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1

Ivanov, Oleksandr, and Mykhailo Boiko. "Denazification policy in Germany in the coverage by the representatives of American scientific and political thought in the second half 1940s – 1950s." American History & Politics: Scientific edition, no. 11 (2021): 65–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2021.11.6.

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Based on an analysis of published works by American researchers (historians, political scientists, lawyers, sociologists, philosophers), the majority of whom was involved in the preparation and implementation of the process of re-education of Germans in the first postwar years, the authors aim to identify the main trends, approaches, assessments of the progress and future prospects of denazification of Germany from the point of view of American scientists and politicians of the first postwar decade. Denazification became one of the main public topics that was widely discussed in American society in the second half of the 1940s and 1950s, but these publications have not yet been the subject of a separate historiographical analysis in either ukrainian or foreign scientific literature that determines the novelty of the proposed article. Discussions were formed by those who were involved in its implementation and did not always express the views of academics alone. Based on the methods of historiographic analysis and problem-chronological approach, it was found that the program of «re-education» of Germany and its implementation were ambiguously perceived and evaluated by different researchers, which led to the formation of two directions in historiography of this problem. The first and a little earlier formed direction showed a balanced positive assessment of the denazification policy even if certain problems, shortcomings or even partially negative results were stated. Another trend, which crystallized a little later, articulated a more critical, skeptical, and even negative view of US policy in occupied Germany. In American historiography there is a thesis that the Germans must solve their own problems. The assessment of denazification took place at a time of critical geopolitical change in Europe, interest in which waned in the 1950s. Exacerbation of the confrontation with the USSR, fear of possible radicalization of Germany, problems of postwar economic recovery forced the United States to reconsider approaches to methods and rates of denazification policy and transfer control over its implementation to the newly formed Germany, an American ally.
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2

Boiko, Mykhailo, and Oleksandr Ivanov. "The Denazification of the Post-war Germany in the American Occupation Zone in 1945-1949." European Historical Studies, no. 10 (2018): 63–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2018.10.63-81.

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As a result of the analysis of the documents of the American Military Administration, agreements, signed at the official governmental level by the representatives of the Allies, personal documents, articles of the German newspaper “Die Zeit” and sociological researches carried out by the scientific institutions, the authors of the article outline the main mechanisms, procedures, institutions for the implementation of the denazification and identify its advantages and disadvantages during the American occupation in 1945-1949. Denazification implemented in the American occupation zone did not remain ineffective. This process also had a shocking effect for the civilians, for it meant “social degradation and humiliation in the eyes of society”. If there was no internal purification of the former criminals, all reinterpreted individuals were now forced to outbrave “political moderation and restraint” and to accept new conditions. With the adoption of democracy “from above” during the transitional justice, there can be no unequivocal answer to the question whether the national socialist dictatorship in Germany could be regarded as successful. The United States of America quickly realized that the future of Germany would depend on both the announced denazification and the economic recovery. The American government approved the adoption of the Basic Law (Constitution of the Federal Republic of Germany). In any case, the American policy toward Germany consistently advocated German unity and the integration of a prosperous and strong state, provided that it would become a constituent of a capitalist and democratic international system as a responsible party.
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MESSENGER, DAVID A. "Beyond War Crimes: Denazification, ‘Obnoxious’ Germans and US Policy in Franco's Spain after the Second World War." Contemporary European History 20, no. 4 (September 23, 2011): 455–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777311000488.

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AbstractThis work links the western Allies’ policy of denazification in occupied Germany to efforts to repatriate German intelligence agents and Nazi Party officials – so-called ‘obnoxious’ Germans – from the neutral states of Europe after the Second World War. Once on German soil, these individuals would be subject to internment and investigation as outlined in occupation policy. Using the situation in Franco's Spain as a case study, the article argues that new ideas of neutrality following the war and a strong commitment to the concept of denazification led to the creation of the repatriation policy, especially within the United States. Repatriation was also a way to measure the extent to which Franco's Spain accepted the Allied victory and the defeat of Nazism and fascism. The US perception was that the continued presence of individual Nazis meant the continued influence of Nazism itself. Spain responded half-heartedly, at best. Despite the fact that in terms of numbers repatriated the policy was a failure, the Spanish example demonstrates that the attempted repatriation of ‘obnoxious’ Germans from neutral Europe, although overlooked, was significant not only as part of the immediate post-war settlement but also in its bearing on US ideas about Nazism, security and perceived collaboration of neutral states like Spain.
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4

Connor, Ian. "Review Article : Denazification in Post-War Germany." European History Quarterly 21, no. 3 (July 1991): 397–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026569149102100307.

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5

Boiko, Mykhailo. "Denazification of Germany in german historiographical and social discourse (1945–2021)." Scientific Papers of the Kamianets-Podilskyi National Ivan Ohiienko University. History 34 (December 29, 2021): 9–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.32626/2309-2254.2021-34.9-28.

