Relevant bibliographies by topics / Democratization – Tunisia

Academic literature on the topic 'Democratization – Tunisia'

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Published: 10 March 2023
Last updated: 11 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Democratization – Tunisia"

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AKKAŞ, Necmi Enes. "THE REFLECTION OF THE ARAB SPRING TO THE DEMOCRATICATION OF TUNISIA: RASHID AL GANNUSHI AND THE NAHDA MOVEMENT PARTY." SOCIAL SCIENCE DEVELOPMENT JOURNAL 7, no. 30 (March 15, 2022): 289–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.31567/ssd.558.

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The Republic of Tunisia, located in North Africa, is an Arab state that gained its independence from France on March 20, 1956 and witnessed the firsts. The official name of Tunisia, which came under the rule of the Turks in 1574, has remained as Tunisia since then. Tunisia, the country of firsts, was the first constitution made under Ahd-ül Aman in 1861 and the first non-governmental organization Tunisian Workers' Union was established in 1924. The first action that ignited the Arab Spring started when 26-year-old computer engineer Mohammed Bouazizi set himself on fire in front of the governor's office on 17 December 2010. While ethnic and sectarian turmoil led to coups d'etat and civil war in the Middle East and North African countries where the Arab Spring spread, Tunisia's weak army organization as well as the experiences of civil and political sectors in the historical process were effective in overcoming the troubles it experienced during the revolution without being dragged into civil war. One of the important factors positively affecting Tunisia's democratization process is the Ennahda Movement Party, which represents a moderate Islamist democratic politics. The name Ennahda, which is defined as the Arab awakening, the Arab resurrection, the Arab Renaissance, was given to the party led by the philosopher and politician Ghannushi. When the effects of the Arab Spring on democratization are evaluated, the Ennahda Movement Party is an important event for the development of Tunisian democracy. The study will analyze the contributions of the Ennahda Movement Party and its leader, Rashid Al-Ghannushi Gannuşi, which made significant contributions to the democratization of Tunisia, to the democratization of Tunisia. Within the scope of the study, the reflections of the Arab Spring on the Tunisian revolution and the political process will be explained.
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Bishara, Dina. "Legacy Trade Unions as Brokers of Democratization? Lessons from Tunisia." Comparative Politics 52, no. 2 (January 1, 2020): 173–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.5129/001041520x15657305839654.

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The Tunisian General Labor Union (UGTT) emerged as a major player in the country's transition from authoritarianism. Existing explanations - focusing on authoritarian legacies, the degree of trade union autonomy from the state, and labor's material incentives to support democratization - do not sufficiently account for the high-profile nature of the union's political role in Tunisia's transition. Instead, as this article argues, the importance of unions' pre-authoritarian legacy is key to understanding the role of unions in the transition from authoritarian rule. If unions enter the regime formation stage with a history of political struggle and with strong organizational capacities, they are more likely to develop a degree of internal autonomy that makes it difficult for authoritarian incumbents to disempower them. The article employs a historical institutional approach and draws on fieldwork and interviews with labor activists in Tunisia.
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Powers, Colin. "Cartelization, Neoliberalism, and the Foreclosure of the Jasmine Revolution: Democracy’s Troubles in Tunisia." Middle East Law and Governance 11, no. 1 (May 2, 2019): 1–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763375-01101003.

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While frequently hailed as the sole success story of the Arab Uprisings, the consolidation of Tunisia’s Jasmine Revolution has in fact proven deeply problematic. This paper will argue that the frailty of Tunisia’s democratic present is a direct function of liberal democratization, specifically implicating this practice of democratization in the hollowing and cartelization of the political system. In insulating policymaking within a host of nocturnal councils, I will argue that liberal democratization has purposefully obstructed the translation of popular preferences into policy outcomes, thereby preventing the Tunisian people from realizing the social democracy they so clearly desire.
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Nurali, Rinawati Acan. "PERKEMBANGAN DEMOKRASI DI TUNISIA." Thaqafiyyat : Jurnal Bahasa, Peradaban dan Informasi Islam 20, no. 2 (August 1, 2021): 163. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/thaq.2021.20204.

