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Journal articles on the topic 'Demonology'

To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Demonology.

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 29 July 2024

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1

Banoet, Fiktor Jekson. "Shamanisme dan Kesurupan: Teologi Demonik—Eksplorasi Demonologi Sosial dengan Demonologi Spiritis dalam Perspektif Non-Barat dan Implikasi Pastoral Lintas Budaya dan Agama." Aradha: Journal of Divinity, Peace and Conflict Studies 1, no. 1 (February 17, 2021): 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.21460/aradha.2021.11.534.

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Abstract As a social and cultural phenomenon, shamanism and possession are often mistakenly understood. The point of view at issue in these two forms of demonology is how we monitor the beginning of its proposition, not just the preposition that departs from the practice of pastoral, but its context-based epistemology. This is due to the difference in the peculiarities of the counseling model in the West and the East, especially Asia. Second, from theological heritage, we rarely understand both phenomena from demonology theology. Third, this paper aims to clarify the pathology of understanding of shamanism and bleakness that is always chaotic, namely sharpening the diff erence between spiritist and social demonology, by using the cross-cultural dan religion-based pastoral. Abstrak Sebagai fenomena sosial dan kultural, shamanisme dan kesurupan sering dipahami secara keliru. Titik pandang yang menjadi persoalan pada dua bentuk demonologis tersebut ialah bagaimana kita memantau awal preposisinya, bukan hanya sekadar preposisi yang bertolak dari praktek pastoralia, tetapi dari epistemologinya yang berbasis konteks. Hal ini disebabkan ada perbedaan kekhasan model konseling di Barat dan di Timur, khususnya Asia. Kedua, dari sudut warisan teologi, kita jarang memahami kedua fenomena tersebut dari titik pandang teologi demonology. Ketiga, tulisan ini bertujuan untuk memperjelas patologi pemahaman atas shamanisme dan kesurupan yang selalu kaotik, yaitu menajamkan perbedaan antara demonologi spiritis dan sosial, dengan menggunakan bingai pastoral lintas budaya dan agama.

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2

Dasenbrock, Reed Way. "Pound's Demonology." American Literary History 1, no. 1 (1989): 231–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/alh/1.1.231.

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3

Gura, Aleksandr. "Sorbian folk demonology." Slavianovedenie, no. 6 (2020): 56–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0869544x0012096-8.

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4

Guskova, A. A. "Demonology of geography." Voprosy literatury, no. 6 (February 7, 2019): 50–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.31425/0042-8795-2018-6-50-68.

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The article examines the ‘geographical dimension’ of modern Russian prose, in particular, through a mythological, and even demonological, prism. The mythological-dimensional complex is especially prominent in the Urals-themed works by O. Slavnikova (2017 (2006)) and A. Ivanov (his 2-volume series Parma’s Heart, or Cherdyn – The Mountain Princess [Serdtse Parmy, ili Cherdyn – knyaginya gor] (2003) and The Gold of the Uprising, or Down the River Gorge [Zoloto bunta, ili Vniz po reke tesnin] (2005)). Not only do the novels promote a region-specific metaphorical and mystic flavor of theUral Mountains, but they also feature very active and authentic demons, thus creating a unique provincial topos, whose spiritual quality stands out especially in comparison with its callous and apathetic metropolitan counterpart. Mainly based in the spiritual opposition between the Urals and the capital city, the conflict in the novels by Slavnikova and Ivanov is resolved in a historical dimension, because the hitherto culturally unexploredRussia offers unlimited riches for literary and mythological constructs and their integration into fiction.

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5

Zulueta, Felicity. "DEMONOLOGY VERSUS SCIENCE?" British Journal of Psychotherapy 14, no. 2 (December 1997): 199–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1752-0118.1997.tb00373.x.

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6

Krug, Adam. "Buddhist Medical Demonology in The Sūtra of the Seven Buddhas." Religions 10, no. 4 (April 9, 2019): 255. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel10040255.

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This essay begins with a brief discussion of the marginalization of demonology in the study of both Indian Buddhist traditions and Āyurvedic medicine. Unlike the study of Buddhist traditions in other geographic regions, there has been relatively little scholarship on the dialogue between Indian Buddhist communities and the localized spirit deity cults with which they have interacted for more than two millennia. The modern study of Āyurverda, with few exceptions, demonstrates a similar trend in the marginalization of bhūtavidyā, or demonology, which has constituted a legitimate branch of Āyurvedic medicine from at least the time that the earliest Āyurvedic compendium, the Carakasaṃhitā, was composed. This essay argues that this lack of proper attention to Indian Buddhist and Āyurvedic medical demonology is symptomatic of a broader, persistent bias in the human sciences. The essay then examines a handful of stories from the Karmaśataka, a collection of Buddhist avadānas, to argue that certain Buddhist communities may have held their own biases against systems of medical demonology, albeit for entirely different reasons. The balance of this essay then concludes with an analysis of The Sūtra of the Seven Buddhas that presents this work as an example of Buddhist medical demonology.