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Based on the analysis of published works of German scholars (historians, political scientists, philosophers) and public opinion leaders, the author aims to identify the main stages, trends and assessments in the study and coverage of the process of denazifi cation of Germany over the past 60 years. Denazifi cation had its specifi city in the British and French zones of occupation before the creation of Bisone, and later Trizonia, because there was no generalizing practice of Western democracies regarding the denazifi cation of West Germany. Denazifi cation first became a topic of family and, consequently, social debate in the 1960s, thus removing the public taboo on scholars’ research. Th e problem of denazifi cation remains one of the relevant topics of German historical discourse today, but the Ukrainian scientifi c community has not yet presented a separate analysis of German historiography, which determines the novelty of the proposed article. Based on the methods of historiographical analysis, problem-chronological and retrospective approaches, it was found that among the German academic community there were different approaches to the perception and evaluation of denazification, which infl uenced on the formation of three waves in social and historiographical discourse. It has been established that the fi rst wave was formed during the 1960s and 1970s as a result of the internal demand of public opinion leaders and the younger generation, without the involvement of professional scholars, when denazifi cation remained a very sensitive topic for society. In the second stage, which lasted until the mid–1990s, denazifi cation became the subject of special historical research, which revealed the specifi cs of responsibility for Nazi crimes, the issue of political stability and overcoming the past. Since the early 2000s, a third wave of historiographical discourse has emerged, representing modern approaches and assessments of denazifi cation: in–depth study of its aspects and analysis in the context of related political and legal processes, including clarifying the role of justice in the occupation period, guilt and personal responsibility for both recent and current political processes in the context of intensifying radical movements in Germany. The change of generations, the growing role of the media, unifi cation with the GDR, the collapse of the USSR – is not an exhaustive list of factors that infl uenced not only the revision of approaches to assessing the implementation of denazifi cation, but also the possible application of German experience abroad. The practice of public dialogue in the format of public discussions and research on sensitive historical topics determines the level of individual and collective responsibility for the political situation in Germany. Representatives of German historiography agree that denazifi cation was a component of interethnic reconciliation, but diff er in views on the methods of its implementation.
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6

Meier, David A., and Timothy R. Vogt. "Denazification in Soviet-Occupied Germany: Brandenburg 1945-1948." German Studies Review 25, no. 3 (October 2002): 638. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1432647.

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7

Peifer, Douglas C., and Timothy R. Vogt. "Denazification in Soviet-Occupied Germany: Brandenburg, 1945-1948." Journal of Military History 65, no. 3 (July 2001): 851. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2677598.

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8

Petelin, Boris. "Soviet Experience on German Land: Cultural Transformations in East Germany 1945—1955." ISTORIYA 13, no. 7 (117) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840022272-8.

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At the Potsdam Conference of 1945, the victorious powers committed themselves to denazification in the occupied zones in order to destroy the consequences of National Socialism. This is directly related to culture, education, science, art. In the Soviet occupation zone (SOZ), the main tasks of denazification, among others, were performed by the SMAG, which included structures with a large staff, whose responsibility was to update the ideology and culture in SOZ. The work was huge and responsible. Therefore, specialists were sent to East Germany from the USSR, who, interacting with left-wing parties, German communists, anti-fascists, representatives of education, science, culture, actually, even before the creation of the GDR, predetermined its socialist choice. There were difficulties, problems, as shown in the article on the example of restructuring of school and higher education, the activities of writing, theater and other unions and organizations. There is still a debatable problem — the degree of “Sovietization” of German culture. The fact that the experience of the “cultural revolution” in the USSR was used on German soil is undeniable. But what concrete results did this bring to German culture? The certain influence of Soviet culture on the cultural life of the GDR should not be denied. At the same time, it remained a “German country”, having achieved impressive achievements in economic, social and cultural development over the forty years of its existence. Her disappearance is due to other factors, causes and circumstances.
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9

McDougall, Alan. "Benita Blessing.The Antifascist Classroom: Denazification in Soviet-occupied Germany, 1945–1949.:The Antifascist Classroom: Denazification in Soviet‐occupied Germany, 1945–1949." American Historical Review 113, no. 2 (April 2008): 602–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.113.2.602.

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10

Ndoja, Davjola. "German National Socialist Black Metal: Contemporary Neo‑Nazism and the Ongoing Struggle with Antisemitism." History of Communism in Europe 10 (2019): 169–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/hce2019108.