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This paper discusses the development of democracy in Tunisia. The goal is to understand the development of Tunisian democracy which is full of dynamics of the effects of the Arab Spring. This research uses the library method. Data collection through journals and books. The results of this study found that the long journey of the Tunisian people, in achieving independence from the occupation of the Tunisian government itself, was a road that was not easy, steep and sharp. Many became victims, in the name of the revolution. Both physically and psychologically. However, the struggle is carried out not only in the name of religion but also human humanity at stake, the rights and obligations desired by the Tunisian people, who become their driving force in their journey to achieve a democratic government. Of course, this requires a sacrifice in the long journey of democracy in Tunisia. Although in some Middle Eastern countries the process of democratization is still uncertain, Tunisia is not. Tunisia has become a hope for countries in the Middle East to rise from adversity. Tunisia has successfully held elections to democratically appoint a leader. Tunisian democracy is getting better with the inauguration of a new constitution that provides equality between men and women so that Tunisia becomes a pioneer of feminism in the Middle East. Although we cannot compare it with other contexts of Islamic government, Tunisia is a system that continues to rise to renew the slump of democracy by removing the influence of secular, far-right ideologies, and the monarchical system. Therefore, the political dynamics of the state system is a transition period whether it will lead to destruction or even towards democratic maturity, thus there is still optimism for the implementation of Islamic democracy in the Tunisian government system in the midst of all the dynamics that are faced.
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Kim, Elvis H. "Democratization and Authoritarianism in the Information Age." International Area Studies Review 24, no. 3 (July 28, 2021): 205–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/22338659211026006.

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The outbreak of the Arab Spring in the Middle East and North Africa reignited the debate over the possibilities of democratization, with much attention paid to the roles of the internet. This paper attempts to answer the questions of whether the expansion of the internet leads to democratization and how calls for democratization during the Arab Spring produced contrasting results in Tunisia and China. The time-series cross-sectional analysis based on data of 166 countries suggests that the annual change of internet penetration is positively associated with a country’s Polity score and that the existing level of the penetration has a slightly negative effect on democratization, though the inclusion of the internet does not visibly improve the explanatory power of the models. The case study comparing Tunisia and China closely examines the multifaceted relationship between the internet and democratization and shows that the internet alone cannot determine the direction of political change. Rather, it is spatially and temporally situated state and societal actors who collectively determine the process and outcome of politics.
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Torelli, Stefano M., Fabio Merone, and Francesco Cavatorta. "Salafism in Tunisia: Challenges and Opportunities for Democratization." Middle East Policy 19, no. 4 (December 2012): 140–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-4967.2012.00566.x.

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Mahmoud Radaideh, Ramzy. "The Impact of Democratic Transition on Government Corruption: A Case Study of Tunisia (2006-2020)." Dirasat: Human and Social Sciences 49, no. 4 (July 30, 2022): 206–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.35516/hum.v49i4.2047.

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The study aims to investigate the impact of democratization on government corruption in the Tunisian case during the period (2006-2020) ,as it uses the descriptive and analytical approach and the systems analysis approach, and assumes an inverse relationship between the two variables. The study found noticeable progress in the indicators of democratic transformation in Tunisia during the study period,It also concluded that the levels of corruption did not decline after the revolution despite the progress of the democratic transition process, and this is related to the widening margin of freedom of expression of the presence of corrupt practices and thus, the impression of their spread, and the short life of the democratic transition process, in addition to the existence of a long legacy of corrupt practices under the system. The study recommended the necessity of consolidating the foundations of the democratic system, deepening the system of democratic values and good governance in Tunisia, and the necessity of strengthening the role and capacity of the Tunisian institutions concerned with combating corruption as mechanisms that contribute to curbing its practices.
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Hussein Obaid, Assist Prof Dr Muna. "US African Relations- Tunisia as a model." ALUSTATH JOURNAL FOR HUMAN AND SOCIAL SCIENCES 225, no. 2 (September 1, 2018): 123–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.36473/ujhss.v225i2.141.

