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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Democratization'

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1

Sayle, Wazhma. "Afghanistan Strides Towards Democratization : Democratization." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsstudier (SS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-80839.

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2

Kim, Eunbee, and Eunbee Kim. "Road To Democratization." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/626336.

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Why do some (non)violent civil resistances in nondemocracies achieve democracy while others do not? In order to answer this question, this project examined factors that result in different outcomes and the mechanisms critical to democratization. In particular, I paid close attention to whether autocracies failing after successful (non)violent civil resistance adopted transitional justice (TJ) mechanisms such as trials, truth commissions, and amnesty, and how civil society worked in each course of democratization. I explored the conditions of democratic consolidation (e.g., economic development, democratic neighbors, and political institution) and among them, focused on the civil culture that led citizens to participate positively and actively in politics with belief and trust. I found that in the course of democratization, implementing TJ policies is necessary in order to build inter-group trust and encourage citizens to participate critically in political reform. Because TJ mechanisms are designed to make past wrongdoers accountable and reconcile conflicting sides, these approaches can strengthen civic culture and promote reconciliation by restoring the rule of law and rebuilding victims’ dignity. In addition, I argued that a robust civil society (CS) plays a vital role in sustaining democracy, not only by encouraging TJ adoption, but also by playing roles such as supporter, mobilizer, enforcer, monitor, and so on. In this context, I suggested that (non)violent civil resistance can contribute to building a robust CS. Particularly, nonviolent and large resistance with diverse participants can increase the capacity, legitimacy, and representativeness of a CS so that it can play its role(s) properly. Statistical analysis with large-n data supported these arguments. Despite the controversy in the literature, adoption of TJ policies turned out to be a positively significant factor for achieving democratic consolidation; and, the robustness of CS, which can be developed through (non)violent civil resistance, was significant as well, particularly at the early phase of the democratization process. The application to the 2011 Arab Uprising cases (Tunisia and Egypt) that focused on TJ adoption and the role of CS revealed consistent conclusions as well. Although there are several limitations to this study, I attempted to reveal the importance of the linkages among steps to democratization and increase understanding of the “process” rather than simply the “cause” or “result.” In addition, the findings can be implemented in policies for proliferating democracy by supporting/encouraging democratization from the ground up (i.e., below), CS growth, and TJ adoption after transition.
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3

Eve, Erin Elizabeth. "Democratization in Zimbabwe." Connect to Electronic Thesis (CONTENTdm), 2009. http://worldcat.org/oclc/501170902/viewonline.

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4

Paun, Christopher. "Democratization and police reform." Bachelor's thesis, Universität Potsdam, 2007. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2008/1948/.

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This paper compares police reforms during democratization in Poland, Hungary, and Bosnia-Herzegovina. It analyses the changes to the structure of the democratic control of the police in each reform, paying special attention to the decentralization versus centralization aspect of it. The research question of this paper is: Why are some states decentralizing the democratic control of the police, while others are centralizing it, both with the aim of democratization? The theoretical background of this study are theories about policy diffusion and policy transfer. Therefore this study can be categorized as part of two different research areas. On the one hand, it is a paper from the discipline of International Relations. On the other hand, it is a paper from the discipline of Comparative Politics. The combined attention to international and national factors influencing police reform is reflected by the structure of this paper. Chapter 3 examines police structures and police reforms in established democracies as possible role models for new democracies. Chapter 4 looks at international and transnational actors that actively try to influence police reform. After having examined these external factors, three cases of police reform in new democracies are examined in chapter 5.
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5

Kuzu, Ayse Mine. "Elite Led Democratization In Georgia." Master's thesis, METU, 2008. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12609170/index.pdf.

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The process of democratization in the successor states of the former Soviet Union has been widely studied by political scientists, sociologist and experts in area studies. Academic literature mainly focuses on the factors which would facilitate and/or hinder the process of democratization in the post-Soviet era. These include economic development, political culture, the nature of previous regime type, structural factors and the role of elite. This thesis analyzes the process of democratization in Georgia while focusing on the elite choices and initiatives. It mainly focuses on democratic achievements as well as the failures in democratization under the rule of three post-Soviet presidents of Georgia, Zviad Gamsakhurdia, Eduard Shevardnadze and Mikheil Saakashvili. While doing so, it compares and contrasts the practices, priorities and policies of three leaders and evaluates on the impact of different leadership patterns on the process of democratization. This thesis argues that democratization in post-Soviet countries in general and in Georgia in particular is mainly an elite-led process. The success and failure of this process depends on the elite choices and initiatives and the power relations between and within the elite groups.
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Furlan, Benjamin, Martin Gächter, Bob Krebs, and Harald Oberhofer. "Democratization and real exchange rates." Wiley, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/sjpe.12088.

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In this article, we combine two so far separate strands of the economic literature and argue that democratization leads to a real exchange rate appreciation. We test this hypothesis empirically for a sample of countries observed from 1980 to 2007 by combining a difference-in-difference approach with propensity score matching estimators. Our empirical results reveal a strong and significant finding: democratization causes real exchange rates to appreciate. Consequently, the ongoing process of democratization observed in many parts of the world is likely to reduce exchange rate distortions.
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Liang, Ziting. "Incremental democratization with Chinese characteristics." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2011. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/3247/.

