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Journal articles on the topic 'Democratization'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 29 July 2024

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1

DORSCH, MICHAEL T., and PAUL MAAREK. "Democratization and the Conditional Dynamics of Income Distribution." American Political Science Review 113, no. 2 (February 19, 2019): 385–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055418000825.

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Despite strong theoretical reasons to expect that democratization equalizes income distributions, existing empirical studies do not find a statistically significant effect of democratization on measures of income inequality. This paper starts from the simple observation that autocracies are heterogeneous and govern quite extreme distributional outcomes (also egalitarian). Democratization may drive extreme income distributions to a “middle ground.” We thus examine the extent to which initial inequality levels determine the path of distributional dynamics following democratization. Using fixed-effects and instrumental variable regressions, we demonstrate that egalitarian autocracies become more unequal following democratization, whereas democratization has an equalizing effect in highly unequal autocracies. The effect appears to be driven by changes in gross (market) inequality, suggesting that democratization has led, on average, to redistribution of market opportunities, rather than to direct fiscal redistribution. We then investigate which kinds of (heterogeneous) reforms are at work following democratizations that may rationalize our findings.

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Hariri, Jacob Gerner. "Foreign Aided: Why Democratization Brings Growth When Democracy Does Not." British Journal of Political Science 45, no. 1 (October 9, 2013): 53–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123413000276.

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There is an unresolved puzzle in research on the economics of democracy. While there is consensus that democracy is not generally associated with higher rates of economic growth, recent studies have found that democratization is followed by growth. But why shouldbecominga democracy bring growth ifbeingone does not? This article shows that a substantial and immediate influx of foreign aid into new democracies accounts for the positive growth effect of democratization. The domestic regime characteristics of neither democracy nor democratization therefore seems to bring growth. The importance of aid in explaining the democratization-growth nexus underscores that democratizations do not occur in vacuum and cannot be fully understood from internal factors alone.

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3

Tilly, Charles. "Inequality, Democratization, and De-Democratization." Sociological Theory 21, no. 1 (January 2003): 37–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9558.00174.

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Reversions from democratic to undemocratic regimes have often occurred historically and continue to occur frequently. Both increases in categorical inequality across a regime's subject population and declines in the insulation of public politics from categorical inequality tend to de-democratize regimes. A general account of democratization and de-democratization yields a series of conjectures concerning the processes by which changes in categorical inequality threaten democracy.

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4

Schopf, James C. "Following the Money to Determine the Effects of Democracy on Corruption: The Case of Korea." Journal of East Asian Studies 11, no. 1 (April 2011): 1–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800006937.

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Democratization should reduce incentives to engage in corruption, by expanding the size of the winning coalition, heightening transparency, increasing accountability to the electorate, and multiplying the number of veto points required for a corrupt deal. Yet many young, consolidated democracies, such as South Korea, have recorded higher levels of perceived corruption following democratization.I argue that the apparently higher level of corruption accompanying democratization results from overdependence on perception surveys to measure corruption. As democratization frees the press, more stories of graft lead the public to higher levels of perceived corruption without any corresponding rise in real corruption. A more effective measurement strategy is to objectively “follow the money,” by focusing on outflows of rents and any related personal receipt of favors by relevant officials. Applied to the Korean case, contrary to popular perceptions of increased corruption, objective measurement of elite corruption reveals that democratization produced a sharp reduction in the corrupt exchange of rents through industrial restructuring programs, bank lending, and government procurement contracts.

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5

Ngwaba, Uchechukwu. "Democratization." African Yearbook of International Law Online / Annuaire Africain de droit international Online 22, no. 1 (July 30, 2017): 58–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116176_02201004.

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6

Blondel, Jean. "Vanhanen's ‘Democratization’." European Political Science 4, no. 4 (December 2005): 436–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.eps.2210046.

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7

Vesić, Jelena. "Scattered Democratization." Performance Research 24, no. 7 (October 3, 2019): 148–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13528165.2019.1717888.

