strategy and (populist) government policy.
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Schapiro, Mark. "New Power for “Old Europe”." International Journal of Health Services 35, no. 3 (July 2005): 551–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/gyrm-92vr-h6m4-6hdq.
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The European Union's growing political clout is leading to new paradigms of environmental and health regulation. The E.U. is putting teeth behind new guidelines governing the toxicity of chemicals in consumer products, cosmetics, and automobiles that are forcing American companies to reconsider longstanding production practices. While U.S. government oversight over environmental and health concerns is being weakened, the E.U.'s strengthened governance over these and other arenas is rapidly, through the leverage of international trade, setting the stage for a new global standard. Europe's new standards present a historic choice to U.S. manufacturers: either conform to the E.U.'s preemptive screening for toxicity, or risk sacrificing the 450-million strong European market. The author explores the American response, and how the United States is slipping to the lower rungs of a double standard for protecting the health of citizens.
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Valenta, Marko. "The Nexus of Asylum Seeker Migrations and Asylum Policy: Longitudinal Analysis of Migration Trends in Norway." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 21, no. 3 (August 19, 2014): 371–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718115-02103003.
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There has been much focus on the increased influx of asylum seekers in Norway and in Europe in general. This article investigates links between the influx of asylum seekers and developments in asylum policies in Norway. In focus are the immigration trends of the four largest groups of asylum seekers in Norway in the period 2006–2012. It is assumed that developments in the arrival of asylum seekers are to a large extent influenced by the ways in which the four groups were treated by migration authorities in Norway. This analysis is based on policy survey and available statistics. The longitudinal analysis indicates that changes in rejection, approval and deportation rates correspond to a large extent with subsequent fluctuations in annual arrivals of asylum seekers. It is also maintained that the restrictions in social rights result in deteriorating living conditions, but as a tool of migration control such restrictions do not work in accordance with the intention. The findings are of clear relevance for on-going discussions on asylum seeker mobility and discussions on minimum standards for reception of asylum seekers.
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Legge, J. S., and J. R. Alford. "Can Government Regulate Fertility? An Assessment of Pronatalist Policy in Eastern Europe." Political Research Quarterly 39, no. 4 (December 1, 1986): 709–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/106591298603900411.
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Legge, Jerome S., and John R. Alford. "Can Government Regulate Fertility? An Assessment of Pronatalist Policy in Eastern Europe." Western Political Quarterly 39, no. 4 (December 1986): 709. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/448273.
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Stack, Michelle, and Amea Wilbur. "Media and government framing of asylum seekers and migrant workers in Canada during the COVID-19 pandemic." International Review of Education 67, no. 6 (December 2021): 895–914. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11159-021-09932-8.
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AbstractOne understudied area of adult education and lifelong learning is the role of media as educator and policy player. This article describes how the authors used critical discourse analysis to examine how asylum seekers, migrant workers and their advocates have challenged long-standing discursive framings of them as benefactors of Canadian generosity, criminals, burdens or victims – during the first ten months of the COVID-19 pandemic. The analysis points to the difficulties of navigating media engagement to advocate for individuals facing deportation from Canada, while also attempting to challenge the dichotomy of people seen either as worthy of dignity (those who work for low pay and in dangerous conditions to care for Canadians) or as unworthy (those who work on farms or who are not able to work). However, it also reveals the potential for critical lifelong media education to inform the work of adult educators across classroom, labour and social movement contexts to disrupt exclusionary and oppressive media and government narratives.
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Stoilova, D., and I. Todorov. "Fiscal policy and economic growth: Evidence from Central and Eastern Europe." Journal of Tax Reform 7, no. 2 (2021): 146–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/jtr.2021.7.2.095.