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This thesis is centrally concerned with the ‘democratic debate’ and assessing the prospects for democratic transition in contemporary China. The first part of the thesis (including Chapters 1 and 2) reviews the (primarily) Western academic literature on democracy and democratisation. It is argued that while this literature is useful-up to a point-in understanding how the debate of democratisation is unfolding in China, and the processes that are generating political reforms and other changes that are conducive to democracy, it has wholly neglected the specificity of the Chinese case. The third chapter of the thesis duly embarks on a discussion of both the history of debate and discussion in China historically, arguing that this debate and discussion has to be understood in the context of Chinese history and culture specifically. This chapter identifies two strands of thought about democracy among academic commentators in China: first those who foresee a swift transition to democracy and the ‘gradualists’, who are primarily concerned with how problems of attendant social and political instability will impact on the prospects for democratisation. The second half of the thesis assesses the impact of Chinese economic reforms since the late 1970s, along with contemporary globalization and China’s growing integration into the global economy on the trajectory of political change in China. It explores important political changes within the regime, the emerging civil society forces, focusing specifically on changing state-society relations evidenced in growing village autonomy, changes in press media, and in other areas. The thesis combines the technique of discourse analysis (‘reading’ and analysing the changing discourse among state and civil society actors, including official political documents and speeches; and media -television and newspapers- and NGO sources) with an assessment of institutional changes within the party (elite), changes in power structures (the limited diffusion of power to civil society through electoral reform and changes in media operation and control), and changing state-society relations.
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Chen, Xuezheng. "Kleptocracy, democratization and international interventions." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2013. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/57424/.

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This thesis consists of three self-contained chapters. The first chapter is titled ‘A Theory of Divide-and-Rule: Kleptocracy and Its Breakdown’. The second chapter is tilted ‘Kleptocracy and the Benevolent Opposition Organizations’. The last chapter is titled ‘Democratization, Revolution and International Interventions’. In the first chapter, I develop a theory of divide-and-rule, explaining how kleptocracies can be sustained in equilibrium by implementing a strategy of divide-and-rule. This chapter shows how this strategy is successfully implemented by a kleptocratic ruler, who is able to play one group of citizens against another. I explore the extent to which this is robust to a society with any number of citizen groups. When there are large numbers of citizen groups, a small number of them may benefit from the discriminatory redistribution policies implemented by the kleptocrat, while the vast majority will become the victims of the kleptocracy. Consequently, sharp economic and political inequality between the citizen groups may arise because of the discriminatory policies resulting from the divide-and-rule strategy. Furthermore, this chapter examines two cases in which this strategy may fail and the kleptocracy will break down. Several results are obtained in this chapter, and they are applied to some real world cases. In the second chapter, I introduce a theoretical framework, based on the model developed in the first chapter, examining how the benevolent opposition organizations, such as trade unions and religious organizations, may constrain the strategy of divide-and-rule. This chapter shows that by punishing those citizen groups supporting the kleptocratic rulers, they may help strengthen the cooperation between them, thus improving the welfare of the civilians and even removing the kleptocratic ruler. However, compared to punishing the citizen group supporting the ruler, the benevolent opposition organizations could more effectively constrain the kleptocracy through rewarding the citizen group who challenges the ruler or supports another citizen group in challenging the ruler. In the last chapter, I develop a model for military interventions and economic sanctions respectively, examining their impacts on the process of democratization. In a dictatorial society or a weakly institutionalized society, the ruler and the opposition vie for social surplus, while the international community decide whether or not to carry out military interventions, or to impose economic sanctions in this society. The theoretical frameworks developed in this chapter formalize the interaction between the international community, the opposition and the ruler. This chapter shows that both military interventions and economic sanctions may help promote the democratization process in a state, while they may also induce the opposition to resort to a revolution to overthrow the regime, thus increasing the likelihood of a civil war and raising the uncertainty in the democratization process. Several analytical results in this chapter may shed light on the questions about the efficacy and impacts of international interventions on the democratization process in a state. Furthermore, this chapter introduces the military interventions in 2011 Libya and the economic sanctions against Burma as case studies.
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9

Ho, Chi-keung Albert. "A comparative study of democratization in Hong Kong and Macau." Click to view the E-thesis via HKUTO, 2001. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B42575722.

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10

Karadag, Yelda. "Political Parties And Democratization In Georgia." Master's thesis, METU, 2012. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12614006/index.pdf.

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ABSTRACT THE POLITICAL PARTIES IN GEORGIAN DEMOCRATIZATION Karadag, Yelda M.S., Department of Eurasian Studies Supervisor: Assoc. Prof. Dr. Ayç
a Ergun Ö
zbolat December 2011,181 Pages This thesis analyzes the development of the multi-party system and the role of political parties in the process of democratization in Georgia during both pre-independence and post-independence periods. The conditions shaping both the multi-party system and democratization are analyzed in the light of findings obtained through in-depth interviews with the representatives of political parties, civil society organizations and academicians in Georgia. In accordance with the post-Soviet political system, the nature of the relationship between the ruling party and the opposition is crucial. The diversification among the elite groups and the lack of pact formation among the political elite is the main reason which hinders the process of democratization. Hence, despite the Georgian political party system has numerous political parties
it is shaped in accordance with the dominant political party system.
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11

Che, Afa Anwi Ma Abo. "Democratization, politicised ethnicity, and conflict proclivity." Thesis, Swansea University, 2015. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.678371.

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Coppeto, Laura. "Populism an unacknowledged aid to democratization /." Click here for download, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1276419931&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=3260&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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13

Borstrock, Shaun. "The democratization and popularization of luxury." Thesis, University of Hertfordshire, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2299/13835.