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A significant shift in the relations of the United States of America with the countries of African continent, especially after the events of September 11th, 2001 as America drew up a new strategy to combat terrorism to prevent its spread on the continent by establishing military bases including the military command AFRIVOM, as well as the dissemination of its principles of democratization and the promotion of human rights to other principles through which it tries to uphold the values and traditions of American culture and as a result created African political leaderships with ideas, principles and beliefs pro-western in general and the United States of America, particularly, North African countries, especially Tunisia, with which the United States of America established close relations and characterized these relations, are sometimes tense and converging at other times, especially during the time of former Tunisian President Zine El Abiden Ben Ali, but these relations witnessed a remarkable development after the process of change that took place in Tunisia in 2011 that has been reflected by the involvement of the two sides in a new approach to cooperation and consultation with a view to establishing a strategic partnership to establish a different stage of the Tunisian American relations.
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Sadiki, Larbi. "POPULAR UPRISINGS AND ARAB DEMOCRATIZATION." International Journal of Middle East Studies 32, no. 1 (February 2000): 71–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002074380002105x.

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This paper proposes that domestic political conflict presents opportunities for positive change with long-term effects despite the “inherent plausibility” of its harmfulness. This position is tested using examples of Arab bread riots in the context of the wave of Arab democratizations over the past twenty years. Although generally guided and controlled, Arab political liberalizations (especially those of Sudan, Algeria, and Jordan) have their roots in pressure from below. Elsewhere (as in Tunisia and Egypt), similar pressure has helped consolidate—or, at least, place—political reform on the agenda of de-legitimized ruling elites. Democracy and democratization in the Arab Middle East have almost invariably meant a trend toward “parliamentarization” and “electoralization,” without yet presaging polyarchal rule. Between 1985 and 1996, the Arab world has experienced more than twenty pluralist or multiparty parliamentary elections, twice the number that took place in the entire preceding period since the early 1960s, when many Arab countries won independence from colonial rule. A focus on the khubz-iste (the quietist bread seeker who abandons quietism as soon as his livelihood is threatened by the state) and the hitiste (the quietist unemployed who becomes active in bread protests) provides a new perspective on democratization processes in Arab societies.
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Hochman, Dafna. "Divergent Democratization: The Paths of Tunisia, Morocco and Mauritania." Middle East Policy 14, no. 4 (December 2007): 67–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-4967.2007.00325.x.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Democratization – Tunisia"

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Resta, V. "POLITICAL PARTIES AS COMBINERS: TRANSITIONS IN TUNISIA AND EGYPT BETWEEN DEMOCRATIZATION AND AUTHORITARIAN RESILIENCE." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/546844.

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In marking an historical change in large parts of the Arab region, the Arab uprisings have also triggered a process of soul searching in the scholarship of Arab politics. The events unfolding in the region since 2011 prove indeed that the two paradigms dividing the academic community, that of authoritarian resilience (also known as the post-democratization paradigm) and that of democratization, are alone insufficient in accounting for the political developments of the area. In this regard, extant contributions explaining the different paths undertook by Tunisia and Egypt between 2011 and 2013 enlighten the point in case. On the one hand, democratization studies pinpoint to the different choices taken by transitional actors but remain only partial in that don’t go further than the observed behavior. On the other hand, post-democratization studies focus on the structures and the mechanisms underpinning the previous authoritarian regimes but fall short in providing the causal link between them and the observed outcome. In line with the transitology approach, this research moves from the acknowledgment that the failure or the success of the transitions in Egypt and Tunisia is to be attributed to political parties’ choice about whether to cooperate or not with the other ones within the phase of installation. Yet, unlike any other kind of transitional actor, parties’ strategy profiles result from the interplay among: i) extant social divisions; ii) power resources and iii) ideological polarization. By breaking down the concept of agency in this way, the different structures of competition underneath the previous authoritarian rule in Tunisia and Egypt account for much of the variation across the two countries. First, they are responsible for the uneven distribution of seats’ share inside the transitional national assemblies encouraging stronger parties to defect from cooperation in order to institutionalize their power advantage. Second, they are responsible for the different degrees of ideological polarization which is deemed to reduce the common ground available for the constitutional bargaining. While offering new insights accounting for the political developments in Tunisia and Egypt following the ousting of the previous dictators, this work combines the two contending paradigms into a unified reading fulfilling their respective shortcomings. On the one hand, the concept of agency so formulated allows democratization studies to go deeper than ‘what ought to be’. On the other hand, it provides post-democratization studies a causal link, i.e. parties’ agency, connecting previous regimes’ structures with the outcome of transition.
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Jedrom, Malin. "Democracy in an era of liberalism : An analysis of the democratization process in Tunisia after the Jasmin Revolution." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-294981.