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8

Boix, Carles, and Susan C. Stokes. "Endogenous Democratization." World Politics 55, no. 4 (July 2003): 517–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.2003.0019.

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The authors show that economic development increases the probability that a country will undergo a transition to democracy. These results contradict the finding of Przeworski and his associates, that development causes democracy to last but not to come into existence in the first place. By dealing adequately with problems of sample selection and model specification, the authors discover that economic growth does cause nondemocracies to democratize. They show that the effect of economic development on the probability of a transition to democracy in the hundred years between the mid-nineteenth century and World War II was substantial, indeed, even stronger than its effect on democratic stability. They also show that, in more recent decades, some countries that developed but remained dictatorships would, because of their development, be expected to democratize in as few as three years after achieving a per capita income of $12,000 per capita.

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9

Ashford, Robert, and Demetri Kantarelis. "Capital democratization." Journal of Socio-Economics 37, no. 4 (August 2008): 1624–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.socec.2007.08.004.

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10

Bunce, V. "DEMOCRATIZATION ANDECONOMICREFORM." Annual Review of Political Science 4, no. 1 (June 2001): 43–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev.polisci.4.1.43.

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11

Bunce, Valerie. "Comparative Democratization." Comparative Political Studies 33, no. 6-7 (September 2000): 703–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001041400003300602.

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Comparative studies of democratization have produced two types of generalizations: those having nearly universal application and those applying to a range of countries within a region. In the first category are such arguments as the role of high levels of economic development in guaranteeing democratic sustainability, the centrality of political elites in establishing and terminating democracy, and deficits in rule of law and state capacity as the primary challenge to the quality and survival of new democracies. In the second category are contrasts between recent democratization in post-Socialist Europe versus Latin America and southern Europe—for example, in the relationship between democratization and economic reform and in the costs and benefits for democratic consolidation of breaking quickly versus slowly with the authoritarian past. The two sets of conclusions have important methodological implications for how comparativists understand generalizability and the emphasis placed on historical versus proximate causation.

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12

Teele, Dawn Langan. "Ordinary Democratization." Politics & Society 42, no. 4 (October 24, 2014): 537–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032329214547343.

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13

Rizki, Fathur. "Waves and Reverse Waves: Turkey Democratization After the Coup of 1960." NEGREI: Academic Journal of Law and Governance 1, no. 1 (July 3, 2021): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.29240/negrei.v1i1.2561.

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As the country that has been experiencing several changes of governmental system, especially after the coup of 1960, made Turkey as an attractive country to look at how they implement democracy. Democracy, which is the most widely used system in the world, has ups and downs in its application especially within Turkey that has long been ruled under the monarchy of Ottoman empire and republic party system, that considered as authoritarian before it leads to the coup of military. These cases refer to the development of democratization’s implementation within the country, and this paper will discuss how the waves and reverse waves of Turkey's democratization in the context of political parties’ participation in Turkish state's political stage, after the military coup in 1960 by implementing the theory of world’s democratization waves by Samuel P. Huntington. This paper also aims to analyze the development of Turkey democratization by observing several events that happened started after the military coup in 1960 and the rest until the it comes to contemporary issues by the rise of AKP party in 2002.

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14

Sadiki, Larbi. "POPULAR UPRISINGS AND ARAB DEMOCRATIZATION." International Journal of Middle East Studies 32, no. 1 (February 2000): 71–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002074380002105x.