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This dissertation examines the nature of luxury and luxury branded products, and the meanings attached to them. This is the first study of its kind as materials, manufacturing, sales and marketing processes are analyzed in relation to the retail environment to establish tiers of luxury relevant in today’s global market. Existing literature about the definitions and implementation of marketing strategies that impact on luxury brands (e.g. Danziger, 2005; Kapferer et al, 2009; and Okonkwo, 2007) demonstrate a lack of clarity as marketeers concentrate on adding value to mass produced products. In essence, terminology is employed, it is argued, that artificially elevates the product by attribution. The dissertation goes on to examine the complexity of the marketing tools used to add value to mass-produced products and a taxonomy of luxury is established to differentiate categories of products. Luxury is a single category that is demonstrably unstable and it is manifested in the changing landscape of the luxury brand market which is considered as part of the fashion cycle where luxury brands continue to extend their product offer to satisfy a continually growing consumer market. Branding has become increasingly important and as a result the proposed taxonomy of the luxury and luxury brands market contributes to a better understanding of the sector. Distinctions are made through the use of three Case Studies (Louis Vuitton, Prada and Tanner Krolle) to address the differences between the luxury and luxury brand markets through the analysis of products within the leather goods category. Thus this dissertation redefines concepts of luxury that are established through new materials, techniques and production methods. Existing definitions of luxury are unstable due to an ever changing cyclical market and are exacerbated by marketing, branding, advertising and mass production. It is important to remove the façade of marketing and branding, despite, or because, of them being powerful forms of communication, in order to provide a perspective that acknowledges the change and importance of fashion business methodologies to ensure business growth. At the same time it is also important to recognize the fundamental significance of luxury brand heritage and the convenient message this sends to the consumer. This work provides an important new platform for future research in terms of a more nuanced debate on luxury in all its guises. Evidence of the broad research potential of this dissertation exists, for example, in the growing demand for luxury and luxury branded products and services of the emerging economies in the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) countries. In addition as the market changes and demands for luxury increases, luxury and luxury brand companies could use this research to connect more meaningfully to their heritage when defining new luxury goods and services. It is evident that concepts of luxury will continue to be defined as part of a complex structure of understanding and interpretation. In light of this, one must not lose sight of the importance of the knowledge of the craftsmen and women and their ability to communicate the intricacies of their skills in order to provoke and challenge the perpetuating luxury debate.
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Metternich, Nils W. "Civil wars, democratization and ethnic support." Thesis, University of Essex, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.531546.

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15

Khoo, Serene. "China's democratization prospects: a comparative analysis." Thesis, Monterey, California: Naval Postgraduate School, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/41402.

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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited.
The prospects of China democratizing have garnered much interest and assessment. The increased interest is attributed to an increasing Chinese impact not only on the region, but globally as well. While China has experienced three decades of fast economic growth, political reforms continue to lag behind economic reforms. With its legitimacy weakening progressively, a transition in political systems in the largest country in the world would have wide ranging implications in the political, economic and social spheres. Many have argued that economic growth is the main precursor to democratization. However, it is suggested, neither growth nor the resulting social phenomena are sufficient to bring about a democratic change in China. Drawing inferences from Taiwan and South Korea, this study seeks to examine the democratic transitions of both countries to shed light on China's prospects for democratization. It further concludes that China's prospects for democratization is bleak due to the resiliency of the regime, and any democratic transition would have to be elite-driven.
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Wahlin, Chad G. "U.S. democratization strategy origins and obstacles." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2008. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2008/Sept/08Sep%5FWahlin.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Europe, Eurasia))--Naval Postgraduate School, September 2008.
Thesis Advisor(s): Yost, David S. ; Abenheim, Donald. "September 2008." Description based on title screen as viewed on November 4, 2008. Includes bibliographical references (p. 89-97). Also available in print.
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17

Huang, Tong-yi. "Elite transformation and democratization in Taiwan /." Digital version accessible at:, 1998. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/main.

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Fekadu, Mikal. "Can sanctions constrain a democratization process? : A study about the embargo and a democratization possibility in Cuba." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsstudier (SS), 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-60269.

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This study investigates the embargo imposed on Cuba and their possible democratization process. The study will provide answers regarding why the Cuban democratization process has been stagnant, if United States has gone against their liberal values when supporting other countries and if Cuba has chances of reaching a democratic transition from their current totalitarian regime. A theory-testing approach is applied when analysing this matter, and the selected theories were the theory of liberalism and Larry Diamond’s theory the internal values; authoritarian division, authoritarian development, free values and civil society. The author found that different factors have indeed revealed that possibilities for democratization are achievable. Actors who has the main authority to lead Cuba to democracy is the military and the communist party. The outcome of this research also discovered that the embargo constrains a possible democratization process in the country. Keywords: Cuba, Embargo, Sanction, Democratization, Castro, Liberalism, Internal values
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Yusubova, Aysel. "Democratization of the Republic of Azerbaijan : a study about the impact of socioeconomic development on democratization of Azerbaijan." Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för naturvetenskap, miljö och teknik, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-27909.

