Academic literature on the topic 'Demonstrations – France – History'
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Journal articles on the topic "Demonstrations – France – History"
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Terretta, Meredith. "‘In the Colonies, Black Lives Don't Matter.’ Legalism and Rights Claims across the French Empire." Journal of Contemporary History 53, no. 1 (May 3, 2017): 12–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009416688258.
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This article examines convergences and divergences between various expressions of communism, French republicanism, and pan-black solidarity in overseas France and among metropolitan communities of activists from the 1920s to the rise of the Popular Front against fascism in the mid-1930s. From the time of the first administrative reforms arising from France’s official anti-communist colonial policies in 1922, until the formation of the Popular Front in 1936, anticolonial activism and anti-revolutionary policy dialectically produced sites of judicialization, with agitators deliberately harnessing legal processes to contest the policies, practices and politics of imperial France, and French officials variously legislating against protest, including by extra-parliamentary decree. Experiments in anti-revolutionary legislation culminated in 1935, when the French Minister of the Interior collaborated with the Minister of the Colonies and governors of overseas territories to legislate against ‘acts of disorder or demonstrations against French sovereignty’ whether committed by French citizens, subjects, or protected persons, and regardless of their location. By the early to mid-1930s, legalists on the French left – whether Marxist or republican and in large part due to their involvement with anticolonial activist groups in overseas France – viewed extra-parliamentary legislation and judicial irregularity in overseas France as a sign of increasingly authoritarian French governance. Many joined forces to mobilize against what some agitators described as fascist tendencies in French governance.
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Williams, Warren. "Flashpoint Austria: The Communist-Inspired Strikes of 1950." Journal of Cold War Studies 9, no. 3 (July 2007): 115–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2007.9.3.115.
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Austria is frequently overlooked by Cold War historians, but this small landlocked country was the site of a number of East-West confrontations during the decade of occupation by the United States, Britain, France, and the Soviet Union from 1945 to 1955. This article focuses on two of those incidents. In September and October 1950, Austria's Communist Party, supported by Soviet occupation forces, triggered a series of violent demonstrations throughout the country, ostensibly objecting to a new Wage and Price Agreement. Whether these strikes were part of a planned attempt to overthrow the central government is a question still debated. The article assesses the different views on this matter and the evidence available.
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Tamba, Nokiamy Sesena, and Myrna Laksman-Huntley. "PENGGUNAAN FUNGSI PELENGKAP PADA KALIMAT DALAM TRACT MEI 1968." JURNAL ILMU BUDAYA 8, no. 1 (March 16, 2020): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.34050/jib.v8i1.8922.
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Tract as a communication platform to call people to participate in demonstrations is still used by the French until 2019 in the Yellow Vest Movement. This proves the important usage of the track in France. The most important movement in French history that involves the utilization of tract was in Mai 68. By using it, the movement initiated by students of the University of Nanterre (May, 3rd 1968) was able to invite workers to join them on May 13 1968. However, it has a disadvantage due to paper usage: spatial limitations for the transmission of information. Therefore, it is necessary to pay attention to the choice of words, phrases, clauses, sentences, and presentations. Use qualitative methods and literature study; this article describes the utilization of the function accessory in the tracts on May 13 68, based on the sentence structure theory by Le Querler (1994). In the tract, variations of function accessories are presented according to the amount of paper used and to the freedom of presentation of the sentence by the creator. As a result, its utilization and presentation in the tract help the various groups involved on May 13, 1968, to gain a better understanding of the reasons and objectives to be carried out in the movement.
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Chapman, Herrick. "The Political Life of the Rank and File: French Aircraft Workers During the Popular Front, 1934–38." International Labor and Working-Class History 30 (1986): 13–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900016811.
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Between 1934 and 1938, several million workers took part in the elections, strikes, and protests that made the popular front a pivotal moment in the recent history of France. Giant street demonstrations, the General Strike of November 1938, and above all the massive sit-down strikes of June 1936 made most workers at least momentary actors in the drama of national political life. Yet, for all that has been written about these events, little is known about how labor conflict during the popular front actually affected workers' views. The problem has been in large part one of sources: the speeches, newspapers, leaflets, and memoirs of the period reveal more about trade union leaders and local militants than about the ordinary men and women who made popular protest possible but whose opinions rarely found their way into print. As a result, a number of questions remain largely unanswered: How much of the ethos of the popular front, and how much of the ideology of the Socialist and Communist parties, did rank-and-file workers come to embrace? Which slogans spoke most poignantly to lathe operators at Renault, textile workers in Lille, or sales clerks at the Galeries Lafayette? Were the euphoria of June 1936 and the crushing defeat of the General Strike in November 1938 as important in the lives of these people as they were for labor leaders? How popular, in short, was the political experience of the popular front?