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7

Stevens, Phillips. "Universal Cultural Elements in the Satanic Demonology." Journal of Psychology and Theology 20, no. 3 (September 1992): 240–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009164719202000315.

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The “Black” or “Satanic Mass” is the western Christian variant of a complex scenario that expresses people's most basic and terrible fears. Many elements in the scenario, called a demonology, are found universally and throughout history. Anthropological examination of them suggests that they represent sub-cultural, innate fears deeply rooted in our evolutionary biology. This paper briefly discusses certain motifs prominent in the satanic demonology, including: nocturnal activity, ritual murder and the ritual use of blood, cannibalism and vampirism, incest and other forms of illicit sexuality, general fears of danger to children, and death, all of which represent universal cultural fears. Also considered are certain elements which seem specific to Western variants of the demonology, e.g., torment with snakes and spiders, and urine and feces. The possibilities of primate parallels to some of these features of the demonology is also considered. Cultural bases for these elements and the significance of their distribution may help to explain the widespread allegations of horrible deeds by satanic cults, and the testimonies of “survivors” of satanic rituals.

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8

Bee, Susan. "“Demonology” e outras imagens." Elyra, no. 16 (2020): 305–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.21747/21828954/ely16i1.

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9

Metcalfe, A. W. "The Demonology of Class." Critique of Anthropology 10, no. 1 (July 1990): 39–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0308275x9001000103.

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10

Nash, Roger. "The Demonology of Verse." Philosophical Investigations 10, no. 4 (October 1987): 299–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9205.1987.tb00058.x.

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11

Noble, Jonathan. "Biography: Hagiography or demonology?" Journal of Medical Biography 23, no. 2 (May 2015): 123–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967772015585295.

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12

Grebenik, E. "Demography, Democracy, and Demonology." Population and Development Review 15, no. 1 (March 1989): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1973403.

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13

Halaichuk, Volodymyr. "Demonology of Berezne district." Ethnology Notebooks 146, no. 2 (March 21, 2019): 437–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/nz2019.02.437.

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14

Nekhaenko, Fedor. "An Unknown Demonologist at the University of Paris?" Philosophy Journal of the Higher School of Economics 7, no. 4 (December 31, 2023): 241–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/2587-8719-2023-4-241-263.

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Though Daemonologia, like ontologia and anthropologia, is not genuinely medieval, but conceived in the Renaissance, it remains valid to apply such categories to the medieval intellectual culture. By doing so, we can restore the continuum of historical development. The present paper investigates the role of Hugh of Saint-Cher (ca. 1190–1263) within the domain of scholastic demonology. Specifically, it focuses on distinctions II.7–8 from Hugh's commentary on the Sentences (ca. 1231–1234) which has been transcribed, collated, and translated by me for the first time. I begin by examining Hugh's forerunners among scholastics in order to ultimately pick out Alexander of Hales. He was the sole precursor who invested in pushing demonology beyond conventional boundaries. Onwards, I demonstrate the diversity of thematic issues Hugh addresses. His text aims at accommodating a rational explanation and critique of the demonic procreation, healing, body assumption, locution, and wonders. Notably, Hugh's work demonstrates a relatively limited influence of Aristotle. The Dominican instead endows Lombard's text with illuminating stories about Balaam, Simon Magus, Apuleius, and Bartholomew. Hugh's ideas would go on to serve as the cornerstone for further elaboration of the demonology in the 1230s and 1240s. Subsequently, I offer an extensive overview of Hugh's impact on the handwritten tradition, clearly discernable through critical reception in Richard Fishacre, John de la Rochelle, and Eudes Rigaud's writings. What is more, I point out alternative ways to entail demonology by drawing upon evidence from Roland of Cremona and Alexander of Hales. After all, I consider Aristotle's impact on early scholastic demonology between 1225 and 1245.

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15

Scripcaru, Veronica, Diana Bulgaru Iliescu, Cristina Furnică, Andrei Scripcaru, and Petronela (Polixenia) Nistor. "Demonology and suicide - Forensic implications." Romanian Journal of Legal Medicine 25, no. 2 (June 1, 2017): 211–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.4323/rjlm.2017.211.