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Democratization has been studied by several scholars, who have argued about significance of various factors for democratization of a certain country. One of these scholars was Seymour Martin Lipset and he claimed that there is a linear correlation between democracy and socioeconomic development. Thus, the aim of this study is to test Lipset’s hypothesis in the case of Azerbaijan, which is an oil rich authoritarian country. The study was conducted with the help of mixed analysis methods (i.e. combination of qualitative and quantitative methods) and a case study research design.  To measure socioeconomic development’s impact on democratization of Azerbaijan, some socioeconomic indicators were chosen in this study, such as economic growth, income inequality, poverty and unemployment rates in the country. Results of the empirical data analysis showed that, socioeconomic development has a positive correlation with democratization and therefore, Lipset’s hypothesis is plausible in the case of Azerbaijan. In addition, socioeconomic development has a great impact on democratization of the country, i.e. of Azerbaijan.
Demokratisering är ett ämne som har studerats av flera forskare under flera år. Några av dessa forskare har hävdat att det finns diverse faktorer som kan ha inverkan på demokratiseringen av ett land. En av dessa forskare var Seymour Martin Lipset, som hävdade att det finns en positiv korrelation mellan demokrati och socioekonomisk utveckling. Därmed, syftet med denna studie är att testa Lipsets hypotes om socioekonomiska utvecklingens samband med demokratin på fallet av Azerbajdzjan. Azerbajdzjan är ett oljerik autoritär land som har upplevt hög ekonomisk tillväxt.  Studien har genomförts med hjälp av blandade analysmetoder (dvs. kombinationen av kvalitativ och kvantitativ analysmetod) och en fallstudie forskningsdesign. För att genomföra studien, några socioekonomisk utveckling indikatorer har valts, såsom ekonomiskt tillväxt, inkomstskillnader, fattigdoms- och arbetslöshetsnivån i landet. Resultatet av det empiriska data analysen visade att, Lipsets hypotes stämmer i fallet av Azerbajdzjan och det finns ett positivt samband mellan demokratisering och socioekonomisk utveckling. Därmed, socioekonomisk utveckling har en stor inverkan på demokratiseringen av landet, dvs. av Azerbajdzjan.
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Berrios, Carlos G. "Civil-Military relations and democratization in Guatemala." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1998. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA349823.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs) Naval Postgraduate School, June 1998.
"June 1998." Thesis advisor(s):Thomas C. Bruneau, Scott D. Tollefson. Includes bibliographical references (p. 85-87). Also available online.
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Delin, Azizan bin Md. "The third wave of democratization in Indonesia." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2000. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA376480.

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Thesis (M.A. in International Security and Civil-Military Relations) Naval Postgraduate School, March 2000.
Thesis advisor(s): Trinkunas, Harold A. "March 2000." Includes bibliographical references (p. 85-88). Also available online.
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Pevehouse, Jon C. "Democracy from Above? Regional Organizations and Democratization." The Ohio State University, 2000. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/50250051.html.

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Machila, Margaret Mavis Chinyama. "Integration and democratization of Zambian agricultural extension." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/26556.

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Lifelong education occurs in a combination of formal and non-formal settings throughout an entire lifetime. Educators such as Dewey (1916), the authors of the 1919 Report, and authors of UNESCO position papers during the 1970's emphasized the need for democratic access to educational opportunities which are integrated horizontally across a variety of settings and vertically over a range of ages. An example of the problems caused by the lack of such democratization and integration is found in this study of Zambian agricultural extension. It assesses programs of the Ministry of Agriculture and Water Development in Zambia in terms of procedures relating to staffing, training, physical resources, financing, research and technology. It was found that there is limited integration and democratization of the procedures studied. A much more participatory and co-ordinated approach at several levels is recommended. Well integrated efforts of different agricultural extension providers might better serve all farmers in their struggle to reverse the decline in agricultural production which has occurred in recent years. Further research would assist this process and enhance an understanding of lifelong education.
Education, Faculty of
Educational Studies (EDST), Department of
Graduate
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Kim, Dukhong. "Democratization in South Korea during 1979-1987." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/36503.

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Most scholars who study the transition from authoritarian regimes to democratic ones use an actor-oriented approach, and assume four major actors participate in the negotiated transition. They explain the results of such transitions by analyzing the strategic interactions of these four major actors. If the configuration of actors and their interactions differ from one case to another, then those differences need to be explained. The case of South Korean democratization differs from democratization in other countries in two major respects. First, without significant division within the regime, the opposition bloc can manage to make a transition to democracy by maintaining coordination between the social movements and the moderate opposition party. Second, the U.S. played an important role in the process of negotiation. The negotiated transition model offers no account for the participation of a third party, and it fails to cast light on the participation of the U.S. in the Korean democratization process. This shortcoming can be solved by complementing the negotiated transition model with the mediation model in which the role of a third party can be addressed. Owing to U.S. mediation, the dynamics of negotiated transition changed in the Korean transition to democracy.
Master of Arts
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Kaliyeva, Aziza. "Perspectives of democratization in the Arab world." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-197828.

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"Arab World" is the only region in the world that lacks democratic values. However, back in December 2010, the authoritarian regimes of the Middle East had faced rapid and remarkable political change under the dynamics of the so-called "Arab Spring". The existing regimes in some of the Arab countries have met the popular opposition that demanded for the changes towards democratization processes, which was perceived by many scholars as a positive factor to the emergence of democracy. Since then, the question of the perspective of democratization of the Arab world has come to the agenda of most political debates. Thus, the aim of this thesis is to discuss and analyze whether democracy is able to develop in Arab region, what are the main challenges to it and whether in the past four years Arab Spring has facilitated the transformation of the political regimes.
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Azgin, Bilge. "The uneasy democratization of Turkey's laic-ethnocracy." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2012. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/the-uneasy-democratization-of-turkeys-laicethnocracy(694eb1cb-c852-4f76-879a-54ddd29534c1).html.