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This paper is an exploration of the ideology of National Socialism in the work and activity of the German terrorist group and Black Metal band Absurd. Historians are divided—and many have criticized how postwar Germany dealt with denazification—, but the fact is that Nazi ideology has been part of the political and social spheres in Germany since then. Neo‑Nazism saw a revival especially in the first years after unification, which coincided with the beginning of Absurd’s story and career. Today, they hold the title of the National Socialist Black Metal act par excellence, with a 28‑year music career actively supporting and promoting Nazi ideology. Absurd makes a very interesting case study, since the band has played a key role in preserving and transmitting Nazi ideology, not just in Germany, but also worldwide.
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11

Augustine, D. L. "The Antifascist Classroom. Denazification in Soviet-occupied Germany, 1945-1949." German History 26, no. 2 (April 1, 2008): 327–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghn017.

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12

Andrew Donson. "The German Antifascist Classroom: Denazification in Soviet-Occupied Germany, 1945–1949 (review)." Journal of the History of Childhood and Youth 1, no. 2 (2008): 304–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hcy.0.0004.

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13

BAGDASARYAN, V. E. "DENAZIFICATION OF UKRAINE: PHENOMENOLOGY OF NEO-NAZISM." Central Russian Journal of Social Sciences 17, no. 2 (2022): 13–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2071-2367-2022-17-2-13-28.

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The purpose of the article is to consider the substantive grounds for the provisions of the President of the Russian Federation for the denazification of the modern Ukrainian state. In accordance with the principles and norms of international law of the implementation of the Russian military operation to force Ukraine to demilitarize and denazify, the eligibility is substantiated. The historical experience of its implementation in Germany and Austria is considered in relation to the modern prospects of denazification. Some evidence is given on the adoption by the Ukrainian state after the coup d'état of 2014 of the ideology of Nazism and its implementation in the public life of Ukraine. The author examines in detail the process of the formation of the state ideology in Ukraine (not yet completed), the system of political terror against opponents of the authorities, the features of the selective state personnel policy, and widespread censorship.
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14

Brockmann, Stephen. "Establishing Cultural Fronts in East and West Germany." Comparative Critical Studies 13, no. 2 (June 2016): 149–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/ccs.2016.0197.

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This paper examines the development of German postwar culture in the eastern and western zones as a function of the felt need to use culture in the denazification of Germany. The Kulturbund (Cultural Federation for the Democratic Renewal of Germany), founded by the exile writer Johannes R. Becher in 1945, was the primary institutional expression of this concern, which was widespread among the four occupying powers and German anti-Nazis. At the same time, however, there was a strong feeling in the postwar period that traditional German culture itself needed to be called into question and transformed because of its previous failure to prevent the triumph of Nazism. The paper explores the initial antifascist consensus, characterized by broad cooperation among the occupying powers and relative cultural conservatism, and the way that this consensus began to break down in 1947 under the pressures of the emerging Cold War. This breakdown led to increasing emphasis, after 1947, on the need to transform culture itself, and to growing criticism of traditional cultural conservatism. This emphasis was particularly strong in the western parts of Germany and differentiated the west from the east. It received institutional expression in the creation of the Congress for Cultural Freedom in 1950.
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15

Mouton, Michelle. "Missing, Lost, and Displaced Children in Postwar Germany: The Great Struggle to Provide for the War's Youngest Victims." Central European History 48, no. 1 (March 2015): 53–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938915000035.

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AbstractIn the final months of World War II, more than a million German children took to the roads in search of family and home. Although the majority returned home with little institutional support, hundreds of thousands of other German children could not. Some were orphaned; others remained in camps, children's homes, or foster families in areas that no longer belonged to Germany. Most challenging for authorities were those who were alone and too young to know their own names. This article explores the struggle to locate, identify, and provide for missing, lost, and displaced German children after 1945. It argues that despite a general agreement that children were in peril, Allied denazification policies and the decision by the UN Relief and Rehabilitation Administration (UNRRA) not to help “enemy children” compromised care for children. The division of Germany and the onset of the Cold War further handicapped efforts to aid children by preventing the creation of a unified search service. Yet, despite the many postwar impediments, the effort to care for these children was remarkably successful in the end.
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16

Griffith, William E., and James F. Tent. "Mission on the Rhine: Reeducation and Denazification in American-Occupied Germany." History of Education Quarterly 26, no. 3 (1986): 455. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/368259.

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17

Polianski, Igor J. "National Socialist Medical Literature and the Censorship Practices in the Soviet Occupation Zone and Early East German State." Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences 75, no. 3 (May 1, 2020): 299–323. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jhmas/jraa015.

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Abstract This study examines how medical discourse and culture were affected by the denazification policies of the Soviet occupation authorities in East Germany. Examining medical textbooks in particular, it reveals how the production and dissemination of medical knowledge was subject to a complex process of negotiation among authors, publishers, and censorship officials. Drawing on primary-source material produced by censorship authorities that has not been rigorously examined to date, it reveals how knowledge production processes were structured by broader ideological and political imperatives. It thus sheds new light on a unique chapter in the history of censorship.
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18

Kaviaka, Iryna. "German Question, 1945–1990, in Anglo-American Historiography: Key Aspects of the Problem Study." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 4 (2021): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640013665-9.