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This paper proposes that domestic political conflict presents opportunities for positive change with long-term effects despite the “inherent plausibility” of its harmfulness. This position is tested using examples of Arab bread riots in the context of the wave of Arab democratizations over the past twenty years. Although generally guided and controlled, Arab political liberalizations (especially those of Sudan, Algeria, and Jordan) have their roots in pressure from below. Elsewhere (as in Tunisia and Egypt), similar pressure has helped consolidate—or, at least, place—political reform on the agenda of de-legitimized ruling elites. Democracy and democratization in the Arab Middle East have almost invariably meant a trend toward “parliamentarization” and “electoralization,” without yet presaging polyarchal rule. Between 1985 and 1996, the Arab world has experienced more than twenty pluralist or multiparty parliamentary elections, twice the number that took place in the entire preceding period since the early 1960s, when many Arab countries won independence from colonial rule. A focus on the khubz-iste (the quietist bread seeker who abandons quietism as soon as his livelihood is threatened by the state) and the hitiste (the quietist unemployed who becomes active in bread protests) provides a new perspective on democratization processes in Arab societies.

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15

Cho, Hee‐Yeon. "Confronting dictatorship, democratization, and post‐democratization – personal reflection on intellectual and social practices in the context of dictatorship, democratization and post‐democratization." Inter-Asia Cultural Studies 10, no. 1 (March 2009): 119–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14649370802386586.

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16

KOSTELKA, FILIP. "Does Democratic Consolidation Lead to a Decline in Voter Turnout? Global Evidence Since 1939." American Political Science Review 111, no. 4 (July 11, 2017): 653–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055417000259.

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This article challenges the conventional wisdom that democratic consolidation depresses voter turnout. Studying democratic legislative elections held worldwide between 1939 and 2015, it explains why voting rates in new democracies decrease when they do, how much they decrease, and how this phenomenon relates to the voter decline observed in established democracies. The article identifies three main sources of decline. The first and most important is the democratization context. When democratizations are opposition-driven or occur in electorally mobilized dictatorships, voter turnout is strongly boosted in the founding democratic elections. As time passes and the mobilizing democratization context loses salience, voting rates return to normal, which translates into turnout declines. The second source is the democratic consolidation context, which seems to depress voter turnout only in post-Communist democracies. Finally, new democracies mirror established democracies in that their voting rates have been declining since the 1970s, irrespective of the two previous mechanisms.

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17

Byness, Aschalew Ashagre. "Note: The Ebb and Flow of the Democratization Process in Africa." Mizan Law Review 15, no. 1 (September 30, 2021): 297–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/mlr.v15i1.11.

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Democracy and democratization are two faces of a coin, and democracy is unattainable in the absence of the democratization process. This note deals with some salient points regarding the processes, challenges and obstacles of democratization in Africa since the early 1960s. The roles of traditional institutions for democratization in Africa have also been highlighted. I argue that the democratization process in Africa is characterized by ebb and flow. There are various challenges and obstacles to democratization in spite of strong aspirations. Yet, Africa should strive hard to overcome these challenges and obstacles since it has no choice other than democratization.

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18

Grossman, Claire, Juliana Spahr, and Stephanie Young. "Literature’s Vexed Democratization." American Literary History 33, no. 2 (February 11, 2021): 298–319. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/alh/ajab003.

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Abstract This article examines the contradictions of the contemporary literary field that appears both increasingly capacious and more exclusionary than in the past. Discussing the expansion of publishing enabled by digital and online technologies, we note that these changes did not reshape the demographics of most published works in the US, which remain overwhelmingly white authored. We then turn to literary prizes as an indicator of who writes prestige literature, narrating the twentieth-century formation of a racially segregated field and its slow changes against the backdrop of publishing overproduction. Combining a history of prestige literary culture with a demographic analysis of prizewinning writers (1918–2019), we discuss how a mostly white, New Critic-dominated field became the much more diverse and wide-ranging scene of the present. While this area has importantly opened up to writers of different backgrounds, our data show that the inequities of earlier prizegiving now take shape as drastic educational barriers to entry. Observing that a great deal of contemporary literature dramatizes the peculiarity of performing racial difference—often under the auspices of white audiences—we argue that the path to “excellence” has never been more narrow for writers who are not white, and Black writers in particular.