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This study aims to scrutinize Turkey’s uneasy democratization process during the post-Helsinki period (1999-2010). The research design of the thesis takes the form of a single case study as it seeks to critically link Turkey’s democratization problems with the wider theoretical literature on secularism, post-Islamism and democratization. Rather than witnessing the clear-cut victory of liberal democracy over non-democracy as espoused by Fukuyamian eschatology, the advent of the Post-Cold War Era witnessed the proliferation of hybrid grey zone which stood between the continuum of democracy and conventional non-democracy. As a result, many scholars opted to construct ‘hybrid regime typologies’ in order to capture the incongruous yet enduring coexistence of partially democratic and non-democratic features within each political unit. In line with contemporary developments in the democratization literature, this thesis opts to construct a multi-dimensional hybrid regime typology for the case of Turkey. Besides seeking to capture the core regime principles of the Kemalist one-party dictatorship (1923-1946) under the label of ‘laic-ethnocracy’, the theoretical framework of the thesis provides an assessable normative benchmark for delineating Turkey’s democratization trajectory since the initiation of the multi-party era (1946-1950). After demonstrating how Turkey’s successive ‘controlled transitions’ (1946-1997) consistently aimed at perpetuating ethnocratic hegemony and obstructing the democratic transformation of incompatible aspects of the Kemalist laicism, the thesis seeks to scrutinize the impact of the EU candidacy in shaping the pattern and outcome of the recent democratization process in the domestic arena. In this respect, the thesis underlines how the ongoing political ‘transition process’ during the post-Helsinki decade (1999-2009) qualitatively differs from all of the previous transitions which had been guided and forcefully controlled by traditional Kemalist state elites. Yet, the thesis also exposes the limited and partial commitment of the post-Islamist AKP government to forge the democratic transformation of Turkey’s enduring ‘laic-ethnocratic’ regime paradigm namely by assessing its reform performance towards the cultural rights of ethnic and belief-rights of the non-Sunni Muslim minorities (e.g., the sizeable Kurdish ethnic and Muslim-Alevi religious minority). Overall, the thesis characterizes Turkey’s ‘post-Helsinki transition’ process as a case of uneasy democratization. In this context, the term ‘uneasy democratization’ does not only highlight the inconsistencies of main domestic political actors in forging clear-cut democratic transformation of Turkey’s enduring ‘laic-ethnocracy’ regime paradigm, but also to a chronic failure to soothe the deeply-seated cleavages within the socio-political arena.
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Morrison, Lisa Marie. "The relationship between ethnic rebellion and democratization." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2003. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5num=osu1063748963.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2003.
Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains xi, 160 p. : ill. Advisor: Edward Crenshaw, Department of Sociology. Includes bibliographical references (p. 152-160).
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Kwok, Ka-ki, and 郭家麒. "A comparative study of democratization of Taiwan and Hong Kong in1980-2000." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2003. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B26903660.

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Carnegie, Paul. "Uncertainty, continuity and change : an inquiry into Indonesian democratisation /." [St. Lucia, Qld.], 2006. http://www.library.uq.edu.au/pdfserve.php?image=thesisabs/absthe19436.pdf.

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Stolzke, Michael B. "The conflict aftermath-- a chance for democracy norm diffusion in post conflict peace building." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2007. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion-image.exe/07Jun%5FStolzke.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2007.
Thesis Advisor(s): Donald Abenheim, Rafael Biermann. "June 2007." Includes bibliographical references (p. 117-130). Also available in print.
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31

Schiffner, Ryan. "Making democracy safe for the world a game theory analysis of the impact of elites on the democratization process." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2008. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2008/Dec/08Dec%5FSchiffner.pdf.

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Thesis (M.S. in Information Operations)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2008.
Thesis Advisor(s): Gregg, Heather S. "December 2008." Description based on title screen as viewed on January 29, 2009. Includes bibliographical references (p. 57-59). Also available in print.
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32

Dvor̆ák, Milan. "Obstacles to democratization : the role of civil societies /." Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2000. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA380255.

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33

Woodward, Kathleen Elizabeth. "Violent masses, elites, and democratization : the Indonesian Case /." The Ohio State University, 2002. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/53707316.html.

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34

Shultziner, Doron. "Struggles of Recognition: The Psychological Causes of Democratization." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.487060.

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This project attempts to answer the unsolved puzzle of democratization: why does '. democratization occur? This is both a theory development and theory testing project which aims to answer this question by considering a psychological facet of human .. nature, the pursuit of recognition, following Francis Fukuyama's argument. At the crux of the thesis is the idea that the pursuit of recognition - an aversion to being oppressed and a desire for social esteem - is the underlying impetus of democratization. This impetus can be converted into political pressures leading to democratization in relation to a wide array of external factors. · In order to test this idea, I develop a theoretical apparatus that discusses the possible ways in which the pursuit of recognition may be converted into political pressures and observed empirically. I develop concepts and research pertaining to injustice-frames and oppositional consciousness. The research approach in interdisciplinary and involves several levels of analysis. The main focus, however, is on the psychological dimensions of democratization. I argue that the explanation of the specific timing and place of democratization should be sought in developments of injustice-frames and oppositional consciousness among · the oppressed. These changes in human agency properties are most relevant to explaining why and how democratization occurs. As for the question why .democratization occurs as a general phenomenon, I argue that an explanation must invoke the psychological facet of human nature because it is the only level of analysis that can explain the general cause of this phenomenon which is very complex and incomparable in almost any external aspect. I develop of the pursuit of recognition theory, and test alternative theories of democratization, by looking at four cases of democratization: the U.S. civil rights movement, the transition from authoritarian rule to democracy in Spain, the transition from apartheid to democracy in South Africa, and the Kuwaiti women's rights struggle for the vote. I examine the complexity of the processes leading to democratization and the explanatory power of rival explanations.
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Beal, Susan Michelle. "Democratization, stabilization and social movements : the Bolivian case." FIU Digital Commons, 1992. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/1473.