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Chapman, Herrick. "The Political Life of the Rank and File: French Aircraft Workers During the Popular Front, 1934–38." International Labor and Working-Class History 30 (1986): 13–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900003835.
Full textAbstract:
Between 1934 and 1938, several million workers took part in the elections, strikes, and protests that made the popular front a pivotal moment in the recent history of France. Giant street demonstrations, the General Strike of November 1938, and above all the massive sit-down strikes of June 1936 made most workers at least momentary actors in the drama of national political life. Yet, for all that has been written about these events, little is known about how labor conflict during the popular front actually affected workers' views. The problem has been in large part one of sources: the speeches, newspapers, leaflets, and memoirs of the period reveal more about trade union leaders and local militants than about the ordinary men and women who made popular protest possible but whose opinions rarely found their way into print. As a result, a number of questions remain largely unanswered: How much of the ethos of the popular front, and how much of the ideology of the Socialist and Communist parties, did rank-and-file workers come to embrace? Which slogans spoke most poignantly to lathe operators at Renault, textile workers in Lille, or sales clerks at the Galeries Lafayette? Were the euphoria of June 1936 and the crushing defeat of the General Strike in November 1938 as important in the lives of these people as they were for labor leaders? How popular, in short, was the political experience of the popular front?
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Bravo Lozano, Cristina. "Popular Protests, the Public Sphere and Court Catholicism. The Insults to the Chapel of the Spanish Embassy in London, 1685-1688." Culture & History Digital Journal 6, no. 1 (May 19, 2017): 007. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2017.007.
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The coronation of James II, a Catholic, brought about a profound political change in religious matters in the British Isles. At court, a Catholicizing process was introduced, supported by the monarch and the European diplomats who opened chapels in different parts of the city. However, this missionary effort had an unequal reception and caused a popular rejection against this new religious culture, leading to demonstrations of a markedly confessional nature. The chapel of the Spanish Embassy suffered the insults of the crowd on two occasions: the main consequence of these altercations was its destruction during the revolution of 1688. Although, superficially, this protest movement can be interpreted as anti-Catholic, it must be understood in a political context. With each new royal ruling, the protests gained strength until finally exploding after the flight of the King to France. This paper focuses on the popular protests and the explicit remonstrance of English Protestants against these Catholic altars and places of worship, with particular emphasis on the residence of Pedro Ronquillo. This study looks at popular protests and the reaction of the authorities, perceptions of the English and the use of the public sphere, the reception and dissemination of news and the impact of popular religious violence on foreign affairs in this crucial phase of English and European history.
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Miller, Mary Ashburn. "A Fiction of the French Nation." Historical Reflections/Réflexions Historiques 44, no. 2 (June 1, 2018): 45–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/hrrh.2018.440204.
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This article examines fictional representations of the emigration of the French Revolution. It focuses on the novels Eugénie et Mathilde, Les Petits émigrés, and Le Retour d’un émigré, which were published in France between 1797 and 1815 as émigrés were seeking to return to the nation they had fled. It argues that these novels should be interpreted as making claims about the ability of émigrés to reintegrate within the nation. The sentimental novels responded to two key anxieties about the émigrés’ return by demonstrating that émigrés had not been transformed into foreigners during their time abroad and that they were not seeking to reconstitute Old Regime France. These novelists redefined the émigré as an isolated and pitiable wanderer, and redefined France as a nation bound by common suffering and sentiment.
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BENTRAR, Djamel. "CORONA AND SOCIAL INEQUALITIES IN France (PANDEMIC ANOMIE)." RIMAK International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 3, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 434–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.47832/2717-8293.1-3.34.
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Questioning the development and expansion of the Covid-19 virus, we highlight in this contribution the disparity in the treatment of this phenomenon in France as is the case in other Western countries between the working classes and the bourgeois classes. It is for us to focus on the changes brought about by this pandemic which has crossed borders by demonstrating the political limits of each country. Several data can be presented in this direction, particularly with regard to the inequality in the face of death in Western countries between populations often immigrants who do not have access to first aid and unequal treatment according to social and ethnic origin. To understand the roots of this social disparity, it is necessary to review the history of migration in these countries. In the case of France, the constitution of poor neighborhoods is one of the over-determining factors in the spread of the virus. Although not exhaustive, this article offers a pragmatic analysis of this phenomenon by clearly pointing out its historical roots. By attempting to answer the essential question, namely are we dealing with a socioeconomic construction of vulnerability or rather a genetic exposure, we propose the notion of pandemic anomie to describe this social imbalance existing before, during and even after the passage. of this health crisis. In this sense, the statistics and figures put forward in this work clearly explain the extent of this pandemic anomie.