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This study aims to estimate the impact of three fiscal instruments (direct tax revenue, indirect tax revenue and government consumption expenditure) on the economic growth of ten new European Union member states from Central and Eastern Europe– Bulgaria, Czechia, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Romania, Slovakia and Slovenia. We examine the hypothesis about the effect of expansionary fiscal policy on economic growth. The study employs a vector autoregression and annual Eurostat data for the period 2007–2019. Four control variables (the shares of gross capital formation, household consumption, exports in GDP, and the economic growth in the euro area) are included in the model to account for the influence of non-fiscal factors on economic growth. The empirical results indicate that the real output growth rate in the ten new member states of the European Union is negatively affected by direct tax revenue, while economic growth in the euro area, exports and gross capital formation are positively related to economic growth. The results also imply that government consumption and indirect tax revenue have no significant impact on the growth rate of real output of the ten studied countries from Central and Eastern Europe. It may be inferred that policymakers in the new European Union member states can raise economic growth by encouraging exports and investment and by lowering the share of direct tax revenue in GDP. From the three analyzed fiscal instruments (direct taxes, indirect taxes and government consumption expenditure), only one has proven to be effective in the case of the new member countries.
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Ida, Yoram, and Gal Talit. "Israeli Government Policy on Non-Israeli Construction Workers." Migration Letters 20, no. 1 (January 31, 2023): 101–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ml.v20i1.2820.
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In Israel, there has been a severe shortage of housing units for several decades, due, among other things, to a shortage of skilled construction workers. The industry employs Palestinian labourers (since 1967) and migrant workers, mainly from Eastern Europe and China (since the 1990s). The Israeli government has changed its policy on the employment of non-Israeli workers several times. This article reviews these changes and discusses their successes and failures. The findings show that the shortage of workers in the construction industry in Israel might justify an increase in the quota of non-Israeli workers in the short term. However, in the medium and long term, measures must be taken to ensure implementation of planned reforms to reduce Israel's dependence on non-Israelis and encourage the integration of Israeli workers in the industry. This should be achieved mainly through technological improvements and a transition to industrialized construction.
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Cookson, Richard, and Alan Maynard. "HEALTH TECHNOLOGY ASSESSMENT IN EUROPE." International Journal of Technology Assessment in Health Care 16, no. 2 (April 2000): 639–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266462300101199.
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This paper discusses the challenges facing health technology assessment (HTA) in Europe, based on an explicit analysis of the characteristics of an “optimal” HTA system. It has three objectives: a) to elaborate an explicit system of policy goals and the characteristics of an optimal HTA system that facilitates the achievement of these goals; b) to identify the general institutional incentive barriers (government and market failures) that prevent the attainment of an optimal HTA system in Europe; and c) to argue that evaluation of the implications of health technologies for equity and inequality in health is an essential part of this optimal system and a considerable challenge for HTA decision makers, especially as national governments realign policy toward equity goals.
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Mansur, Wilda Ramadhani, and Adhitya Antomarta. "Optimization of Strategic Policy for the Prevention and Law Enforcement of the Crime of People Smuggling." Journal of Law and Border Protection 3, no. 2 (December 13, 2021): 47–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.52617/jlbp.v3i2.279.
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People smuggling as one of the transnational crimes that threatens Indonesia is still a global problem that is still difficult to find a way out. In addressing this issue, Indonesia must adhere to the precautionary principle but still prioritize state security. This study aims to determine the practice of people smuggling in Indonesia, how to regulate criminal acts and the formulation of policies related to people smuggling in Indonesian national law. This writing uses a juridical-normative approach through collecting data and library materials relevant to the topic of this research. From the results of the study, it was found that border control policies, deportation policies and legalization policies, as well as inspection policies on work locations, raids, and strict sanctions against perpetrators of people smuggling agents need to be carried out in the context of law enforcement against people smuggling crimes. In this case, the government through immigration as the relevant agency needs to conduct a study and draft special legal rules for people smuggling in Indonesia.
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Todo, Charles Oghenekparobor, and Edwin Ikechukwu Obisue. "A Statistical Investigation of Variables on Government Economic Policy Choices, Business Environments and Prices." International Journal of Mathematics and Statistics Studies 10, no. 2 (February 15, 2022): 26–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.37745/ijmss.13/vol10n2pp2639.