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16

Halaichuk, Volodymyr. "Traditional Demonology of Khmilnyk District." Scientific Papers of the Vinnytsia Mykhailo Kotsiubynskyi State Pedagogical University. Series: History, no. 36 (June 2021): 82–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.31652/2411-2143-2021-36-82-92.

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The purpose of the article is a comprehensive description of demonological ideas and beliefs of the inhabitants of Khmilnyk district of Vinnytsia region, made on the basis of their own records from this part of the historical and ethnographic Volyn. The research methodology is based on a combination of general scientific (analysis, synthesis, generalization) and special-historical (historical-typological) methods with the principles of historicism, systematization, scientificity and verification. When recording demonological materials, the main thing was to use the method of field ethnography. The works of famous Ukrainian ethnographers devoted to demonological ideas and beliefs of specific localities were used as role models. The scientific novelty of the work in the first situation was due to the publication of a large array of field ethnographic materials, which the author collected in 2014 in the villages of Voronivtsi, Zozulyntsi, Morozivka, Pagurtsi, Petrykivka, Pustovity, Rybchyntsi, Filiopol and town Khmilnyk. Most of them are published for the first time. In addition, the demonological tradition of Khmilnyk district has not yet been the subject of such accumulated attention. With the exception of some publications, the authors of which are the participants of the mentioned expedition in 2014 R. Siletsky, M. Bahlay and A. Kryvenko, these areas in this context were unknown to researchers of folk spiritual culture. Conclusions. Demonological tradition of Khmilnyk district at the beginning of the 20th century remains quite rich. Its main characters are witches and sorcerers, vampires, hobgoblins, mermaids, «potеrchatа», dead-«revenаnts», actually devils. In general, the demonology of the Khmilnyk district resembles the East Volyn region, which is natural. At the same time, there is a rapprochement with the Podillia tradition, in particular in the beliefs about vampirеs, about mermaids, about the elderberry as a «devil's tree» and so on. It is worth noting that the local population, sometimes clearly feeling the difference between their speech and Podillian, today identifies itself with Podillya.

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17

Spisak, April. "Practical Demonology by Clare Rees." Bulletin of the Center for Children's Books 75, no. 9 (May 2022): 297. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/bcc.2022.0249.

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18

Sripokangkul, Siwach. "Demonology and Contemporary Thai Politics." International Journal of Civic, Political, and Community Studies 17, no. 1 (2019): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.18848/2327-0047/cgp/v17i01/1-14.

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19

Asatrian, Garnik. "Armenian Demonology: A Critical Overview." Iran and the Caucasus 17, no. 1 (2013): 9–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573384x-20130103.

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The paper is a critical study of the Armenian demonic nomenclature of the ancient and later periods, covering the Classical and Middle Armenian texts and modern dialects, including Western Armenian traditions, which were alive until the first decades of the 20th century among the population of the Armenian provinces of the Ottoman Empire.The author presents a full list of the Armenian demons of different periods, critically revising the origin of their names and functions on a comparative background.

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20

Ivie, Robert L. "Finessing the Demonology of War." Javnost - The Public 14, no. 4 (January 2007): 37–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13183222.2007.11008951.

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21

Seed, David. "Brainwashing and Cold War Demonology." Prospects 22 (October 1997): 535–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361233300000223.

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In November 1949 the Hungarian government announced the trial for espionage of the American I.T.&T. executive Robert A. Vogeler. At the beginning of the following year Vogeler pleaded guilty and was sentenced to fifteen years imprisonment. For a while his case became a cause célèbre to the extent that the U.S. government threatened to break of diplomatic relations with Hungary. Vogeler was released in 1951 after a deal between the two governments. With the case of Cardinal Mindszenty fresh in the public memory reports had been emerging that Vogeler had been subjected to a coercion tantamount to torture, which he himself confirmed in his memoir, I Was Stalin's Prisoner (1952), which was published the same year as Whittaker Chambers's Witness. This was no mere coincidence. Reviewing the latter work John Dos Passos threw out dark hints that the authenticity of both memoirs was being confirmed by a Communist-inspired smear campaign against the two writers. Vogeler had been subjected unwittingly to a process that was on the verge of being named. He recalled how he had been reduced to exhaustion and despair by sleep deprivation and by isolation from any American contacts. The result was a splintering of his consciousness into two entities: “A new personality was struggling to take command of my body, a personality that was prepared to do everything that No. 1 suggested. But my old personality — or perhaps it was merely the instinct of self-preservation — still held its ground”.