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BENTRAR, Djamel. "CORONA AND SOCIAL INEQUALITIES IN France (PANDEMIC ANOMIE)." RIMAK International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 3, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 434–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.47832/2717-8293.1-3.34.
Full textAbstract:
Questioning the development and expansion of the Covid-19 virus, we highlight in this contribution the disparity in the treatment of this phenomenon in France as is the case in other Western countries between the working classes and the bourgeois classes. It is for us to focus on the changes brought about by this pandemic which has crossed borders by demonstrating the political limits of each country. Several data can be presented in this direction, particularly with regard to the inequality in the face of death in Western countries between populations often immigrants who do not have access to first aid and unequal treatment according to social and ethnic origin. To understand the roots of this social disparity, it is necessary to review the history of migration in these countries. In the case of France, the constitution of poor neighborhoods is one of the over-determining factors in the spread of the virus. Although not exhaustive, this article offers a pragmatic analysis of this phenomenon by clearly pointing out its historical roots. By attempting to answer the essential question, namely are we dealing with a socioeconomic construction of vulnerability or rather a genetic exposure, we propose the notion of pandemic anomie to describe this social imbalance existing before, during and even after the passage. of this health crisis. In this sense, the statistics and figures put forward in this work clearly explain the extent of this pandemic anomie.
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Dietschy, Paul. "French Sport: Caught between Universalism and Exceptionalism." European Review 19, no. 4 (August 30, 2011): 509–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798711000160.
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This article argues that the question of national perspectives is a fundamental problem in the writing of European sports history. It does so by demonstrating that France has an equal pedigree, in terms of diffusion and exceptionalism, as Britain, and pleads for a less skewed approach to the history of the subject in general. The article shows, first, that France contributed significantly to the internationalization of sport in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, with French networks facilitating the spread of sports across the globe. It considers the impact of French universalism on the institutional structures of world sport and assesses the importance of sport to governmental diplomacy. Second, it proposes that France occupies a special place in the history of European sport, halfway between that of the British on the one hand and other continental sporting cultures on the other. It discusses the role of central and regional administrations in the creation of a sports space that is distinctly marked by a lack of football hegemony. French sport, the article concludes, is characterized by a peculiar mix of anglomanie, invented traditions, internationalism, state interventionism and eclecticism.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Demonstrations – France – History"
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JOHANSEN, Anja. "Bureaucrats, generals and the domestic use of military troops : patterns of civil-military co-operation concerning maintenance of public order in French and Prussian industrial areas, 1889-1914." Doctoral thesis, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5846.
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Defence date: 20 April 1999Supervisor: Prof. Raffale Romanelli, European University Institute ; Co-supervisor: Prof. Michael Müller, University of Halle-Wittenberg ; External supervisor: Dr. Vincent Wright, Nuffield College, Oxford ; External examiner: Prof. Peter Becker, European University Institute
First made available online 21 September 2017
The purpose of the thesis is to understand the role of the army in the management of civil conflicts within the 'democratic' republican system in France and the 'semiabsolutist' and 'militaristic' Prussian system. In both countries, existing interpretations of the domestic role of the army focus on legal-constitutional perspectives, governmental and parliamentary policy making, and social conflicts, and are often normative. However, the lack of a cross-national comparative perspective has led to a series of conclusions that are called into question when the French and Prussian cases are compared. The thesis seeks to answer the question why the authorities in French and Prussian industrial areas, when confronted with similar challenges from mass protest movements between 1889 and 1914, adopted strategies that involved very dissimilar roles for the army in maintaining public order. On the basis of empirical observations of the process of bureaucratic decision making and inter-institutional co-operation between the state administration and the military authorities in Westphalia and Nord-Pas-de-Calais, the analysis was established using a 'historical institutionalist' framework of interpretation. The thesis puts forward two main arguments: that the strategies adopted by the French and Prussian authorities in the early 1890s that involved very dissimilar roles for the army in domestic peacekeeping were linked to dissimilar perceptions of the threat to the regime. The French Republic, despite its democratic and civilian ideals, made extensive use of the army because the fragility of the regime meant that it could not afford the danger that public unrest might get out of control. Conversely, the Prussian authorities considered their regime to be sufficiently stable to experiment with strategies to deal with public unrest that did not imply military intervention, even if these strategies provided a much lower degree of control over public unrest. The other main conclusion of the study is that the repeated implementation in the French case o f strategies that involved mobilisation of the army and the implementation in the Prussian case of strategies that drew upon civil forces alone, led to different strategies, organisations and uses of forces available. Hence, veiy dissimilar patterns of inter-institutional co-operation developed between the state administration and the military authorities in Westphalia and Nord-Pas-de-Calais.