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Does government economic policy choices have effects on businesses and/or prices? Do they relate in some way? This is the issue the paper seeks to address. We collected data on government economic policy choices, businesses environments and prices from countries in Africa, Asia, America and Europe. The data were subjected to statistical investigation by calculating six correlation coefficients for each continent, ascertaining which variables are correlated, and getting the levels of correlations. The results empirically show that in three continents, government economic policy choices do have effects on the business environment. The continents are Africa (correlation between Govt. Debt to GDP growth and Corruption Index is 0.504488), Asia (0.488973), and America (0.515489). They are all in the same range. The correlation coefficient for Europe is very low (0.016655).
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Adetiba, Toyin Cotties. "Migration policy implementation and its politics in South Africa." EUREKA: Social and Humanities, no. 3 (May 31, 2022): 91–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.21303/2504-5571.2022.002383.
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Globally, migration is to a certain degree an important and highly debated political topic among scholars because of its peculiarity to human movement and relationship between states. Migration is fundamental to liberal democracies and a function of the international system of states. Following the demise of the apartheid system and the adoption of inclusive governance in South Africa in 1994, the country has continued to witness an influx of migrants. However, the call for the deportation and rejection of migrants amongst South Africans has continued to increase with black foreign nationals at the receiving end, sometimes openly or clandestinely done by government officials. Using a qualitative research method, underpinned by the following questions (i) Is South Africa playing politics with its migration policies, while surreptitiously legalizing xenophobism? (ii) Can well-managed migration policies allay the fears of foreign nationals, particularly the blacks in South Africa? (iii) What effects would anti-immigrants’ laws and attitudes have on South Africa’s relations with other [African] countries? The paper argued that South Africa’s preoccupation with restrictionism policies, driven by xenophobism and political interest, seems to have compromised inroads for immigrants that are very important to its economic growth, concluding that unless the rhetoric of a perceived socio-economic threat, posed by migrants, is countered effectively, South Africa’s economies stand to lose out substantially from the implementation of anti-immigration policies.
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Sajjad, Tazreena. "What’s in a name? ‘Refugees’, ‘migrants’ and the politics of labelling." Race & Class 60, no. 2 (August 30, 2018): 40–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306396818793582.
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Through a critical examination of European immigration policy and using the case of Afghan asylum seekers in the European continent, this article argues that the politics of labelling and the criminalisation and securitisation of migration undermine the protection framework for the globally displaced. However, the issue goes deeper than state politicking to circumvent responsibilities under international law. The construction of migrants as victims at best, and as cultural and security threats at worst, particularly in the case of Muslim refugees, not only assists in their dehumanisation, it also legitimises actions taken against them through the perpetuation of a particular discourse on the European Self and the non-European Other. At one level, such a dynamic underscores the long-standing struggle of Europe to articulate its identity within the economic, demographic and cultural anxieties produced by the dynamics of globalisation. At another, these existing constructions, which hierarchise ‘worthiness’, are limited in their reflection of the complex realities that force people to seek refuge. Simultaneously, the labels, and the discourse of which they are part, make it possible for Europe to deny asylum claims and expedite deportations while being globally accepted as a human rights champion. This process also makes it possible for Europe to categorise turbulent contexts such as Afghanistan as a ‘safe country’, even at a time when the global refugee protection regime demands creative expansion. Ultimately, the politics of European migration policy illustrates the evolution of European Orientalist discourse – utilised in the past to legitimise colonisation and domination, now used to legitimise incarceration and deportation.
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HELLER, WILLIAM B. "Regional Parties and National Politics in Europe." Comparative Political Studies 35, no. 6 (August 2002): 657–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414002035006002.
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Parties participate in national politics that do not pretend to national presence. The author asks whether such parties affect policy outcomes and concludes that they do, albeit in unexpected ways. Basically, nonnational parties influence policy making under certain conditions by trading policy for authority. They help national parties get the policies they want in return for transfers of policy-making authority to regional governments. This willingness to support national policies with minimal amendment makes regional parties attractive partners for national parties in government. The author examines this argument in light of detailed evidence from Spain's minority Socialist and Popular Party governments in the 1990s, along with discussions of the role of regionalism in Belgian politics and of the relationship between the Scottish Nationalist Party and the Labour Party in the United Kingdom.