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19

Rothschild, Amy. "Democratization of Perpetration." Conflict and Society 1, no. 1 (June 1, 2015): 92–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/arcs.2015.010108.

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This article examines the effects of human rights and transitional justice on memories of Timor-Leste’s resistance to the Indonesian occupation, which lasted from 1975 to 1999. Data comes from ethnographic fieldwork in Timor, centered around remembrance of two major acts of resistance: an armed uprising in 1983 and a peaceful demonstration in 1991. The article argues that in Timor, an “apolitical” human rights has caused a post-conflict “democratization of perpetration”, in that similar culpability is assigned to all those who caused suffering in the conflict with Indonesia through physical violence, irrespective of context. Transitional justice has thus expanded the category of perpetrator in Timor, to include some who legally used armed resistance against Indonesian rule. Studies of violence have belatedly turned toward examining perpetrators of state terror; this article examines how discourses of human rights and transitional justice shape perceptions of those who resist state terror with violence.

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20

Day, Dong-Ching. "China’s Democratization Revisited." Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal 8, no. 6 (July 4, 2021): 494–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.86.10420.

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When the Tiananmen Incident happened and the Berlin Wall collapsed in 1989 that indicated the end of the Cold War, some scholars predicted that China’s democratization would be realized in the short term. However, China not only didn’t become a democratic country, but also overtook Japan as the world number two economy in 2010; probably it will replace US as the world number one economy in 2030 which highly challenge the theory of economic growth bringing democratization. How come modernization theory doesn’t apply to China case after its rapid economic growth for decades? The easiest way to argue why China hasn’t become democratic country based on theories of democratization is that they couldn’t fit into China’s special situation. If that is the case, then further question will be why China’s situation is so special and what are behind it. This paper is trying to explain why China hasn’t democratized from the perspective of identity, and elaborate that ‘Four insistences’, ‘Being bullied experiences’, and ‘Democracy’s disorder and China model’ are those factors enhancing China’s identity. If those factors don’t change, it is hard to see China democratization happening in the foreseeable future.

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21

Adalikwu, Justina, Larry Diamond, and Marc F. Plattner. "Democratization in Africa." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 35, no. 3 (2001): 596. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/486309.

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22

Holm, John D., and Georg Sorensen. "Democracy and Democratization." African Studies Review 37, no. 2 (September 1994): 157. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/524771.

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23

Palterovich, D. "Competition and Democratization." Problems in Economics 31, no. 10 (February 1989): 60–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/pet1061-1991311066.

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24

Mansfield, Edward D., and Jack Snyder. "Democratization and War." Foreign Affairs 74, no. 3 (1995): 79. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20047125.

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25

Barsh, Russel Lawrence. "Democratization and Development." Human Rights Quarterly 14, no. 1 (February 1992): 120. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/762555.

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26

Fritz, V. "Mongolia: Dependent Democratization." Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics 18, no. 4 (December 2002): 75–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/714003620.

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27

Riedl, Rachel Beatty, Dan Slater, Joseph Wong, and Daniel Ziblatt. "Authoritarian-Led Democratization." Annual Review of Political Science 23, no. 1 (May 11, 2020): 315–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-polisci-052318-025732.

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Authoritarian regimes become more likely to democratize when they face little choice or little risk. In some cases, the risk of democratization to authoritarian incumbents is so low that ending authoritarianism might not mean exiting power at all. This article develops a unified theory of authoritarian-led democratization under conditions of relatively low incumbent risk. We argue that the party strength of the authoritarian incumbent is the most pivotal factor in authoritarian-led democratization. When incumbent party strength has been substantial enough to give incumbent authoritarian politicians significant electoral victory confidence, nondemocratic regimes have pursued reversible democratic experiments that eventually culminated in stable, thriving democracies. Evidence from Europe's first wave of democratization and more recent democratic transitions in Taiwan and Ghana illustrate how party strength has underpinned authoritarian-led democratization across the world and across modern history.