Books on the topic "Demonstrations – France – History"
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Tartakowsky, Danielle. Le pouvoir est dans la rue: Crises politiques et manifestations en France. Paris: Aubier, 1997.
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Visages de la manifestation en France et en Europe (XIXe-XXIe siècle). Dijon: Editions Universitaires de Dijon, 2010.
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L' action collective des jeunes maghrébins de France. Paris: C.I.E.M.I., 1986.
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author, Jobard Fabien, ed. Politiques du désordre: La police des manifestations en France. Paris XIXe: Éditions du Seuil, 2020.
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Basse, Pierre-Louis. Aux armes citoyens--: Barricades et manifestations de rue en France de 1871 à nos jours. Paris: Hugo, 2005.
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Abderrahim, Hafidi, ed. Marche ou (c)rêve: La marche pour l'égalité et contre le racisme, 30 ans après. Paris: L'Harmattan, 2013.
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Bourgogne, Université de, ed. Mai-juin 1968: Huit semaines qui ébranlèrent la France. Dijon: Editions universitaires de Dijon, 2010.
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Jacques, Capdevielle, and Rey Henri, eds. Dictionnaire de mai 68. Paris: Larousse, 2008.
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The contentious French. Cambridge, Mass: Belknap Press, 1986.
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Dominique, Damamme, ed. Mai-juin 68. Paris: Atelier, 2008.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Demonstrations – France – History"
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Bensimon, Fabrice. "‘À bas les Anglais!’." In Artisans Abroad, 207—C6T1. Oxford University PressOxford, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198835844.003.0007.
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Abstract This chapter addresses issues of integration and rejection. For migrants, although moving to the Continent sometimes involved travelling short distances, the environments they encountered could be very different from their places of origin in Britain. Overall, they were welcomed by local authorities, provided they did not become involved in local religious, political, or social disputes. We still know little about the interactions between British migrants and local populations. The social history of these encounters has traditionally pointed to a dichotomy between Anglophilia and Anglophobia. Migrants, however, are an ideal population for the study of ‘diplomacy from below’. This chapter addresses British labourers’ different interactions with the local populations, at work, in the localities where they lived, or in places through which they passed (harbours, etc.). There is some evidence of friendly relations between migrant workers and the local people, with whom they could work, share lodgings, worship, play, drink, and associate. While most sources document the absence of real antagonisms with local communities, several outbursts of xenophobia can be identified, such as the 1848 crisis in France, when the combination of the economic crisis and the fall of the July Monarchy led to several demonstrations against British workers. Some had been living in France for years but now, faced with unemployment and local animosity, had no choice but to leave. This chapter assesses this flashpoint of hostility, exploring what it can tell us about xenophobia, including its modern-day forms.
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von Greyerz, Kaspar. "The Argument from Design." In European Physico-theology (1650-c.1760) in Context, 49–89. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192864369.003.0003.
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Among contemporary physico-theological treatises we can distinguish different genres. The argument from design was the most prevalent among them. Chapter 3 illustrates the main concerns of practitioners of this genre while, at the same time, demonstrating the geographical and cross-cultural scope of physico-theology in introducing authors from Britain, the Netherlands, France, Germany, and Swedish Finland. It points to the pivotal role of John Ray’s works for the deployment of physico-theology in Britain and on the continent, but also makes clear that our grasp must reach beyond treatises that identify themselves explicitly as physico-theological works. Furthermore, the present chapter introduces the Scandinavian ‘wing’ of the physico-theological movement. To date, it has been well known that the famous Swedish botanist Carl Linnaeus adhered to physico-theology, but owing to the canonization by traditional history of science of outstanding exponents of early modern science without considering their environment, it has been little recognized outside Scandinavia that Linnaeus was at the centre of a whole group of eighteenth-century Swedish physico-theologians.
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Laronde, Michel. "17 October 1961." In Postcolonial Realms of Memory, 109–18. Liverpool University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781789620665.003.0010.