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Lugo, Stefano, and Giulia Piccillo. "The Relation between Corporate and Government Debt Maturity in Europe." Journal of Financial and Quantitative Analysis 54, no. 5 (October 8, 2018): 2119–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022109018001205.
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This article investigates the gap-filling explanation for corporate debt maturity choices in a multi-country setting. We argue that companies adjust their debt maturity in response to shocks in government debt maturity both at home and abroad; the difference between the two effects depends on the markets’ relative size and level of integration. Focusing on the European case and treating the Economic and Monetary Union as a shock in market integration, we find strong empirical support for our predictions. Our results have relevant implications for the opportunity for individual governments to use their debt maturity structure as a policy tool.
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Etzkowitz, Henry, and Alex Etzkowitz. "Europe of the Future and the Future of Europe: The Innovation/Austerity Choice." Industry and Higher Education 29, no. 2 (April 2015): 83–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.5367/ihe.2015.0250.
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Although innovation policy usually follows the business cycle, it is both desirable and possible to reverse this trend. Perhaps the most telling commentary on contemporary Europe is the silence that met the presentation, at the recent European Parliament Innovation Conference, of the Chinese R&D spending curve passing the European Union curve in 2013. This intersection is a symptom of a deeper divergence in response to economic downturn between societies committed to innovation and those committed to austerity. One response to downturn is to double down on fiscal stimulus to increase spending in the short term and to create jobs, exemplified by the early Obama Administration's relatively modest stimulus package. Another response is to pull back, decrease government spending or, at best, hold it constant, as in the UK. The optimal response, as exemplified by China's continuing infusion of resources into higher education and advanced technology development, is for government to pursue fiscal expansion targeted at innovation, providing short-term economic stimulus while accelerating the transformation from a manufacturing-based economy to a knowledge-based economy.
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Rosicki, Remigiusz. "Political topology of Europe." Przegląd Politologiczny, no. 4 (December 15, 2019): 71–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pp.2019.24.4.6.
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The objective scope of the analysis performed in the text encompasses selected aspects of policy in its topological dimension. The space of policy is understood as both a theoretical construct (a policy field) and relations between the characteristics of political actors and their special kind of geographical co-existence. The following have been recognised as essential characteristics of policymaking: (1) electoral process and pluralism, (2) functioning of government, (3) political participation, (4) political culture and (5) civil liberties. These features can become an object of analysis in the assessment of democratic and authoritarian tendencies in selected countries. The text uses two statistical methods of multidimensional comparative analysis (Ward’s method and k-means method), apart from which use has been made of basic descriptive statistics and a comparative analysis of the values of the parameters of political characteristics. A selection of 40 European countries (EU-28 and 12 other countries) have been subjected to a statistical analysis according to the 2018 data. The main goal of the analysis is to connect facts and characteristics attributed to policy with a specific geographical area. In order to elaborate the objective scope of the research problem, the following research questions have been presented in the text: (1) Which of the characteristics of policy will determine the division of state entities according to a special type of clusters?, (2) Will political characteristics determine the division of particular state entities according to a special type of geographical division? The addressed research questions have been related to the hypotheses subjected to verification in the text.
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Ustek-Spilda, Funda. "Statisticians as Back-office Policy-makers: Counting Asylum-Seekers and Refugees in Europe." Science, Technology, & Human Values 45, no. 2 (October 20, 2019): 289–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0162243919882085.
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Street-level bureaucracy literature ascertains that policies get made not only in the offices of legislatures or politicians but through the discretion bureaucrats employ in their day-to-day interactions with citizens in government agencies. The discretion bureaucrats use to grant access to public benefits or impose sanctions adds up to what the public ultimately experience as the government and its policies. This perspective, however, overlooks policy-making that gets done in the back offices of government, where there might not be direct interaction with citizens. Furthermore, it treats discretion as inherently anthropogenic and ignores that it is exercised in relation to sociotechnical arrangements of which bureaucrats are a part. In this paper, based on extensive ethnography at national statistical institutes and international statistical meetings across Europe, I make two arguments. The first is that, statisticians emerge as back-office policy-makers as they are compelled to take multiple methodological decisions when operationalizing abstract statistical guidelines and definitions, thus effectively making rather than merely implementing policies. This is the “discretion” they employ, even when they may not interact with citizens. The second argument is that the exercise of discretion is sociotechnical, that is, it happens in relation to the constraints and affordances of technologies and the decisions of other bureaucrats in their institutions and others.