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In this thesis I assessed the state responses to social movements and in turn the impact of these movements on state policy within the context of the democratization occurring in Bolivia. The democratization process is affected by the conflict between political and economic goals. Politically the governments are faced with the demands from social groups. At the same time, the Bolivian government faces an economic crisis which requires stabilization, impairing the same individuals needed for legitimacy and political support. Two cases which depicted the key issues of this thesis are: the indigenous groups in the Bolivian Beni region and the coca growers, mainly of the Chapare area in the Cochabamba department of Bolivia. To achieve support and legitimacy, the new civilian administrations had no choice but to listen to the requests of the social mobilizations. Because of the economic crisis, conflicting domestic pressures and international influence, however, the government could not accede to all their demands.
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Neirynck, Karim. "Constitutional frameworks and democratization in Africa since independence." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003026.

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The subject of this thesis is international studies, specifically a study of constitutional frameworks in Africa in the second half of the 20th century, focussing on a statistical correlation between constitutional frameworks, party systems, electoral systems and the Index of Democracy. The struggle to consolidate new democracies - especially those in Eastern Europe, Latin America and Asia - has given rise to a wide-ranging debate about the hard choices concerning democratic political institutions and political markets. According to Stepan and Skach " this literature has produced provocative hypotheses about the effects of institutions on democracy" (Stepan and Skach, 1993 : 1). It forms part of the' new institutionalism I literature in comparative politics that'holds as a premise that political democracy depends not only on economic and social conditions but also on the design of political institutions (Koelble, 1995 : 231-243). " One fundamental political-institutional question that has only received serious scholarly attention concerns the impact of different constitutional frameworks on democratic consolidation. Although the topic has been increasingly debated and discussed, little systematic cross-regional evidence [especially for our field of research: Africa] has been brought to bear on it " (Stepan and Skach, 1993 : 1-2). So far, only the book"on regime transitions in Africa written by Bratton and Van De Walle seeks to fill this empirical gap (Bratton and Van De Walle, 1997, preface xiii). In this thesis, we paid particular attention to the dichotomy between (pure) parliamentarism and (pure) presidentialism. Each type has fundamental characteristics, and for the purposes of classification these characteristics are necessary and sufficient. It was not our purpose to weigh the benefits and drawbacks of parliamentarism and presidentialism. Our intention was to report and analyse different sources of data, and we based our case exclusively on statistic correlatiohs between regime type and the record of democratic success and failure. We collected a data set about constitutional frameworks (matrix1), democracy indices (matrix2), party systems (matrix3) and election systems (matrix4). The basis for matrix 1 was the constitutions of the African countries (over time) and relevant literature. The basis for matrix 2 was the annual Freedom House ratings made by Raymond D. Gastil and others. The basis for matrix 3 and 4 was relevant literature. Once these matrices had been composed, we compared them and calculated statistic correlations. This long-dyration model allowed us to estimate whether African constitutional frameworks, party systems and electoral systems exhibit positive or negative correlation with the index of democracy.
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Severns, Wanda M. "The Internet, Mexico and democratization, a critical analysis." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape9/PQDD_0015/MQ49442.pdf.

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38

Miliate, Brandon Joseph. "Small power : Mongolia's democratization and foreign policy objectives." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/43714.

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Small states are in a unique position, where they cannot hope to meet their foreign policy and security objectives through hard power. Rather, small states must balance against large neighbors via more subtle and nuanced ways. Through a critique of soft power, the author presents a new analytical framework for understanding small power and new criteria for defining “smallness” in today’s international system. Small power attempts to explain small state foreign policy decision-making and the role that “attractiveness” plays in their relations with larger states. One potential source of small power- democratic governance- is explored through a detailed look at the Mongolian model of democratization as a foreign policy tool in its “third neighbor policy”. Successful democratic transitions in small states can attract more security-related, economic, and institutional support from leading democratic countries than their small size might initially suggest.
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39

Chang, Ka-mun, and 張家敏. "Democratization and urban economic change in Hong Kong." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1987. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31975008.

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40

Chu, Ka-wing Jojo, and 朱嘉詠. "Civil society and democratization in Taiwan and China." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2001. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31952999.

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41

Dvorak, Milan. "Obstacles to democratization: the role of civil societies." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/9257.

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The objective of this research is to develop a set of criteria that might be used to highlight the obstacles with which many nations have had to deal after they started to restore, or build democracy. The research is focused on historical conditions that shaped the development of civil societies in four countries (Czech Republic, Poland, Botswana and Kenya) before these countries decided to restore or build their democracies. The study of these four countries from different parts of the world shows essential obstacles that, to some extent, shaped the process of the transition and could be taken into account to predict its length, success, or failure. These pre-existing obstacles are sometimes overlooked or underestimated at the beginning of the transformation, and, consequently they could cause not only the failure of the democratic process, but also increasing tension in society.
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Mayor, Farguell Santi. "Digital Media and Democratization. The case of Myanmar." Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23999.