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22

Lepajõe, Marju. "On the Demonology of Plotinus." Folklore: Electronic Journal of Folklore 09 (1998): 7–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.7592/fejf1998.09.plotinus.

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23

Badalanova Geller, Florentina. "Medieval Narratives on Russian Demonology." IKON 11 (January 2018): 279–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.ikon.4.2018029.

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24

Danciu, Petru Adrian. "Motivul Avestiței în demonologia populară românească / The motif of Avestiția in popular Romanian demonology." Swedish Journal of Romanian Studies 1, no. 1 (January 23, 2018): 146–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.35824/sjrs.v1i1.16805.

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Our research follows the demonic perspective on Avestiția′s activity and life. Considered today as a demonic character, she is highlighted by an activity defined almost exclusively against the killing of a pregnant woman or a baby, through appearances that cause fright (the disease called samcă) and the disfigurement of the "touched" by the demon. Because her history is unknown, the recent popular tradition has made one, Avestiția being the sister of Saint Sisoe, a murderer of children, and hence the generation of his witchcraft activity, which is why she is punished by her brother and by Archangel Michael. Newer theories claim a Semite origin (Lamashtu and Lilith), but we come with another, a totemic one, generated by the demon's descriptions. Thus, by systematizing the researched elements, we affirm that, starting from a totem (of the bear), dethroned by the masculine cults of Dacia, deity turns into a demon and encounters the demonological Semite elements, prior to Christianity in our country. Subsequent intervention of Christianity "corrects" the history of the character, turning her into a legend, when Sisoe and Archangel Michael appear. This final formula is known by Romanian ethnologists. Christian syncretism almost immediately generates the incantations of samcă and the "Book of Avestiția," a charm that reveals the name and the real history of the demon, which aroused the attention of Christian syncretism when attempting to kill baby Jesus, defrauded by Michael. Sacred folk literature describes her as an extremely dangerous being, Satan's right wing.

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25

McPhail, Eric. "Jean Bodin and the Romance of Demonology." Análisis. Revista de investigación filosófica 4, no. 2 (January 5, 2018): 265–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.26754/ojs_arif/a.rif.201722473.

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This article proposes a comparison between the French Renaissance demonologist Jean Bodin and the fictional character Don Quijote. Like the hero of Cervantes’ novel, Bodin believes everything he reads. Consequently, Bodin makes his own discipline of demonology a species of romance that eagerly blurs the boundary of fact and fiction. This type of credulity can be usefully juxtaposed to Michel de Montaigne’s understanding of the imagination and to his more philosophical exploration of the realm of possibility.Keywords: Demonology, fiction, imagination, Jean Bodin, Cervantes, Montaigne.

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26

Shaw, R. Daniel. "Another Way of Looking at the Data: A Reaction to Phillips Stevens." Journal of Psychology and Theology 20, no. 3 (September 1992): 245–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009164719202000316.

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Shaw reacts to Stevens’ (1992) article, “Universal Cultural Elements in the Satanic Demonology,” in the Journal of Psychology and Theology(1992, Vol. 20, No. 3) special issue on SRA. While agreeing that Stevens adequately explains the data on demonology from a social scientific standpoint, Shaw holds that the same data can be explained equally well by applying Christian theological assumptions. Fear of “satanic demonology” may be universal, but it can also be understood theologically as implanted by God, and its manifestations can be perceived as emanating from the conflict between a recognition of, and rejection of, divine standards. Despite the ability of the social sciences to identify the mechanisms that stimulate the creation of new legends, in the final analysis these sciences do not provide an answer to the underlying causes. Christianity therefore can fill the spiritual void where social scientific understanding leaves off. It does so by freeing people from common human fears, restoring them to wholeness, and by establishing ritual as a medium for worshiping a God with whom they can have relationship and fellowship through the once-for-all sacrificial death of Christ.

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27

Lucarelli, Rita. "Towards a Comparative Approach to Demonology in Antiquity: The Case of Ancient Egypt and Mesopotamia." Archiv für Religionsgeschichte 14, no. 1 (September 2013): 11–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/arege-2012-0002.

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Abstract This essay provides a general introduction to demonology in antiquity as well as a focus on ancient Egypt and Mesopotamia. It is also meant as an introduction to those papers which were originally presented at the international conference titled “Evil Spirits, Monsters and Benevolent Protectors: Demonology in Ancient Egypt and Mesopotamia,” held on April 23, 2012 at the Institute for the Study of the Ancient World of New York University, contained in the first section of this volume. Questions of the definition and function of demons in ancient Egyptian and Mesopotamian civilizations are raised and discussed in light of a comparative approach to the study of ancient religions.