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Understanding and, after the unification of Germany in 1990, rethinking the process of evolution of the German Question, in particular its main components, is an important scholarly task. The origins of the modern power of Germany, its desire to establish itself as a world power, were formed in 1945–1990 with the active participation of the United States and Great Britain. Therefore, the assessment of the development of the German Question by researchers from these countries is important for its understanding. The study of the problem contributes to a comprehensive analysis of the post-war international policy of Great Britain and the United States as well as their modern relations with the FRG. Special attention to the German Question in the publications of the United Kingdom and the United States was shown at the stages of its qualitative transformation: the creation of the FRG, its rearmament, the implementation of a new Eastern policy, as well as the unification of Germany. Each of these events required a prompt response from the academic and expert community and the development of a balanced model of foreign policy response. Anglo-American historiography of the German question has not previously been the object of a special study by Russian historians. The purpose of this article is to analyze the main aspects of the German problem study in the works of British and American researchers. The article identifies four key aspects of the German question, around which the study of the problem in Great Britain and the United States was concentrated. The historiographic core consists of the works devoted to the issues of denazification, West Germany rearmament, Ostpolitik, as well as the unification of Germany and its consequences. Each aspect study was of particular importance and relevance for determining the further foreign policy strategy of the Western countries in Europe, mainly in relation to the FRG and USSR. Changes in approaches to evaluation of the aspects during the post-war period are analyzed. Particular attention is paid to identifying and studying stable geopolitical models that accompanied the perception of the German question by academic and expert communities of Great Britain and the United States: the concepts of “Finlandization” and “Mitteleuropa”, as well as the “Rapallo complex”.
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19

Schroeder, S. "The Allied Occupation of Germany: The Refugee Crisis, Denazification and the Path to Reconstruction." German History 32, no. 4 (April 18, 2014): 669–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghu043.

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20

Kudryachenko, A. "The Yalta Conference of the “Big Three” in 1945 and Ukraine’s Appearance on the International Stage." Problems of World History, no. 2 (December 1, 2016): 97–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2016-2-6.

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The article analyzes the decisions of the Yalta international conference of the leaders of the Allied States, i.e. USSR, USA and UK, aimed at solving the key issues of the final stage of war with Nazi Germany and its satellites: coordination of military activities, creation of four occupation zones on German territory, declared common goal of unconditional surrender as well as the principles of the post-war demilitarization and denazification of Germany, just punishment of war criminals, compensation for damages caused by the Nazis and creation of the inter-Alliance Control Commission in Moscow. The article considers the agreed decisions on establishing a permanent mechanism for regular consultations among the three Foreign Ministers of the Allied States related to post-war arrangement and order in Europe and the world as well as the Allies’ policy on liberated territories. The author analyses the conditions leading to creation of the new system of relations and spheres of influence of the great powers in the world. The article contains a special analysis of Allies’ decisions regarding creation of the UN and inclusion of Ukraine into the number of states-founders of this international organization. The issues related to legal capacity of Ukraine in the post-war decades are also considered.
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21

Pick, Daniel. "‘IN PURSUIT OF THE NAZI MIND?’ THE DEPLOYMENT OF PSYCHOANALYSIS IN THE ALLIED STRUGGLE AGAINST GERMANY." Psychoanalysis and History 11, no. 2 (July 2009): 137–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e1460823509000373.

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This paper discusses how psychoanalytic ideas were brought to bear in the Allied struggle against the Third Reich and explores some of the claims that were made about this endeavour. It shows how a variety of studies of Fascist psychopathology, centred on the concept of superego, were mobilized in military intelligence, post-war planning and policy recommendations for ‘denazification’. Freud's ideas were sometimes championed by particular army doctors and government planners; at other times they were combined with, or displaced by, competing, psychiatric and psychological forms of treatment and diverse studies of the Fascist ‘personality’. This is illustrated through a discussion of the treatment and interpretation of the deputy leader of the Nazi Party, Rudolf Hess, after his arrival in Britain in 1941.
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22

Belov, Vladislav. "THE NEW GOVERNMENT OF GERMANY AND GERMAN-RUSSIAN RELATIONS. UKRAINIAN FACTOR. PART 2." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 26, no. 2 (April 1, 2022): 100–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran22022100116.