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The Jasmin Revolution in Tunisia began at the end of 2010. Mohamed Bouazizi set himself on fire in protest against the corrupt police officials that had forced him to pay bribes in order to run his business. His protest became the symbol for the revolution that followed. A combination of political instabilities along with an economic downturn that lead to unemployment created dissatisfaction among the people in Tunisia. The Protest grew into a revolution that demanded action against the widespread unemployment, lack of democracy and human rights. A democratization process started after the revolution because of the protests. The purpose of this thesis is to analyse how Tunisia developed a democratic system of governance, if the notion of human rights has changed since the democratization process started and to analyse the relationship between human rights and democracy within the case of Tunisia. Three democratization theories, are applied to this case on Tunisia in order to answer these questions. The theorists are Robert A. Dahl with a theory of constitutionalism and institutionalism, Chantal Mouffe with a theory of agonistic pluralism and Seyla Benhabib with a theory of deliberative democracy.  The three theorists have different opinions regarding democracy and democratization processes but they all agree that the modern notion of democracy is of liberal character and that inclusion and that equality is important for a democracy. This thesis shows that the democratization of Tunisia’s governance could arise because the process had a relatively liberal agenda, which is perceived through the theories as the modern concept of democracy. The three theories require inclusion and equality for a transition to be democratic. Tunisia has included the citizens in the work of establishing a better relationship between the state and citizens but also when drafting the new constitution after the revolution. The actions taken by Tunisia are compatible with the theories, and maybe an explanation to the democratization process. The relationship between democracy and human rights is important when discussing the democratization of Tunisia. The revolution demanded democracy and human rights, something that the state could not deny. In order to honour the revolution and its demands the government in Tunisia tried to incorporate human rights into the democratic work, linking the relationship between democracy and human rights. Therefore, it can be viewed as a liberal democratization process. This thesis proves that Tunisia is not a democracy, but the process after the revolution is still remarkable and one day I can only hope that the process will be complete.
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Zaia, Mary. "Democratic Transition in the Middle East and North Africa : A Case Study of Tunisia." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-146775.

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This essay consists of a case study of Tunisian democratization process which came along the events of the Arab spring in 2010-11. The aim of the research is to understand why Tunisia took a distinctive path during the uprisings in the Middle East and North Africa in 2010-11. The case study is within the theoretical framework of traditional democratization literature. These theories are modernization theory, historical sociology and the agency approach. Using the methodological approach of qualitative content analysis, I have analyzed academic articles and come to the conclusion that seven factors played a crucial role for democracy in Tunisia: (1) increased level of education, (2) increased level of information, (3) existing formal and informal organizations in the civil society, (4) transnational power structure, (5) the size of coercive apparatus, (6) compromises among political actors and (7) existing political community. I argue that both the structure of the civil society and the political foundation in Tunisia played a vital role for the distinctive path it took towards democracy.
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Qaas, Said. "Demokratiseringsprocessen i MENA : En jämförande fallstudie om arabiska våren i Jemen och Tunisien." Thesis, Mälardalens högskola, Akademin för ekonomi, samhälle och teknik, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mdh:diva-44392.

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The purpose of this study was to analyze and compare why Yemen’s democratization process failed while Tunisia’s succeed after the Arab spring. The main question of this paper is: Why did the democratization process in Yemen failed, but succeeded in Tunisia after the Arab Spring emergence in year 2011 based on Diamonds theory? The method that applied to this study is a comparative case study in form of “Most Similar System Design” known as “MSS-design”. After applied four of Larry Diamonds nine factors, the study finally reached the answer of the main question.     The results showed that the absence of historically solid national unity, internally fragmented civil society and the military intervention of Saudi-led coalition was the main factors that caused why Yemen’s democratization process failed. On the other side the strong civil society, diplomatic peaceful pressure and the historical separation of military from the Tunisian political system was the main factors that pushed Tunisia towards democracy.
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Behrouz, Shahram. "Arabiska våren och dess efterspel : En jämförande demokratiseringsstudie mellan Tunisien och Egypten." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-100448.