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28

N'Diaye, Boubacar. "Mauritania's Stalled Democratization." Journal of Democracy 12, no. 3 (2001): 88–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.2001.0052.

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29

Andrushkevich, Igor. "Legitimacy, Monarchy, Democratization." Journal of Political Theory, Political Philosophy and Sociology of Politics Politeia 13, no. 3 (1999): 41–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.30570/2078-5089-1999-13-3-41-63.

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30

He, Baogang, and Shahua Hu. "Explaining Chinese Democratization." Pacific Affairs 74, no. 1 (2001): 101. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2672492.

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31

Boyer, William W. "Reflections on Democratization." PS: Political Science and Politics 25, no. 3 (September 1992): 517. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/419443.

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32

Cornelius, Wayne A. "Mexico's Delayed Democratization." Foreign Policy, no. 95 (1994): 53. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1149423.

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33

Brown, Archie. "Russia and Democratization." Problems of Post-Communism 46, no. 5 (September 1999): 3–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10758216.1999.11655847.

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34

Nejabati, Reza, Shuping Peng, and Dimitra Simeonidou. "Optical network democratization." Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society A: Mathematical, Physical and Engineering Sciences 374, no. 2062 (March 6, 2016): 20140443. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsta.2014.0443.

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The current Internet infrastructure is not able to support independent evolution and innovation at physical and network layer functionalities, protocols and services, while at same time supporting the increasing bandwidth demands of evolving and heterogeneous applications. This paper addresses this problem by proposing a completely democratized optical network infrastructure. It introduces the novel concepts of the optical white box and bare metal optical switch as key technology enablers for democratizing optical networks. These are programmable optical switches whose hardware is loosely connected internally and is completely separated from their control software. To alleviate their complexity, a multi-dimensional abstraction mechanism using software-defined network technology is proposed. It creates a universal model of the proposed switches without exposing their technological details. It also enables a conventional network programmer to develop network applications for control of the optical network without specific technical knowledge of the physical layer. Furthermore, a novel optical network virtualization mechanism is proposed, enabling the composition and operation of multiple coexisting and application-specific virtual optical networks sharing the same physical infrastructure. Finally, the optical white box and the abstraction mechanism are experimentally evaluated, while the virtualization mechanism is evaluated with simulation.

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35

Warren, Mark E. "Governance-driven democratization." Critical Policy Studies 3, no. 1 (November 9, 2009): 3–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19460170903158040.

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36

Gilbreth, Chris, and Gerardo Otero. "Democratization in Mexico." Latin American Perspectives 28, no. 4 (July 2001): 7–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x0102800402.

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37

Freeman, Eric. "Diversion or Democratization." Journal of Hispanic Higher Education 16, no. 1 (July 24, 2016): 77–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1538192716628604.

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This study examines the relationship between academic undermatch theory and the college-going decisions, experiences, and aspirations of first-generation, rural Hispanic community college students in the new destination meatpacking town of Winstead, Kansas. Ethnographic data from rural high school guidance counselors, community college faculty, and students suggest a need to emend the theory to address dynamic contextual factors such as proximity to home, familismo, place attachments, social networks, geographic location, sense of belonging, and academic validation.

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38

Hill, Kim Quaile. "Democratization and Corruption." American Politics Research 31, no. 6 (November 2003): 613–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x03255178.

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39

De Maio, Mariana. "Democratization or censorship?" Agenda Setting Journal 2, no. 1 (March 29, 2018): 64–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/asj.17011.dem.

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Abstract Using second-level agenda setting, this paper examines the coverage of Argentina’s 2009 media reform. To investigate the attributes the media used, data were collected from three national newspapers’ online publications (Clarín, La Nación, and Página/12). Results from the analysis suggest that the newspapers used different attributes and tone based on their political leanings. Content analysis before and after selected court’s rulings on the new media law demonstrate that La Nación and Clarín tended to converge in the way they used attributes and tone. When the rulings went against the interests of Clarín and La Nación, both newspapers reacted negatively, in tone and attribute, relative to Página/12.