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Trefilova, Olga V. "Bulgarian Folk Demonology: A Brief Overview." Slavic World in the Third Millennium 15, no. 3-4 (2020): 160–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2412-6446.2020.15.3-4.11.

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This paper attempts to present Bulgarian demonology holistically and structurally in accordance with the scheme proposed by representatives of the Moscow Ethnolinguistic School to describe mythological characters: their nominations, genesis, functions, and areal characteristics. Bulgarian folk spiritual culture is characterized by a certain integrity, but ethno-cultural differences can divide the tradition into Eastern and Western or Northern and Southern; the Bulgarian-Serbian-Macedonian border area is distinguished as a special area where mythological beliefs and ethno-cultural vocabulary are more fully represented compared to other regions of Bulgaria. When describing the Bulgarian tradition, it is important to keep in mind that many categories of Bulgarian demons are semantic Balkanisms – ethno-cultural terms common in the Balkan area and semantically different in local traditions. In this paper, mythological characters are grouped into four sections: 1) spirits of home and natural space, which includes such spirits as owners of loci, samodivi (fairies), “wild people”; 2) mythologized natural phenomena and human states (with such subgroups as atmospheric demons; demons of fate; personalized diseases, human states, jinxes; spirits-intimidators); 3) spirits of dead people (wandering dead, spirits of dead unbaptized children); 4) people with supernatural properties. Additionally, demonological characters are divided into calendar and non-calendar demons. The boundaries between groups are permeable; in addition, for non-calendar demons, in some cases, it is also possible to talk about their seasonal activity. The article is divided into two parts. In the first part of the article we offer a brief overview of the literature which attempts to systematically study Bulgarian demonology.

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29

Ziolkowski, Margaret. "A Modern Demonology: Some Literary Statins." Slavic Review 50, no. 1 (1991): 59–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2500599.

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The publication of Anatolii Rybakov's Deti Arbata (1987) was heralded with much fanfare both in the Soviet Union and abroad. In the novel Rybakov seeks to capture the essence of Stalinism as it affected the day-to-day existence of Soviet citizens, a theme that commands intense interest in the Soviet Union today. Yet it seems unlikely that Deti Arbata would have attracted the attention it has were it not for its lengthy passages devoted to the actions and thoughts of Stalin. The novel's protagonist Sasha Pankratov remains curiously flat, too reminiscent of socialist realist paragons; it is instead Rybakov's Stalin who holds the reader's attention.Few reliable Soviet histories of the Stalinist period or biographies of Stalin exist. Dmitrii Volkogonov and others are trying to rectify this situation, but literature has attempted to fill the gap and to respond to the national desire for some insight into the mysteries of Stalinism and its creator.

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30

Goodare, Julian. "John Knox on Demonology and Witchcraft." Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte - Archive for Reformation History 96, no. 1 (December 1, 2005): 221–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.14315/arg-2005-0111.

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ZUSAMMENFASSUNG Der Aufsatz untersucht die Haltung des schottischen Reformators John Knox zur Hexerei. Knox beschäftigte sich intensiv mit dem Teufel und war durch seinen Aufenthalt in Genf sicherlich auch mit den zeitgenössischen Vorstellungen über Hexerei vertraut. Seine Lehre über die Beziehungen von Mensch und Teufel paßte jedoch nicht in die zeitgenössische gelehrte Dämonologie. Seine Vorstellungen vom Teufelspakt blieben vage, und er bezweifelte die den Hexen zugeschriebenen nächtlichen Orgien. Dagegen stimmten seine Ansichten über Frauen mit den dämonologischen Schriftstellern überein. Die Themen Hexerei und Nekromantie hat Knox öfter in seinen Predigten als in seinen Schriften behandelt. Als Prediger beschäftigte er sich kaum mit der Vorsehung Gottes, einem Thema, das andere Protestanten benutzten, um ihre Gemeinden von der vermeintlichen Hexenbedrohung abzulenken. Knox befürwortete das schottische Hexerei-Statut von 1563. Dessen ausgeprägter Antikatholizismus, die Naivität gegenüber der Volksreligiosität und kleinere juristische Unzulänglichkeiten lassen sogar vermuten, daß er das Statut selbst verfaßte. Daß Knox in seiner “History of the Reformation in Scotland” das Hexerei-Statut nicht erwähnt, ist theologiegeschichtlich ohne Bedeutung, denn die dortigen Berichte über Hexerei sind Volkserzählungen.