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The recognition by the Russian Federation of the independence of the Donetsk and Lugansk People’s Republics, the following announcement by the President of the Russian Federation of a special military operation in connection with the situation in the Donbass in order to protect the citizens of the DPR and LPR, as well as the demilitarization and denazification of Ukraine, caused a sharp negative reaction from all political forces and strata of society in Germany. Its executive and legislative power has become the main protagonist of the five sanctions packages adopted by the European Union against the Russian Federation and which affected almost all areas of the national economic complex. A large-scale anti-Russian campaign was launched in the German media, actively supported by the Ukrainian leadership. This development of events marked the entry into a qualitatively new phase of relations between Germany and Russia. To predict such beginning of mid-February this year was impossible. Therefore, in the first part of our article, devoted to the Russian vector of the new governing coalition, relatively optimistic assessments were made. In the second part, the author examines this vector under new conditions, analyzes the most important anti-Russian steps and measures taken by the German cabinet of ministers and the Federal Chancellor. Particular attention is paid to the reaction of German business to the situation in Ukraine. The author evaluates their consequences for political and economic spheres of bilateral relations. In conclusion, a forecast of their further development is given. The third part of the article will analyze the consequences of the Ukraine crisis for science, education and culture.
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23

Huxford, Grace. "Allied Internment Camps in Occupied Germany: Extrajudicial Detention in the Name of Denazification, 1945–1950." German History 38, no. 3 (June 26, 2020): 523–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghaa053.

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24

Calico, Joy H. "Schoenberg's Symbolic Remigration: A Survivor from Warsaw in Postwar West Germany." Journal of Musicology 26, no. 1 (January 1, 2009): 17–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jm.2009.26.1.17.

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Abstract Musicologists have recently begun to study a crucial component in the reconstruction of European cultural life after World War II——the remigration of displaced musicians, either in person or (adopting Marita Krauss's notion of "remigrating ideas") in the form of their music. Because composers are most significantly present in the aural materiality of their music, and because Arnold Schoenberg's name was synonymous with modernism and its persecution across Europe, his symbolic postwar reappearance via performances of his music was a powerful and problematic form of remigration. The case of Schoenberg's A Survivor from Warsaw and the former Nazi music critic Hans Schnoor serves as a representative example. Schnoor derided Schoenberg and Survivor in a newspaper column in 1956 using the rhetoric of National Socialist journalism as part of his campaign against federal funding of musical modernism via radio and festivals. When radio journalist Fred Prieberg took him to task for this on the air, Schnoor sued for defamation. A series of lawsuits ensued in which issues of denazification and the occupying Allied forces put a distinctly West German spin on the universal postwar European themes of anti-Semitism, the Holocaust, remigration, and modernism.
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Kuprii, Tetіana. "Successes and problems of "re-education": to the 70th anniversary of completion of denazification of Germany." Skhid, no. 4(156) (October 3, 2018): 49–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.21847/1728-9343.2018.4(156).143498.

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26

Hall, Ann C. "Making the Call: Art and Politics in Ronald Harwood’s Taking Sides." Humanities 9, no. 4 (October 13, 2020): 118. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/h9040118.

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Set in Germany during the denazification processes following World War Two, Ronald Harwood’s Taking Sides (1995 play, 2001 film) pits German conductor Wilhelm Furtwängler against a relatively uncultured American interrogator, Steve Arnold, to, as Harwood says, examine the role of an artist under a totalitarian state and an American’s mistreatment of the world-renowned maestro. While there is certainly a contrast between the old world, represented by the classical music of Furtwängler, and the new, represented by Arnold’s affinity for jazz, there is much more at stake in both the play and the film. As the interrogation progresses, Arnold, who worked as an insurance claims adjuster during his civilian days, senses Furtwängler’s arguments about art as apolitical, are what he calls “airy-fairy” excuses. Arnold knows Hitler favored Furtwängler, used his music to inspire his atrocities, and gave Furtwangler access to almost anything he wanted. Critics frequently praise the play and film for its balanced presentation of the two sides. However, by examining the play and the film in terms of Aristotelian tragedy, this essay makes clear that Furtwängler’s refusal to take sides has grave consequences, consequences that only the crude, “ugly American” Arnold is willing to discuss.
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Kirchhoff, Ferdinand. "From denazification to renazification: Experiences in postwar Germany and a victimological point of view on truth and reconciliation." Temida 5, no. 4 (2002): 23–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/tem0204023k.

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This paper deals with some aspects of the experiences we have in a field, which is called "Transitional Justice". First, it introduces some concepts, which might be useful in dealing with the field. Then, experiences gathered in Germany after the World War and finally returning to the conceptual level, trying to give some outlook into what we can see from a victimological perspective on the problem.
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Bach, Jonathan, and Benjamin Nienass. "Introduction." German Politics and Society 39, no. 1 (March 1, 2021): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2021.390101.