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It has been ten years since the 26-year-old fruit seller set himself on fire to protest corruption in Tunisia. The street vendor created a wave of protests in the Arab world, a campaign for civil resistance, better known as the "Arab Spring". The protests led to the removal of long-standing authoritarian regimes in countries such as Tunisia, Egypt, Yemen and Libya. The civil resistance was a result of an economic crisis, high unemployment and corruption. The citizens of the arab world were demanding freedom of expression and greater civil rights. Tunisia became a successful example, where the country today is a complete democracy. In Egypt, the revolution also led to democratization, but for a short period of time. Egypt became more authoritarian after a coup led by the military. The other states failed and the consequences have been devastating with results of civil wars in Libya and Yemen. The main purpose of this essay was to sort out and understand why Tunisia succeeded to become a democracy after the arab spring 2010, while Egypt failed. A qualitative analysis with a comparative democratization study, composed of a most different system-design. The theoretical framework is based on Samuel Huntington (1991) “third wave democratization” and the author’s criteria on democracy, which includes regime legitimacy, economical modernization, and religious change.
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Lind, Sanna. "SSR and Democracy in Tunisia and Egypt : Understanding Security Sector Reform following Nonviolent Resistance." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-393809.

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In this study I explore how security sector reform affects the likelihood of democratization after a nonviolent resistance campaign in order to better understand the role of core security services during regime changes and the mechanisms of SSR. By using literature on nonviolence resistance, security sector reform, and by borrowing the concept ofspoilersfrom policy and peace-making literature, I hypothesise that SSR will likely increase the ability of core security actors to manage security problems in the transition after a nonviolent resistance campaign, as well as reduce spoiler capabilities among core security actors, thereby increasing the probability of democratization.I used the method of structured, focused comparison on the regime changes in Tunisia 2011-2014 and Egypt 2011-2013, and found some evidence contrary to the first, while limited support for the second.
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Gorginpaveh, Arvin. "Demokratisering i Nordafrika : En jämförande demokratiseringsstudie av Egypten och Tunisien." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-79596.

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The objective of this essay is to present both the reason behind the Egyptian democratization failure, as well as the cause of the success of the Tunisian democracy. The methodology of this essay is composed of a comparative democratization study, which includes a most similar systems-design method. The studies will try to pinpoint the key components of the result of the democratization, by using four of Larry Diamond’s nine internal and external democratization factors, which are presented in his book: ‘The Spirit of Democracy’. The results of this study indicate that Egypt had a far larger and more influential military force and also a critical economy, despite less international support for their democratization. Tunisia has a more democratic-oriented civil society and through democratic assistance from the European Union, a peaceful transition into a democratic system was possible. In this essay, a far deeper analysis of the democratization process will be highlighted, including how to prove how these essential factors caused the different outcomes of the Arabic spring protests.
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Elwe, Josefin. "Tunisiens Demokratisering : En fallstudie om vägen mot ett demokratiskt samhälle." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-90993.

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This essay aims to examine how the democratization of Tunisia has taken place since the Arabic spring. It will also analyze how well the country qualifies as a consolidated democracy and what conflicts that have been the driving force of the democratization process. The essay is a qualitive case study and explores the years of 1987 to 2018. Moreover, it is supported by the democratization theory of Dankward A Rustow. The Arabic spring was a consequence of the high unemployment numbers, the poverty in the country and the discontent of the president’s approach of ruling. The road to the democracy has suffered from many difficulties due to influences of the previous authoritarian rule. The situation in Tunisia after the Arabic spring has been unstable and demonstrations in smaller scales has taken place. Today the country has free and fair elections regularly and 2014 a new constitution was introduced. However, people have not gained a better lifestyle from the democratization even though the democracy has flourished. Lastly, the Tunisian democracy is not yet consolidated and still needs to the implemented into the country’s laws and population.
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Jarl, Kajsa. "Tunisiens demokratisering : En fallstudie." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-90865.