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심성지 and 최유미. "The Social Democratic Government in Western Europe and It’s Reform Policy: Social-and Employment Policy(1998~2002)." Dispute Resolution Studies Review 8, no. 1 (April 2010): 69–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.16958/drsr.2010.8.1.69.
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Minesashvili, Salome. "Europe in Georgia’s Identity Discourse." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 54, no. 1-2 (March 2021): 128–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/j.postcomstud.2021.54.1-2.128.
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Georgia’s European identity, often regarded as the basis of its pro-Western foreign policy, has been contested in the domestic arena by alternative agendas. While government changes are usually deemed instigators of change in this contestation, no systematic analysis has been conducted on the effect of external developments. Considering that Georgia’s relations with the West and Russia have been evolving and that the debates on European identity inherently relate to foreign policy, this article asks to what extent and how contestation within the European identity discourse changes in response to different external events. To elucidate these questions, the study unpacks European identity discourse in Georgia between 2012 and 2017 in the context of various ongoing foreign policy developments. These include developments in Georgia–European Union (EU) and Georgia–Russia relations, the war in Ukraine, and internal issues of the EU. Moreover, instead of common pro- and anti-European binary positions, identity discourse is analyzed as a combination of three identity categories via media in which each category constructs different degrees of difference with Europe. This article finds that advocates of each category interpret different foreign policy developments to reinforce, rather than challenge, their positions; thus, contestation and division in the discourse persist over time.
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Dobson, Rachael, and Sarah Turnbull. "In or against the state? Hospitality and hostility in homelessness charities and deportation practice." International Journal of Law in Context 18, no. 1 (March 2022): 25–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1744552322000015.
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AbstractThis paper examines how deportation became a solution to rough sleeping in pre-Brexit England. It identifies relationships between the social regulation of vulnerable and marginalised adults, contemporary governance arrangements and bordering practices characteristic of Britain's ‘hostile environment’. Drawing on media reports and grey organisational literature, the focus of discussion is events across 2015–2018 in which three London-based charities were criticised for working with the Home Office to deport homeless migrants under its European Economic Area Administrative Removal policy. The overall tenor of criticism was that collaboration with the government compromised the organisations’ independence and charitable missions and aims. This diminished their capacity to both advocate for vulnerable adults and effectively challenge oppressive state practices. The paper observes how state and nonprofit relations structure institutional and socio-legal responses to marginalised and ‘othered’ adults through commissioning and contracting mechanisms. It demonstrates that the social and legal control of homeless migrants may be differently constituted by institutions delivering services in relation to citizenship, vulnerability and marginalisation. This analysis incorporates a broader appraisal of institutional motivations, values and beliefs in social welfare delivery, including the historic role of charitable agencies in the criminalisation of social welfare users. Taken together, the paper offers an interdisciplinary critique of the relationships between border control, neoliberal governance and the sociocultural and historic construction of homeless migrants.
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Antioch, Kathryn M., Michael K. Walsh, David Anderson, and Richard Brice. "Forecasting hospital expenditure in Victoria: Lessons from Europe and Canada." Australian Health Review 22, no. 1 (1999): 133. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/ah990133.
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This paper specifies an econometric model to forecast State government expenditure on recognised public hospitals in Victoria. The OECD's recent cross-country econometric work exploring factors affecting health spending was instructive. The model found that Victorian Gross State Product, population aged under 4 years, the mix of public and private patients in public hospitals, introduction of case mix funding and funding cuts, the proportion of public beds to total beds in Victoria and technology significantly impacted on expenditure. The model may have application internationally for forecasting health costs, particularly in short and medium-term budgetary cycles.