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This entry focuses on the resistance against the erasure of institutional violence from collective memory during the Algerian War in France with the example of the 17 October 1961 massacre of North Africans in Paris. As part of an ongoing effort to correct the state’s misrepresentation of the event to the nation, a plaque was inaugurated by the mayor of Paris, Bertrand Delanoë, on October 17, 2001, to commemorate the fortieth anniversary of the event. The image of the plaque that reads ‘In memory of the many Algerians killed during the bloody repression of the peaceful demonstration of 17 October 1961’ resonates also in other cities around Paris as a corrective act of the great national narrative. Plaques and the renaming of streets, squares and public loci as ‘17 October 1961’ are memory initiatives that ensure the transition from state lie to the historical transformation of one of the traumatic situations embedded along the fractured lines between the colonial and the post-colonial. Plaques are akin to sites of memory, part of the process of healing traumas by keeping them alive in the present and represent the engagement of the post-colonial period towards correcting the distortions of silenced history.
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Macharia, Keguro. "Antinomian Intimacy in Claude McKay’s Jamaica." In Frottage, 127–64. NYU Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.18574/nyu/9781479881147.003.0005.
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Chapter 4 turns to Jamaican-born Claude McKay’s Jamaica-based poetry in Constab Ballads (1911) and fiction in Banana Bottom (1933). Recent scholarship has positioned McKay as an exemplary black diasporic queer, focusing largely on his U.S.-based Home to Harlem (1928) and the France-based Banjo (1929). In contrast, McKay’s Jamaica-based work has been neglected, suggesting that it is inadequately diasporic, inadequately queer, or both. Jamaica as “home” is rendered normative by its absence from discussions of McKay’s queer aesthetics and politics. I turn to Jamaican slave, emancipation, and post-emancipation histories to frame McKay’s poetry and fiction. In doing so, I demonstrate that McKay derives his models of gender and sexuality from Jamaican histories of labor and punishment. Under slavery, men and women performed the same work and received the same punishments, and thus were similarly (un)gendered, a process that extended the logics and practices of thingification generated by enslavement and commodification. Following emancipation in 1832, the colonial government attempted to distinguish men from women by how it treated work and punishment: thus, as I illustrate, queer Jamaican history is not predicated on same-sex eroticism, but in the range of embodied practices and desires made legible and illegible through slave and emancipation histories. In Constab Ballads and Banana Bottom, McKay depicts not only a range of erotic diversities, but, more importantly, a range of epistemological frames for understanding those diversities that depart from colonial modernity’s pathologizing logics. McKay goes where Fanon does not know how to, by demonstrating the place of erotic freedom within black diasporic struggles.
Conference papers on the topic "Demonstrations – France – History"
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Rogers, Robert H. "Tar-Polyurethane Joint Coating for the Three-Layer Polyethylene Pipeline Coating." In 1996 1st International Pipeline Conference. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/ipc1996-1827.
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This article describes a new joint coating system implemented by Bechtel for a major international, 48 inch diameter gas pipeline. Despite the long history of use as a pipe and valve coating, the new implementation is the industry’s first significant use of a thermoset hot spray coating applied to field weld areas of pipe, mill coated with a three layer polyethylene system. In the laboratory and in field trials, the coating demonstrated integrity, was applied much quicker than the traditional heat shrink sleeve, and eliminated several application contingencies. Laboratory investigations undertaken in Houston, Texas and Lyon, France were key steps in selecting the 100% solids tar-polyurethane coating. Additionally, the testing assisted in developing the surface preparation technique, and demonstrating the coating’s ability to adhere to the polyethylene coating as well as the steel pipe. Serious localized corrosion, and cathodic protection shielding associated with other joint coatings are less probable with the new joint coating system. Actual field cathodic protection testing indicated very low current consumption for the completed pipeline. The efficient joint coating operation contributed to setting new construction records.
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Gila, Cristina Iulia. "Challenges and Achievements of European Education Ministers on Information Exchange and Collaboration within the European Economic Community between 60s and 80s." In World Lumen Congress 2021, May 26-30, 2021, Iasi, Romania. LUMEN Publishing House, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.18662/wlc2021/25.
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This article examines the concerns of all national education systems in Europe regarding exchanges of information, ideas and collaborations since the beginning of the configuration of the European Community in the 1960s. The idea of working together member states for a better future for the younger generation was found both in the documents of the Conferences of Heads of State on Education and in the consultations of education experts. This was pointed out by education ministers, such as Edgar Faure or Olivier Guichard, in France, who made strong arguments, demonstrating responsibility for action for future generations. Although the beginning was difficult, in the 1960s the documents referred to the education of the children of migrant workers, the importance of learning modern languages, the recognition of diplomas. In the 1980s, meetings at the level of education ministers highlighted a deepening and strengthening of cooperation to adapt language teaching models, expand the study of European history and European institutions in secondary education increasing access to education for children with special needs, setting up school spaces for language learning, but especially the creation of a European Centre for Education.