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31

Michael D. Bailey. "Christian Demonology and Popular Mythology (review)." Magic, Ritual, and Witchcraft 3, no. 1 (2008): 99–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mrw.0.0097.

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32

Gasparini, Valentino. "Isis and Osiris: Demonology vs. Henotheism?" Numen 58, no. 5 (January 1, 2011): 697–728. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852711x593304.

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33

Weinstein, Donald. "Hagiography, Demonology, Biography: Savonarola Studies Today." Journal of Modern History 63, no. 3 (September 1991): 483–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/244353.

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34

Kolic, Marko. "The Demonology of Ellen G. White." Journal of Adventist Mission Studies 5, no. 2 (2009): 98–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.32597/jams/vol5/iss2/11/.

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35

Golovakha-Hicks, Inna. "Demonology in Contemporary Ukraine: Folklore or ?Postfolklore??" Journal of Folklore Research: An International Journal of Folklore and Ethnomusicology 43, no. 3 (September 2006): 219–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/jfr.2006.43.3.219.

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36

Wilson, Sarah Hinlicky, and Armando Maggi. "Satan's Rhetoric: A Study of Renaissance Demonology." Sixteenth Century Journal 35, no. 1 (April 1, 2004): 296. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20476919.

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37

EVEN-EZRA, AYELET. "Medicine and Religion in Early Dominican Demonology." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 69, no. 4 (April 3, 2018): 728–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046917002810.

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The article explores the theories of Roland of Cremona op (†1259), the first Dominican master of theology in Paris and a practising physician, regarding demonic influence on body and soul. Roland uses contemporary neurological theories of voluntary motion and cognition to explain how precisely demons might move the bodily members of possessed subjects, induce seductive images and implant scientific knowledge. The complex interaction of fields of knowledge demonstrated in his unique theories sheds light on the intellectual climate of the early thirteenth century in general, and of the early Parisian Dominican school in particular.

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38

Pigin, Aleksandr V. "A NEW BOOK ON OLD RUSSIAN DEMONOLOGY." Scrinium 10, no. 1 (March 22, 2014): 462–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18177565-90000110.

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39

Hayward, Rhodri. "Demonology, Neurology, and Medicine in Edwardian Britain." Bulletin of the History of Medicine 78, no. 1 (2004): 37–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/bhm.2004.0019.

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Krause, V. "Confessional Fictions and Demonology in Renaissance France." Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 35, no. 2 (April 1, 2005): 327–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10829636-35-2-327.

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Valentsova, Marina. "Folk Demonology of the Czechs (Ethnolinguistic Aspect)." Slavianovedenie, no. 6 (2022): 66. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0869544x0023272-2.

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The article gives an ethnolinguistic overview of the Czech-Moravian-Silesian system of demonological characters, including their dialect names, accompanied, if necessary, by an etymological comment. The article characterizes (first of all, functionally), natural demons (divoženki, hejkadla and other forest spirits; field spirits – režná žena, žitná baba, pražnec, etc.; atmospheric dragons and warlocks, spirits of the wind; water demon vodník or hastrman; poludnice, nočnice, klekanice and other spirits of time; spirits of mountains and earth), household spirits-patrons, including the snake-gospodáříček, and demons-enrichers – šotek, skřítek, plivník, zmok, etc.;giants and gnomes; maiden of fate sudička, werewolf, můra, wandering souls of unbaptized children and sinners expiating their sins in the form of wandering lights, «fears» and other ghosts, personified diseases and Death, devil. Witches that harm and send damage and the evil eye, and healers, removing damage and treating various diseases are also investigated. The review of demonic characters demonstrate the Czech-Moravian tradition in its entity, it will also be useful for comparative studies of Slavic lower mythology.

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Ochirova, Nyudlya Chetyrovna, Nina Nikolaevna Sharapova, Inga Sergeevna Mandzhieva, Merdan Yashuzakovich Khamraev, and Selbi Yashuzakovna Khamrayeva. "Ethnolinguistic Nominations of Mythological Figures (demonologems) in the Kalmyk Language." SHS Web of Conferences 164 (2023): 00118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/202316400118.