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The people in Tunisia demanded democracy and civil liberties, which led to large-scale demonstrations against the Tunisian regime in December 2010. The demonstrations against the authoritarian regime was considered to be the beginning of the Arab Spring. Of all states that was affected by the Arabic Spring, Tunisia became that one country that succeeded their transition from an authoritarian state to a democratic one. In order to analyze why Tunisia became a democratic state, this study aims to clarify what factors that affected the democratization process. Through the theoretical framework of Samuel P. Huntington, the factors that affected the third wave democratization are used in this study in order to analyze the Tunisian democratization and transition. Through analyzation; deepening legitimacy problems of the regime and economic growth was considered to affect the Tunisian democratization. Actions of external actors partly affected the country’s democratization. However, religious changes and snowballing effects was considered not to have an impact on the democratization and transition towards democracy.
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Hasgur, Mesud. "The Perception of Turkey in the Middle East in the Last Decade: The Cases of Egypt and Tunisia." Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2013. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/6289.

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This study examined the factors affecting the perception of Turkey in the Middle East from 2002 onwards by analyzing the combination of media, political elite discourse and people's political predispositions in the cases of Egypt and Tunisia. The research is separated into two parts. In the first part of 2002-2010, the factors of democratization, economic development, foreign policy activism, Islamic Oriented Government as well as Turkish TV series were found to be critical in the explanation of Turkey's popularity. In the second part of 2010-2013, democratization and foreign policy activism were the most effective factors while the other variables still had some effect. In particular the study looked at the news titles, articles, headlines in newspapers, as well as the views of journalists, activists, bloggers, politicians, and academics, which together shaped public perception. A brief historical background is also given in regards to the mutual prejudices and stereotypes between Arabs and Turks during Ottoman rule and the 20th century. The thesis concludes by emphasizing the continuation of democratic progress and reforms in Turkey as well as the need for foreign policy adjustment according to crisis situations as a policy recommendation for the government. The present study also seeks to contribute to both the public opinion theory of Zaller and the recent literature on the "Turkish Model".
M.A.
Masters
Political Science
Sciences
Political Science; International Studies Track
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Books on the topic "Democratization – Tunisia"

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Brieg, Powel, and Sadiki Larbi, eds. Europe and Tunisia: Democratization via association. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge, 2010.

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La révolution confisquée: Enquête sur la transition démocratique en Tunisie : essai. Arles: Actes Sud, 2012.

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Leon, Justin C. De. Tunisia and Egypt: Unrest and revolution. Hauppauge, N.Y: Nova Science Publishers, 2011.

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Army War College (U.S.). Strategic Studies Institute, ed. The prospects for security sector reform in Tunisia: A year after the revolution. Carlisle, PA: Strategic Studies Institute, U.S. Army War College, 2012.

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al-Tanẓīm al-intiqālī lil-sulṭah fī Tūnis: Min baʻd al-rābiʻ ʻashar min Jānfī 2011 ilá intikhāb al-majlis al-waṭanī al-taʼsīsī. Tūnis: Dār al-Ṭāʼir lil-Nashr, 2011.

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United States. Congress. House. Committee on Foreign Affairs. Subcommittee on the Middle East and North Africa. Transition at a crossroads: Tunisia three years after the revolution : hearing before the Subcommittee on the Middle East and North Africa of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, House of Representatives, One Hundred Thirteenth Congress, first session, December 4, 2013. Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 2014.

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Guchetlʹ, G. I. Demokratizat͡s︡ii͡a︡ v arabskom mire: Opyt Tunisa i Sirii. Moskva: In-t izuchenii͡a︡ Izraili͡a︡ i Blizhnego Vostoka, 1999.

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Boussois, Sébastien, and Meriem Ben Lamine. La Tunisie face à l'expérience démocratique. Paris: Éditions du Cygne, 2013.

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Tūnis, Lībiyā: Bayna al-intiqāl al-dīmuqrāṭī al-mutaʻaththir wa-al-irhāb. [Tūnis]: al-Aṭlasīyah lil-Nashr, 2015.

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ʻUjaylah, Fatḥī Bū. Thawrat al-nukhbah al-iṣlāḥīyah al-Tūnisīyah: Wāqʻuhā, afkāruhā, rāhinīyatuhā. Ṣafāqis: Maktabat ʻAlāʼ al-Dīn, 2014.

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Book chapters on the topic "Democratization – Tunisia"

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Koehler, Kevin, and Jana Warkotsch. "Tunisia Between Democratization and Institutionalizing Uncertainty." In Elections and Democratization in the Middle East, 9–34. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137299253_2.