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Innocence is central to German memory politics; indeed, one can say that the German memory landscape is saturated with claims of innocence. The Great War is commonly portrayed as a loss of innocence, while the Nazis sought, in their way, to reclaim that innocence by proclaiming Germany as the innocent victim. After World War II, denazification and courts established administrative and legal boundaries within which claims of innocence could be formulated and adjudicated, while the “zero hour” and “economic miracle” established a basis for a different form of reclaiming innocence, one roundly critiqued by Theodor W. Adorno in his essay “What Does Coming to Terms with the Past Mean?”1 In the 1980s, Chancellor Helmut Kohl’s famous pronouncement of the “grace [Gnade] of a late birth” (also translatable as “mercy,” “pardon,” or “blessing”) became the touchstone for a resurgence of war children’s (Kriegskinder) memory. In the 1990s, the myth of the Wehrmacht as largely innocent of atrocities was publicly challenged. Today, rightwing critiques that cast Holocaust remembrance as a politics of shame draw upon tropes of innocence, of German air war victims and post-war generations, while right-wing images of migrants are cast in classic forms of threats to the purity of the “national body” (Volkskörper). The quickening pace of contemporary debates over Germany’s colonial past pointedly questions the innocence of today’s beneficiaries of colonialism, drawing attention to the borders and contours of implication.
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Bergmann, Cynthia, Jens Westemeier, and Dominik Gross. "The Editors of Scientific Journals in Dentistry in Nazi Germany and after 1945: A Sociodemographic Study." Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences 77, no. 1 (December 27, 2021): 48–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jhmas/jrab045.

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Abstract This socio-demographic study examines the effects of the Nazification of the professional press in the Third Reich using the example of the dental press organs. Three subgroups were examined: (1) dental editors who lost their positions after Hitler assumed power; (2) editors who were newly appointed or confirmed in their positions during the Third Reich; and (3) editors who were recruited for these positions in the post-war period. The study was based on archival sources, contemporary registers, and dental journals from 1932-1949. These sources were supplemented by available secondary literature. A total of 34 editors were identified and their biographies reconstructed. Several of the editors appointed during the Nazi regime were able take up their positions again after 1945. Overall, the majority of editors appointed between 1945-1950 were former party members; in contrast, not a single Nazi victim was appointed to a position of this kind. We conclude in this article that denazification had no consequences for the specialist dental press. On the contrary, dentists who had benefited professionally from the Nazi regime during the Third Reich stood a good chance of furthering their careers after 1945.
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Knapton, Samantha K. "Andrew H. Beattie, Allied Internment Camps in Occupied Germany: Extrajudicial Detention in the Name of Denazification, 1945–1950." European History Quarterly 51, no. 2 (April 2021): 265–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02656914211005956a.

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Maulucci, Thomas W. "The Allied Occupation of Germany: The Refugee Crisis, Denazification and the Path to Reconstruction by Francis Graham-Dixon." German Studies Review 39, no. 2 (2016): 413–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/gsr.2016.0059.

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Schmidt, Mathias, Jens Westemeier, and Dominik Gross. "The two lives of neurologist Helmut J. Bauer (1914–2008)." Neurology 93, no. 3 (July 15, 2019): 109–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1212/wnl.0000000000007781.

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In 2008, the internationally renowned neurologist and university professor Helmut Johannes Bauer died at the age of 93 years. In the numerous obituaries and tributes to him, the years between 1933 and 1945 are either omitted or simplified; the Nazi past of Helmut Bauer has hardly been explored. Based on original documents dating from the Third Reich and the early Federal Republic of Germany as well as relevant secondary writings, Bauer's life before 1945 was traced to gain knowledge of his exact activities and tasks during the Second World War. Bauer was actively involved in Nazi crimes. He was a member of the so-called Künsberg special command of the SS and also worked in a prominent position at the Institute for Microbiology as well as for the Foreign Department of the Reich Physicians' Chamber. After World War II, Bauer underwent denazification and, like many others, was able to pursue his further medical career undisturbed, building on the contacts he had already made during the Nazi period.
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Crim, Brian E. "Allied Internment Camps in Occupied Germany: Extrajudicial Detention in the Name of Denazification, 1945–1950 by Andrew H. Beattie." German Studies Review 44, no. 3 (2021): 618–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/gsr.2021.0087.

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34

Scheuch, Erwin. "The Structure of the German Elites across Regime Changes." Comparative Sociology 2, no. 1 (2003): 91–133. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156913303100418717.

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AbstractGermany is an especially apt case to analyze the relationship between regime change and elite continuity. Its political history between 1860 and 1960 is marked by an unusual degree of turmoil. While the first level of leadership in politics, and to a lesser degree in business and administration, was affected by the various regime changes, the levels two and three much less so. The notable characteristic of Germany's social structure is the pervasiveness of corporatism, and this is especially pronounced in levels two and three of the leadership. We concentrated on the periods before 1914, the halfway revolution of 1918-1920, the Weimar Republic in its closing days, the ascent to power of the nazi leadership, the post-1945 attempts of denazification, and finally on the composition and the modus operandi of leadership groups in the 1990s. During all these changes the elites in Germany retained their segmentalized character, with the economic leaders, the bureaucrats, and politicians at the center, the politicians deriving their influence from their function as linking agents in a segmentalized structure. There are indications, however, that an establishment may be in the making.
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35

Naimark, Norman M. "Timothy R. ogt, Denazification in Soviet-Occupied Germany: Brandenburg 1945–1948. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2000. 336 pp. $52.50." Journal of Cold War Studies 4, no. 3 (July 2002): 140–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2002.4.3.140.