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This research project aims at exploring the role and potential of digital media in the current democratization process in Myanmar. Understanding democratization as a process of social change that implies empowering civil society and ensuring equality, the question is how digital media contribute to building a participatory democracy in Myanmar after a five decades long military regime. The fast chain of events that led to the recent gradual opening of Myanmar raises doubts and expectations colliding with the vibrant reality of the country. In order to analyse the role of digital media within such a fast-changing scenario, this research intends to answer the following questions: a) How do digital media portray Myanmar? This question will be analysed in relation to the media discourse of the official visit paid by Myanmar’s President Thein Sein to US President Barack Obama in Washington on 20 May 2013. b) How do stakeholders in Myanmar use digital media for democratization? To what extent can digital media become a tool for democratization within a very limited connectivity context? What challenges may the digital media imply in the democratization of Myanmar? Semi-structured interviews with stakeholders were conducted in Yangon to gather up-to-date and first-hand insights. The combination of two qualitative research methods, discourse analysis and semistructured qualitative interviews, aims at building a deeper understanding of the role and potential of digital media in Myanmar. This research pays attention to specificities of Myanmar’s cultural, political and economic context, with a focus on technology and Internet. Field research showed the importance of taking into account the role of social media. A brief theoretical discussion of key concepts such as ‘digital media’, ‘social change’ and ‘democratization’ is provided to build a solid basis for analysis.
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43

Chu, Ka-wing Jojo. "Civil society and democratization in Taiwan and China." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 2001. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk:8888/cgi-bin/hkuto%5Ftoc%5Fpdf?B23457272.

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44

Assiotis, Andreas Andonis. "DOES DEMOCRATIZATION AFFECT GROWTH ACROSS TIME OR SPACE?" OpenSIUC, 2011. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/dissertations/324.

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One research path has been to see whether the type of political regime, namely a democratic versus an authoritarian regime, influences economic growth. Much of the past literature has produced ambiguous results. But more recent studies using more sophisticated statistical techniques have often shown a positive effect of democratization upon economic growth. These studies have made welcome contributions. However, they often fail to examine how the effects of democratization could differ across countries or over time. In my dissertation, I will look more closely at how the effects of democratization could differ depending upon country characteristics - corruption and adherence to rule of law - or when democratization occurs. Chapter 1 investigates whether the association between corruption and economic growth differs between democracies and authoritarian regimes. Consider illegal corruption and legal lobbying, both forms of rent seeking, as imperfect substitutes. Suppose lobbying is easier to do in democracies. Then, lowering corruption in authoritarian regimes could have greater growth benefits because of the lower substitutability between corruption and lobbying in these countries. Using cross-country, annual data from 1984 to 2007, we regress economic growth on: the control of corruption, the degree of democracy, and an interaction term combining the two. We find that coefficients are positive on the first two variables. However, the coefficient on the interactive term is negative, suggesting that the benefits upon growth of controlling corruption are actually greater in authoritarian regimes. Chapter 2 examines both short and long-run effects of democratization upon economic growth and measures the extent they differ. For example, democratization could initially lower economic growth due to transitional costs. Effects could then turn positive as democratic reforms take hold and provide greater freedoms to the populace. But over time, greater amounts of rent seeking could occur and so diminish benefits of democratization. Or, do other patterns rise? Utilizing difference-in-difference estimations and controlling for time and country specific fixed effects, we analyze a panel data sample of 174 countries from 1960 to 2003. Our results show that democratizations are not associated with high transitional costs. Instead, we find that democratization enhances long-run growth more in Sub-Saharan Africa than in other regions. Finally, we find evidence that the effects of democratization upon growth differ between partial and full democratization episodes. Chapter 3 considers whether or not democratization improves institutions that have so often been argued to increase economic growth. Utilizing a panel dataset from 1984 to 2007 for 127 countries, we examine whether democratization promotes the rule of law. We generally find a positive influence from democratization upon the rule of law although effects are strongest for sub-Saharan Africa.
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45

Punya, Supitcha. "Restructuring Domestic Institutions: Democratization and Development in Laos." Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/20594.

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Die Studie „Restrukturierung nationaler Institutionen: Demokratisierung und Entwicklung in Laos“ untersucht die Auswirkungen von Normensetzung in der internationalen Entwicklungszusammenarbeit, wie „Sustainable Development Goals“ (SDGs), auf Institutionen und Entwicklungspolitik in Laos. Untersucht wird wie die internationalen Entwicklungsnormen die Macht der laotischen Regierung sowie ihre Fähigkeit, Ziele in der Entwicklungspolitik erfolgreich umzusetzen, beeinflussen. Die Ergebnisse zeigen erstens, dass die Umsetzung der SDGs in Laos durch die Zusammenarbeit von internationalen Entwicklungspartnern und der laotischen Regierung in vier verschiedene Dimensionen eingeteilt wird: Wirtschaftliche Entwicklung, ökologische Nachhaltigkeit, soziale Inklusion und „good governance“. Alle haben dazu beigetragen, Institutionen und Entwicklungspolitik in Laos internationalen Standards anzugleichen. Gleichwohl ist es den internationalen Entwicklungspartnern unmöglich, die politische Macht der Partei als Regierung einzuschränken, indem sie die SDGs zur Verbreitung einer eigenen politischen Agenda nutzen. Zweitens: die Partei kann ihre Macht in der Innenpolitik und ihre Kontrolle über die Gesellschaft aufrecht zu erhalten. Diese umfassen Ideologien, die eine Mischung aus marxistisch-leninistischen und nationalistischen Elementen darstellen, die Betonung von Erfolgen in der Entwicklung des Landes sowie die Unterdrückung des revolutionären Potenzials. Dies führt zu einer Konservierung der politischen Struktur, in der sich die Macht der Partei in einer Institution manifestiert. Diese wird durch Parteimitgliedschaft, Regierung, Nationalversammlung und Volksgerichtshof konstituiert - ohne Beteiligung der Bürger. Drittens: trotz der Bemühungen der internationalen Entwicklungszusammenarbeit, die Kapazitäten des Staats im Bereich der Entwicklungspolitik auszubauen, dieser noch Schwierigkeiten in Bezug auf Finanzverwaltung, Personalwesen und institutionelle Leistungsfähigkeit aufweist.
The research titled “Restructuring Domestic Institutions: Democratization and Development in Laos” aims to analyze how international development norms, such as the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), have shaped Laos’ domestic institutions and development policy. It also aims to investigate the influence of international development norms on Lao state power, as well as its capacity to achieve development goals. The research results show that: First, the development partners support the SDGs in Laos through international development assistance to the Lao government in economic development, environmental sustainability, social inclusion and good governance, all of which have helped shape Lao domestic institutions and development policy to meet international standards. However, the development partners cannot curtail the political power of the Lao People’s Revolutionary Party (the Party) or the Lao government in manipulating the SDGs to serve a political purpose. Second, the Party is able to maintain its power in domestic politics and control over Lao society. Second, the Party is able to maintain its power in domestic politics and control over Lao society. These include blending Marxist-Leninist and national ideologies, highlighting development achievements and suppressing the revolutionary potential. Therefore, the political structure in Laos retains the Party’s power in an institution overlapping between the Party member, the Lao government, the National Assembly and the People’s Court without the citizen’s participation. Third, even though the development partners seek to enhance the Lao state’s capacity to achieve the development goals, the Lao government has encountered difficulties in financial management, human resources, and institutional capacities.
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46