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Demonology ideas that date from the oldest and most stable folklore and mythological traditions are emphasized in multiple ethnic cultures. An early form of religion directly coupled with mythology is represented by the black faith of the Mongolian and, more broadly, Central Asians, which evolved from many different beliefs bequeathed by ancestors (belief in the forces of space and nature, in the souls of dead ancestors, totemic ancestors, etc.). It made people perceive the world around as a set of elements dynamically influencing their lives where each element has its own origin, its own spirit somewhat independent, which they worship and appease by means of sacrifice, incantation and primordial magic. Mythologization as a certain tendency of consciousness was preserved throughout all historical stages shaping the ethnic Mongolian society, including the Kalmyks. The paper discusses the naming of mythological characters (demonologems or demonims), defines the groups of nominations for „lower mythology‟ characters with a surreal denotation that does not exist in real life. The study aims to feature the ethnolinguistic functioning of demonology glossary in the Kalmyk language and to identify its significance in modern linguistic consciousness. The glossary is basically denoted through ethnocultural stereotypical ideas about demonology born in the minds of native speakers. The most productive are the nominative groups of mythical creatures determined by their habitat, by deleterious effects that malevolent entities can have, etc. Evaluative nominations are based on demonologemes that have a negative connotation fixed in the language.

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Machielsen, Jan. "The Devil is in the Tales: Evaluating Eyewitness Testimony in Martin Delrio’s Disquisitiones Magicae (1599–1600)." Preternature: Critical and Historical Studies on the Preternatural 11, no. 2 (September 1, 2022): 258–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/preternature.11.2.0258.

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ABSTRACT Martin Delrio’s Disquisitiones magicae (1599–1600) likely was the most successful work of demonology printed during the early modern period. It was also a work of textual scholarship. This article studies in detail the few instances in which the Spanish-Flemish Jesuit chose to discuss anecdotes based on things he either saw or heard and how he attempted to establish their credibility. Embedding these stories in a diverse web of other (textual) examples allowed Delrio to sidestep the vexed issue of discernment, establishing whether demonic agency had ever been involved. Careful study of the origins of these examples shows how many of these stories must have circulated widely and likely would have been changed in the retelling, enhancing their plausibility or relevance. Studying demonology through its shared stories, this article suggests, could open up new and exciting avenues for research.

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Stephens, Walter. "Learned Credulity in Gianfrancesco Pico’s Strix." Renaissance and Reformation 42, no. 4 (April 9, 2020): 17–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1068573ar.

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In 1522–23, Gianfrancesco Pico della Mirandola was involved in trials that executed ten accused witches. Soon after the trials, he published Strix, sive de ludificatione daemonum, a meticulous defence of witch-hunting. A humanistic dialogue as heavily dependent on classical literature and philosophy as on Scholastic demonology, Strix is unusually candid about the logic of witch-hunting. A convicted witch among its four interlocutors makes Strix unique among witch-hunting defenses. Moreover, it devotes less attention to maleficia or magical harm than to seemingly peripheral questions about sacraments and the corporeality of demons. It attempts to demonstrate that witches’ interactions with demons happen in reality, not in their imagination, thereby vindicating the truth of Christian demonology and explaining the current surfeit of evils. Strix explicitly reverses Gianfrancesco’s earlier stance on witchcraft in De imaginatione (1501) and supplements the defence of biblical truth he undertook in Examen vanitatis doctrinae gentium (1520).

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Rey, Jeanne. "Mermaids and Spirit Spouses: Rituals as Technologies of Gender in Transnational African Pentecostal Spaces." Religion and Gender 3, no. 1 (February 19, 2013): 60–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18785417-00301005.

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This article aims to approach the construction of gender in transnational spaces by focusing on the ritual practice of African Pentecostal migrants in Europe and in Africa. One dimension of African Pentecostalism is its insistence on the practice of exorcism called ‘deliverance’ where malevolent spirits are expelled from one’s body. Within the Pentecostal demonology, several categories of spirits carry implications for how gender is constructed. This article will analyse effects of the appearance of these spirits on the construction of gender among Ghanaian and Congolese Pentecostal churches in Geneva and in Accra. It will show that variations in the appearance of spirits within rituals can be interpreted as a negotiation of gender roles in a migratory context. Shifts in Pentecostal demonology can therefore be interpreted as a response to the reconfiguration of gender roles associated with the broader gender context and work opportunities in Europe.

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Campagne, Fabián Alejandro. "The Most Moderate of Radical Demonologists? The Amphibian Nature of Jean Bodin’s Démonomanie des sorciers." Parergon 40, no. 1 (2023): 99–130. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/pgn.2023.a905416.