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36

Wend, Henry Burke. "Armin Grünbacher, Reconstruction and Cold War in Germany: The Kreditanstalt für Wiederaufbau (1948–1961); David Monod Settling Scores: German Music, Denazification, and the Americans, 1945–1953." Journal of Cold War Studies 11, no. 2 (April 2009): 126–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2009.11.2.126.

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Herbst, Jurgen. "Benita Blessing. The Antifascist Classroom: Denazification in Soviet-Occupied Germany, 1945–1949. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006. 304 pp. Hardcover $65.00." History of Education Quarterly 48, no. 4 (November 2008): 590–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-5959.2008.00171.x.

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38

Friedrich, Klaus-Peter. "Beattie, Andrew H.: Allied Internment Camps in Occupied Germany. Extrajudicial Detention in the Name of Denazification, 1945–1950, 258 S., Cambridge UP, Cambridge 2019." Neue Politische Literatur 67, no. 1 (January 8, 2022): 111–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s42520-021-00398-4.

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39

Gieseke, Jens. "The Antifascist Classroom: Denazification in Soviet-Occupied Germany, 1945–1949. By Benita Blessing. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. 2006. Pp. 304. Cloth $75.00. ISBN 1403976120." Central European History 43, no. 3 (August 18, 2010): 558–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938910000634.

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40

Searle, Alaric. "Book Review: The Denazification of Germany: A History, 1945—1950. By Perry Biddiscombe. Tempus. 2007. 288 pp. £20.00 boards. ISBN 978 07524 2346 3." War in History 15, no. 3 (July 2008): 362–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/09683445080150030613.

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41

Canoy, Ray. "From Crusade to Hazard: The Denazification of Bremen Germany. By Bianka J. Adams. Lanham, MD: The Scarecrow Press. 2009. Pp. xii + 167. Paper $40.00. ISBN 0810859920." Central European History 44, no. 4 (December 2011): 764–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938911000847.

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42

Epstein, Catherine. "Denazification in Soviet-Occupied Germany: Brandenburg, 1945–1948. By Timothy R. Vogt. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. 2000. Pp. xii + 314. $49.95. ISBN 0-674-00340-3." Central European History 36, no. 3 (September 2003): 487–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900007184.

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43

Senelick, Laurence. "The Nazi Occupation of Theaterwissenschaft." New Theatre Quarterly 37, no. 4 (November 2021): 365–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x21000294.

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Theaterwissenschaft was first developed as an academic field in Germany. In Berlin, Max Herrmann pursued a sociological and iconological approach; in Cologne and in Munich, Carl Niessen and Artur Kutscher followed an ethnographic and mythological direction, respectively. With the Nazi takeover in 1933, Herrmann was dismissed and replaced by a non-scholar, Hans Knudsen. Niessen’s open-air Thingspiel was co-opted to support Nazi ideas of Volkstum. Kutscher renounced his liberal background and joined the Party. In Vienna, Josef Gregor got the local Gauleiter to found a Central Institute for Theatre Studies that disseminated anti-Semitic propaganda. The most egregious case is that of Heinz Kindermann, who rose to be the most influential aesthetician of National Socialism, proposing a biological foundation to theatre studies and offering a racial-eugenic approach to theatre history. As this article demonstrates, in the post-war period, theatre studies sedulously avoided dealing with the Nazi interlude, where official denazification permitted these men and others to carry on teaching and publishing, winning honours and titles. It was not until the 1980s that attempts were made to confront this past. Laurence Senelick is Fletcher Professor Emeritus of Drama and Oratory at Tufts University, a Fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, and a member of the Advisory Board of the Conference on Transglobal Theatre. His most recent books include Jacques Offenbach and the Making of Modern Culture (Cambridge University Press, 2018); Stanislavsky: A Life in Letters (Routledge, 2013); and (with Sergei Ostrovsky) The Soviet Theatre: A Documentary History (Yale University Press, 2014).
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44

Poiger, Uta G. "Denazification in Soviet‐Occupied Germany: Brandenburg, 1945–1948. By Timothy R. Vogt. Harvard Historical Studies, volume 137. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2000. Pp. xii+314. $52.50." Journal of Modern History 76, no. 4 (December 2004): 995–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/427604.

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45

Dodeltsev, R. F., and V. I. Konnov. "THE CORE MYTH OF PSYCHOANALYSIS: ON THE CENTENARY OF FREUD’S “TOTEM AND TABOO”." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 6(33) (December 28, 2013): 254–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2013-6-33-254-262.