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King, Stephen J. "Neoliberal Reforms and Democratization in Tunisia: Civil Society in a Rural Community." In Economic Liberalization, Democratization and Civil Society in the Developing World, 201–15. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-62818-6_10.

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Özcan, Tuğba. "Democratization in the Middle East and North Africa: Tunisia, Egypt, and Turkey." In Handbook of Cyber-Development, Cyber-Democracy, and Cyber-Defense, 1–23. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-06091-0_8-1.

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Özcan, Tuğba. "Democratization in the Middle East and North Africa: Tunisia, Egypt, and Turkey." In Handbook of Cyber-Development, Cyber-Democracy, and Cyber-Defense, 687–709. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-09069-6_8.

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Özcan, Tuğba. "Democratization in the Middle East and North Africa: Tunisia, Egypt, and Turkey." In Cyber-Development, Cyber-Democracy and Cyber-Defense, 175–93. New York, NY: Springer New York, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4939-1028-1_6.

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Blackman, Alexandra Domike. "What Can Tunisia’s Past Tell Us About its Future?" In A Fledgling Democracy, 187–218. Oxford University Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197661635.003.0009.

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Abstract A decade after the revolution, Tunisia's process of democratization continues to transform the country's formal and informal political institutions. Despite these changes, important continuities between Tunisia today and Tunisia prior to the revolution remain. Debates around secularism, women's rights, and regional inequalities continue to dominate the national conversation, much as they did in the colonial and postcolonial periods. This chapter explores some of the long-run political patterns and critical junctures that continue to shape Tunisian politics today. It discusses the historical legacies linked to the pre-colonial, colonial, and Bourguiba and Ben Ali eras, and explores the mechanisms of persistence that connect the past and present. Focusing on two issues that remain critical today--regional inequality and the Islamist-secular cleavage--this chapter provides a critical analysis of the historical processes that have contributed to these issues since the colonial era. These case studies are of interest not only because of their continued importance in Tunisian politics, but also because the post-revolutionary period represents an opportunity for a break with past patterns.
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"5 Overcoming Factionalism: Chile, Comoros, Estonia, Tunisia." In Democratization and the Mischief of Faction, 113–42. Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781626377363-007.

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Wehrey, Frederic, and Anouar Boukhars. "Managing Salafism in Tunisia." In Salafism in the Maghreb, 82–106. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190942403.003.0006.

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This chapter charts the complex relationship between the changing nature of state power and management of religious activism in Tunisia. In particular, it provides insight into a unique situation in the Arab world where, for the first time, jihadist ideologies and democratic experience intermingled, arousing greater passions, hopes, and fears. For a brief moment, Tunisia became the theater to test the political and ideational impact of democratization on antisystemic groups with jihadist ideological visions. The chapter examines the novelty of this case and provides insights on the factors that affected and mediated jihadist interactions with both the Islamist Ennahda-led government and other groups with opposing moral and ideological stances. Such an analysis of intrajihadi dynamics, jihadi-regime dynamics, and intergroup dynamics with other social and political actors helps elucidate the choice of strategies that jihadists adopted and how those choices were deeply affected by their own internal contradictions and ambiguities.
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"6 From Protest to Democratization: The Case of Tunisia." In Autocracy and Resistance in the Internet Age, 209–46. Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781626379190-007.

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Seeth, Amanda tho. "Islamic Universities and Identity Politics during Democratization: Contrasting Indonesia and Tunisia." In Research in the Social Scientific Study of Religion, Volume 32, 212–37. BRILL, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004505315_013.

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Conference papers on the topic "Democratization – Tunisia"

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Riyanika, Cindi, Muhammad Luthfi, and Mulawarman Hannase. "The Role of Rachid Ghannouchi On Democratization In Tunisia After Ben Ali Regime." In Proceedings of the 2nd International Conference on Strategic and Global Studies, ICSGS 0218, October 24-26, 2018, Central Jakarta, Indonesia. EAI, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.24-10-2018.2289666.

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Irwan Syazli Saidin, Mohd, Wan Kamal Mujani, and Azyati Azhani Mazuki. "New Wave of Democratization: The Case of Tunisian and Egyptian Revolutions." In 2014 International Conference on Advanced ICT (ICAICTE-2014). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icaicte-14.2014.36.

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