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40

Baskaran, Thushyanthan. "Taxation and Democratization." World Development 56 (April 2014): 287–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2013.11.011.

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41

Nederveen Pieterse, Jan. "Participatory democratization reconceived." Futures 33, no. 5 (June 2001): 407–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0016-3287(00)00083-5.

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42

Sundar, Nandini. "Is Devolution Democratization?" World Development 29, no. 12 (December 2001): 2007–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0305-750x(01)00085-7.

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43

Escribà-Folch, Abel, Covadonga Meseguer, and Joseph Wright. "Remittances and Democratization." International Studies Quarterly 59, no. 3 (January 5, 2015): 571–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/isqu.12180.

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44

Shin, Doh Chull, and Rollin F. Tusalem. "Partisanship and Democratization." Journal of East Asian Studies 7, no. 2 (August 2007): 323–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800008766.

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How do attachments to political parties among the mass publics of East Asia affect the process of democratization in the region? Analyses of the East Asia Barometer surveys reveal that partisanship motivates East Asians to endorse the democratic performance of their political system and embrace democracy as the best possible system of government. These findings accord, by and large, with the socialization, cognitive dissonance, and rational choice theories of partisanship.

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45

Clemens, Elisabeth S. "Democratization and Discourse." Social Science History 34, no. 3 (2010): 373–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200011305.

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The relationship between the development of rational public discourse and the expansion of democratic participation provides a focus for the comparative and historical analysis of the public sphere. Major scholars disagree, however, on the character of this linkage. As the contributions to this symposium demonstrate, the resulting debates have generated a rich literature in historical sociology. For Charles Tilly, public discourse and democratic participation proceeded largely in tandem, tracing out one important lineage in the history of democracy. An alternative understanding, informed by the early work of Jürgen Habermas, produces a more conflicted account of the tensions between democratic inclusion and rational deliberation. In their contributions to this symposium, Craig Calhoun and Andrew Abbott reconstruct the shifting and contested public arenas of London and Chicago. In an essay written after the original session for which my comments were crafted, Andreas Koller outlines a substantial agenda for comparative historical research on the public sphere.

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46

Kurzman, Charles. "Waves of democratization." Studies in Comparative International Development 33, no. 1 (March 1998): 42–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02788194.

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47

Alexandru Babadac, Andrei. "Democratization of intelligence." Journal of Intelligence History 18, no. 2 (March 28, 2019): 271–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/16161262.2019.1592954.

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48

Thilmany, Jean. "Democratization of Customization." Mechanical Engineering 131, no. 04 (April 1, 2009): 30–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/1.2009-apr-3.

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This review discusses growth of mass customization since the mid-1990s of the commercial and engineered products. Almost all types of durable consumer products, including clothing, footwear, household furnishings, toys, vehicles, and electrical and electronic devices can now be customized by the buyer at the time of purchase. Mass customization is when something is efficiently customized on demand—not in advance—and it does not cost a heck of a lot more to make than it would if one were making it for everyone at once. Designers who use Shapeways create their models using the free Google Sketchup or the Rhino modeling programs, though Shapeways also offers its own Shapeways Creator program. These simple design tools—along with 3D printing techniques—have played a big role in bringing mass customization methods to the fore. Future prospects shows that the Internet will facilitate a new wave of mass customization, where customers will create and trade designs for physical products in the same way they trade music files.

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49

Acemoglu, Daron, and James A. Robinson. "Democratization or repression?" European Economic Review 44, no. 4-6 (May 2000): 683–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0014-2921(99)00040-9.

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50

Tickner, J. Ann. "Gender and Democratization." International Feminist Journal of Politics 5, no. 3 (November 2003): 329–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1461674032000122696.

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