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Gómez Cervantes, Andrea, Cecilia Menjívar, and William G. Staples. "“Humane” Immigration Enforcement and Latina Immigrants in the Detention Complex." Feminist Criminology 12, no. 3 (March 13, 2017): 269–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1557085117699069.
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We explore the criminalization of Latina immigrants through the interwoven network of social control created by law, the justice system, and private corporations—the immigration industrial complex. Considerable scholarly research has focused on understanding the overtly coercive practices of deportation and the consequences for families and communities; less attention has been devoted to the social control mechanisms of detention facilities and “Alternative to Detention Programs” (ATD programs) operating in the United States. We know relatively little about the consequences for immigrant populations, especially of the purported “humane” practices in the enforcement apparatus. Based on existing documents produced by governmental offices, including Department of Homeland Security, Immigration and Customs Enforcement, Border Patrol, Government Accountability Office, nonprofit organizations, advocacy groups, and private correctional facilities, we conducted semistructured interviews with 11 immigration lawyers who have access to women who are and/or have been detained, are in supervised ATD programs, are/were in deportation proceedings, or attempt(ed) to claim asylum. An examination of immigration confinement, especially the laws and policy decisions behind the exponential increase in these detentions, reveals important gender dynamics in these practices. The subtle and benevolence-signaling discourse evoking “family,” “motherhood,” and the care of children masks the harsh “business as usual” tactics that treat women and their children in ways indistinguishable from those used in the criminal justice system. We contend that this feminized and infantilized language functions to conceal widespread civil and human rights violations, physical and sexual violence, and mistreatment reproduced by the immigration detention system today.
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Scharpf, Fritz W. "A Game-Theoretical Interpretation of Inflation and Unemployment in Western Europe." Journal of Public Policy 7, no. 3 (July 1987): 227–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x00004438.
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ABSTRACTThe paper aims at a more complete, yet still parsimonious, explanation of macro-economic policy failure and success during the ‘stagflation’ period of the 1970s. Focusing on four countries, Austria, Great Britain, Sweden and West Germany, it is shown that both runaway inflation and rising unemployment could be avoided whenever it was possible to achieve a Keynesian concertation between fiscal and monetary expansion on the one hand and union wage restraint on the other. The actual policy experiences of the four countries are then explained in terms of the linkage between a ‘coordination game’ played between the government and the unions in which macro-economic outcomes are determined, and a politics game in which the government tries to anticipate the electoral responses of different voter strata to these outcomes.
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Horváthová, Brigitte, Michael Dobbins, and Rafael Pablo Labanino. "Towards energy policy corporatism in Central and Eastern Europe?" Interest Groups & Advocacy 10, no. 4 (October 22, 2021): 347–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41309-021-00138-9.
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AbstractThis paper contributes to our understanding of interest intermediation structures in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) and, specifically, whether, which, how and to what extent organized interests are incorporated into policy-making processes. Unlike previous studies primarily focusing on patterns of economic coordination (Jahn 2016), we focus on energy policy-making in the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovenia. We address the extent to which these energy interest intermediation systems are gravitating towards a more corporatist policy-making paradigm and whether corporatist arrangements have been dismantled in view of the new wave of national conservatism in CEE. We offer a complex operationalization of corporatism based on concrete indicators and present the results of a survey of energy interest groups operating in the region. It covers questions regarding interest intermediation between the organized interests and the government, regulatory authorities as well as the degree of policy coordination and political exchange with the state and between rivalling organizations, enabling us to derive a “corporatism score” for each national institutional setting and discuss them in the light of Jahn’s (2016) corporatism rankings for the region. We show that—despite striking differences—at least rudimentary corporatist interest intermediation structures have emerged with some variations of pluralism and statism in all four countries.
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Dana, Leo Paul, and Bella L. Galperin. "The role of government policy in post-communist Europe: a multi-country qualitative study." Global Business and Economics Review 10, no. 4 (2008): 467. http://dx.doi.org/10.1504/gber.2008.020596.
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