Nelson, Dana Andrew. "Economic liberalization Syria : prospects for regime stability and democratization." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1998. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA348416.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 1998.
Thesis advisor(s): Glenn E. Robinson. "June 1998." Includes bibliographical references (p. 67-68). Also available online.
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47

Ritscher, Allison Elizabeth. "Democratization in Bosnia a more effective role for SFOR /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2001. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA389873.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs) Naval Postgraduate School, March 2001.
Thesis advisor(s): Hoffman, Richard ; Simons, Anna. "March 2001." Includes bibliographical references. Also available in print.
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48

Pandir, Emine. "Smooth and Non-Violent Democratization: The Case of Slovenia." Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics, 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-4799.

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After 1989, along with the collapse of Soviet Union, Central and Eastern European countries the democracy became synonymous with ‘return to Europe’. The post-communist regime was a reaction against its predecessor and that reaction had produced a demand for democratization. Therefore, the process of democratization, which gained momentum at the end of eighties and, the beginning of the nineties, has become an important phenomenon. The most extreme case of transition, certainly, is former Yugoslavia. Due to the war and the collapse of the Federation into several successor states, the legitimacy and viability are still being questioned. The Balkan region, known as the ‘Powder Keg of Europe’ has been commonly considered to be representing a chronic political instability and a lack of socio-economic modernization as well as much poorer prospects for democratization and for acceptance into the European Union (EU) in comparison to the other countries of East and Central Europe.

Slovenia however may be seen as the exception that proved the Balkan rule. Besides, the successor states of Yugoslavia, Slovenia has recorded the smoothest, non-violent and the least problematic transition toward liberal democracy. Slovenia maintained the highest level of system stability in the powder keg of Europe. Slovenia is the only Yugoslav successor state, which has peacefully established a functioning democracy. It has established a stable democracy and moved easily to a market economy. It is also the only the EU member country from the former. More importantly, Slovenia has kept the highest level of system stability in Powder Keg of Europe’.

The main purpose of this thesis is to review and discuss the political democratization process in Slovenia. This study also reviews the reasons, which make the Slovenian transition to democracy special among the post-communist democracies. More specifically, this study particularly focuses on certain political aspects to discover its way of democratization. Slovenia, one of the most successful countries within Central and Eastern Europe is also the only component republic of ex-Yugoslavia not to confront continuing problems of ethnic challenge, deep political conflict and economic debility.

All theories attempt to impose order and find patterns in the messy and complex reality of human life. Therefore, the theories are useful in that they ask important questions about democratization in general and contribute to particular explanations. Concerning the democratization process in Slovenia, ‘Theories of Democratization’ is generally going to be reviewed. Democratization theories aim to explain how authoritarian regimes change into liberal democratic ones. More specifically, Transition Theories will be applied during the study. Transition studies have been chosen, because they offer a ‘political’ explanation of democratization and also differentiate democratic transition and democratic consolidation phases properly, and point out the necessary conditions for the success of each phase.

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Ataser, Gokhan Alper. "Non-governmental Organizations And Democratization In Post-soviet Kyrgyzstan." Master's thesis, METU, 2005. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/2/12606883/index.pdf.

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This thesis analyzes the relationship between NGOs and the democratization process in post-Soviet Kyrgyzstan. The conditions shaping both the civil society and political development are analysed in the light of findings obtained through in-depth interviews with NGO leaders in Kyrgyzstan. Despite relative freedom for NGOs, civil society in Kyrgyzstan is still in its infancy. Soviet era conception of roles attributed to state and society still persist especially among the governmental officials and general population. Despite the problems of building a democratic regime in Kyrgyzstan, NGOs have achieved a certain level of development. Through building functioning state institutions together with a lively political society primarily including political parties, the potential of NGOs for democratic development can be more fully utilized.
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50

Akdag, Inan. "Civilian-military Relations In The Argentinean Democratization (1983-1995)." Master's thesis, METU, 2006. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12607970/index.pdf.

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This thesis analyzes the process of democratization in Argentina after 1983 by tracing the developments which led to the establishment of civilian control over the military during the periods of President Alfonsin and President Menem. The study first reviewed the political and historical background of Argentina with specific reference to the military interventions. Then, the new democratic order, its economic structure and the position of the military and the civilians after transition to democracy are analyzed. The thesis identified the nature of the transition, the economic reform process, the new elite consensus, the psychology of the military and the international atmosphere as the most important factors which shaped the process of ensuring civilian control over the military.
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