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The article attempts to evaluate the influence of one of the main works of S. Freud on the psychoanalysis of culture “Totem and Taboo”. The authors offer an overview of the history of the book’s creation including its psychoanalytical, anthropological and historical sources, analyze its main concepts among them the connection between ancient prohibitions and limitations imposed by neurotics on themselves, similarity between neurotic behavior and behavior of primitive people, examine the place of the book among other works by Freud such as “Mass psychology and Ego analysis”, “Cultural sexual morality and modern neurosis” and others. The article also investigates the main criticisms against Freud’s work launched from historical and psychological positions and tries to single out its constructive elements. The authors trace the reception of the book by literary circles, among others by T. Mann, who suggested viewing “Totem and Taboo” rather as a new kind of myth creation than a work of science. And then the article turns to attempts to apply the book’s ideas to the analysis of such events of modern history as the denazification of Germany and student uprising in the late 1960s following the works of the psychoanalyst M. Erdheim and philosopher O. Marquard. The authors conclude the article by offering their view of the possible applications of Freud’s concepts in the analysis of social processes, which could be based on combining the scientific approach favored by Freud himself, despite his leanings toward speculative theory, with methods of reflection typical for art, which build upon free associations of events and are directed towards the wide public rather than a narrow group of specialists.
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Dack, Mikkel. "Tailoring Truth." German Politics and Society 39, no. 1 (March 1, 2021): 15–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2021.390102.

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As part of the post-war denazification campaign, as many as 20 million Germans were screened for employment by Allied armies. Applicants were ordered to fill out political questionnaires (Fragebögen) and allowed to justify their membership in Nazi organizations in appended statements. This mandatory act of self-reflection has led to the accumulation of a massive archival repository, likely the largest collection of autobiographical writings about the Third Reich. This article interprets individual and family stories recorded in denazification documents and provides insight into how Germans chose to remember and internalize the National Socialist years. The Fragebögen allowed and even encouraged millions of respondents to rewrite their personal histories and to construct whitewashed identities and accompanying narratives to secure employment. Germans embraced the unique opportunity to cast themselves as resisters and victims of the Nazi regime. These identities remained with them after the dissolution of the denazification project and were carried forward into the post-occupation period.
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Fenwick, Luke. "The Protestant Churches in Saxony-Anhalt in the Shadow of the German Christian Movement and National Socialism, 1945–1949." Church History 82, no. 4 (November 20, 2013): 877–903. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640713001170.

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The two major Protestant churches in Saxony-Anhalt, the Church Province of Saxony(Evangelische Kirche der Kirchenprovinz Sachsens[KPS])and the State Church of Anhalt(Landeskirche Anhalts[LKA]), undertook denazification processes against “compromised” pastors and church hierarchs after 1945. Where the Church Province faced secular criticism about “lenient” denazification, the Anhalt Church enjoyed state support, largely because it admitted political representatives to its review commission. Hierarchs in the KPS explained their leniency with reference to the resistance of Christians in the Third Reich, a particular theology of church and state relations, and forgiveness. The verdicts handed down, nonetheless, were premised primarily on each clergyman's affiliation to the former German Christian movement and not on Nazi party membership; denazification was therefore “de-German-Christianization.” (The German Christian movement was a heterodox movement heavily influenced by Nazism.) However, quite apart from de-German-Christianization, there was also pragmatism within both(mutatis mutandis)the KPS and the LKA. Both desired a fully manned and unified pastorate in a time of acute need. Most churchmen withstood denazification as a result. One pastor in Anhalt exemplifies the process. Formerly a member, Erich Elster renounced the German Christian movement as a “false path” after 1945. He continued in his pastoral duties, albeit with an admonishment to preach orthodoxy. The general continuity of churchmen did not provide for unity in any case, and it even led to recrimination and in places a post-war perpetuation of the Third Reich “church struggle”(Kirchenkampf)that had pitted German Christians against members of the Confessing Church.
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Schroer, Timothy L. "Allied Internment Camps in Occupied Germany: Extrajudicial Detention in the Name of Denazification, 1945–1950. By Andrew H. Beattie. Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 2020. Pp. xii + 248. Cloth $99.99. ISBN 978-1108487634." Central European History 53, no. 4 (December 2020): 892–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000893892000103x.

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49

Pike, David. "Denazification in Soviet-Occupied Germany: Brandenburg, 1945-1948. By Timothy R. Vogt. Harvard Historical Studies, no. 137. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2000. xiv, 314 pp. Appendix. Notes. Bibliography. Index. Figures. Tables. $49.95, hard bound." Slavic Review 61, no. 3 (2002): 593–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3090313.

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50

Seipp, Adam R. "Allied Internment Camps in Occupied Germany: Extrajudicial Detention in the Name of Denazification, 1945–1950. By Andrew H. Beattie. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2020. Pp. xii+248. $99.99 (cloth); $80.00 (Adobe eBook Reader)." Journal of Modern History 93, no. 4 (December 1, 2021): 948–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/716803.

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