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Abstract: The ‘Démonomanie des sorciers’ by Jean Bodin is, along with the ‘Malleus maleficarum’, not only one of the most famous demonologies ever written but one of the most commercially successful. However, one aspect of its argumentation seems to have been overlooked by scholars so far: the paradoxical coexistence of the providentialist foundations of Bodin’s doctrine, typical of the moderate demonology of the Church Fathers, and the merciless brutality of the suggested judicial procedure for the extermination of witchcraft. In other words, the harsh repressive stance associated with Bodin’s book does not follow logically from the Augustinian basis of his anti-scholastic demonology. The key to understanding this inconsistency lies in Bodin’s non-confessional political theory, for which atheism (one of whose evergreen incarnations is witchcraft) should be seen as the most dreadful enemy of any state, regardless of its Christian or non-Christian origins.

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Reed, Annette Yoshiko. "When did Daimones become Demons? Revisiting Septuagintal Data for Ancient Jewish Demonology." Harvard Theological Review 116, no. 3 (July 2023): 340–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816023000196.

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AbstractRecent research on Jewish demonology has been significantly advanced by evidence from the Dead Sea Scrolls. In light of these advances, this article revisits the use of daimones and related terms in the Greek translations of Jewish scriptures commonly called the Septuagint (LXX). Against the tendency to conflate these LXX data into one intermediate stage in the development of the demonology of the New Testament, it calls for further attention to the particular dates and translational tendencies in specific LXX texts, as well as further attention to contemporaneous Aramaic and Hebrew sources. Accordingly, it situates the daimones of LXX Deuteronomy, the Greek Psalter, and LXX Isaiah alongside the emergent demonologies in the Aramaic Enoch literature, Jubilees, 4Q560, and 11Q11. Taken together, these sources attest new literary creativity surrounding transmundane powers among Jews in the Hellenistic period, shaped by distinctive concerns that cannot be reduced to a transitional, proto-Christian moment.

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Bever, Edward. "Witchcraft Prosecutions and the Decline of Magic." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 40, no. 2 (October 2009): 263–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh.2009.40.2.263.

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Witchcraft prosecutions in Europe rose dramatically during the late sixteenth century, peaked in the middle third of the seventeenth century, and declined rapidly thereafter, gradually ceasing altogether by the end of the eighteenth century. The rise was driven by the dissemination of the late-medieval demonology and the “scissors effect” of rising population and constricting resources; the peak reflected the governing elite's “crisis of confidence” in the prosecutions and the demonology. The trials ended because the elite's skepticism about the magnitude of the threat posed by witchcraft gave way to disbelief in the power of magic altogether. The “crisis of confidence” manifested not only the victory of a long-standing tradition of skepticism and contemporary experience with the cruelty and injustices of the trials but also changes in popular behaviors and practices that the trials brought about. The growing acceptance of the new mechanical philosophy was less a cause than a consequence of the decline of witchcraft.

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Stephens, Walter. "Learned Credulity in Gianfrancesco Pico’s Strix." Renaissance and Reformation 42, no. 4 (February 11, 2020): 17–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v42i4.33705.

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Abstract:

In 1522–23, Gianfrancesco Pico della Mirandola was involved in trials that executed ten accused witches. Soon after the trials, he published Strix, sive de ludificatione daemonum, a meticulous defence of witch-hunting. A humanistic dialogue as heavily dependent on classical literature and philosophy as on Scholastic demonology, Strix is unusually candid about the logic of witch-hunting. A convicted witch among its four interlocutors makes Strix unique among witch-hunting defenses. Moreover, it devotes less attention to maleficia or magical harm than to seemingly peripheral questions about sacraments and the corporeality of demons. It attempts to demonstrate that witches’ interactions with demons happen in reality, not in their imagination, thereby vindicating the truth of Christian demonology and explaining the current surfeit of evils. Strix explicitly reverses Gianfrancesco’s earlier stance on witchcraft in De imaginatione (1501) and supplements the defence of biblical truth he undertook in Examen vanitatis doctrinae gentium (1520).

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50

Kalkaeva, Anna. "LITTLE MEN IN FAIRY TALES FROM THE BROTHERS GRIMM COLLECTION «KINDERUND HAUSMäRCHEN»: ATTRIBUTES AND FUNCTIONS." Herald of Culturology, no. 3 (2020): 119–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/hoc/2020.03.08.

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The article is devoted to functions and attributes of little people which appear in plots of «Children's and Household Tales» by the brothers Grimm. The author compares tales from Grimms’ collection with texts from collections of demonology folklore, collected by German re-searchers of XX century.

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