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Journal articles on the topic 'Democratization – Russia (Federation)'
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1
Hashim, Syed Mohsin. "KPRF ideology and its implications for democratization in Russia." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 32, no. 1 (December 15, 1998): 77–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0967-067x(98)00023-3.
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This article looks at the role of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (KPRF) in Russia's troubled democratization process. The author contends that post-Soviet Russian politics is plagued by a fundamental lack of consensus over regime choice issues. In this polarized setting of zero-sum politics, the KPRF has consolidated its position among anti-regime forces and can negatively impact Russia's transition to markets and democracy.
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ELISEEEV, A. L., and E. S. MATVEEVA. "INTERNATIONAL STANDARDS AND NATIONAL TRADITIONS IN THE FORMATION OF MODERN YOUTH POLICY IN RUSSIA." JOURNAL OF PUBLIC AND MUNICIPAL ADMINISTRATION 11, no. 2 (2022): 34–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2225-8272-2022-11-2-34-46.
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The purpose of the article is to analyze the foreign experience in the implementation of youth policy in Russia The author draws attention to the fact that youth is an important component of modern society, a carrier of intellectual potential, a determining factor in socio-economic progress. It is sressed that the public administration system is undergoing reformational changes due to the humanization and democratization of public relations. Much attention is given to the new phenomena and processes of social development that actualize the problem of proper scientific support for the activities of the state to support youth in the Russian Federation. As a result, the authors draw conclusions that despite the efforts made by the state, there are a number of objective and subjective problems that hinder the effectiveness of youth policy in the Russian Federation. In practice, youth policy is unstable and uncertain, and does not meet the public demand that meets modern realities.
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Motsok, Vitaliy. "Ideological Resources of the Russian Federation under the Conditions of the Geopolitical Fight for Ukraine." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 33-34 (August 25, 2017): 134–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2016.33-34.134-144.
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The article deals with the ideological resources of the Russian Federation to resist democracy promotion in the context of geopolitical struggle for Ukraine. The author emphasizes that ideological component of the fight for Ukraine makes significant impact on and to a large extent defines the development of confrontation between the main players as collective West from one side and Russia from the other, which developed its own concept of non-liberal regime and mechanisms of its external projecion as a mode to resist democracy promotion. During 2004-2017 the geopolitcal fight for Ukraine has been activating particluarly in ideological aspects especially in connection with two the most prominent examples of external players’ participation in the democratization processes and authoritarian reaction as Orange Revolution of 2004-2005 and Euromaidan / Revolution of Dignity of 2013-2014. Period of 2013-2017 has become the most demonstrative, since the Russian Federation among its «hard power» resources had used significant tools of ideological resistance toward democracy promotion as: autocracy promotion, «sovereign democracy», «russian world / peace» («russkiimir»), neoeurasianism toward Ukraine.
Keywords: Ideological resources, democracy promotion, geopolitical struggle, Ukraine, Russia
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Giuliano, Elise. "Secessionism from the Bottom Up: Democratization, Nationalism, and Local Accountability in the Russian Transition." World Politics 58, no. 2 (January 2006): 276–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.2006.0025.
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Do ethnic federations undergoing democratization promote or discourage regional secessionism? This article argues, based on evidence from the Russian Federation, that when democratization produces a transfer of political accountability from center to region, the incentives of regional leaders shift, forcing them to react to local constituencies in order to retain office. If these constituencies desire autonomy, regional leaders must respond, making separatism not merely an opportunistic strategy but a necessary one for their own political survival. Democratization, then, can transform administrative regions into electoral arenas.However, the case of Russia also demonstrates that regional demands for autonomy are not inevitable and may dissipate after they have begun. Popular support for nationalism and separatism varied significantly among Russia's sixteen ethnic republics in the late Soviet and early post-Soviet period. This variation is explained by showing that mass nationalism, contrary to conventional wisdom, is neither a latent attribute of federal regions, nor a simple function of natural resource endowments, nor something summoned into existence by the manipulations of regional leaders. Rather, it is argued that increasing competition for jobs in the Soviet Union's failing economy allowed particular issues articulated by nationalist leaders to resonate with ethnic populations. Through the framing of issues of ethnic economic inequality, nationalist leaders were able to politicize ethnicity by persuading people to view their personal life chances as dependent on the political fate of their ethnic community. Thus, secession in democratizing ethnic federations can be best understood by directing attention toward the origins of popular support for nationalism and the role that support plays in the elite contest for power within subfederal regions.
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Rivera, David W., and Sharon Werning Rivera. "Yeltsin, Putin, and Clinton: Presidential Leadership and Russian Democratization in Comparative Perspective." Perspectives on Politics 7, no. 3 (August 19, 2009): 591–610. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592709990880.
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Immediately after coming to power, the Clinton administration declared the consolidation of market and democratic institutions in Russia to be a vital American interest. The administration's central tactic for promoting this outcome was to help Boris Yeltsin remain in power. In a major assault on Clinton's historical legacy, much of the scholarly community maintains that U.S. policy was fundamentally flawed, both morally and strategically. In the view of these analysts, post-Soviet Russia's founding president was an autocratic leader who derailed the country's progress toward democracy. However, this body of research focuses exclusively on the Russian Federation and fails to utilize comparative referents. In contrast, we analyze the experiences of the full population of post-communist states of Eastern Europe and Eurasia from 1991 to the present. Whether examined in cross-national or longitudinal perspective, we find that Russian democracy under Yeltsin was, relatively speaking, a success. We conclude that the Clinton administration's policy of support for Yeltsin both served various American foreign policy interests and strengthened the prospects for democratic consolidation in Russia, thereby fulfilling the dictates of both real- and idealpolitik. In addition, the relative success of Russia's democratization in the 1990s, the reversal of that pattern in this decade, and the magnitude of the transformation of the polity under Putin all demonstrate the pivotal role played by presidential leadership in Russia's transition.
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Kandrina, N., O. Kazantseva, and L. Konovalova. "Public administration in modern Russia: ecological consequences of the digitalization." Ukrainian Journal of Ecology 10, no. 6 (December 28, 2020): 169–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/2020_277.
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The article is devoted to research of conceptual models of public administration for modern Russia, definition of its features in the conditions of digitalization. The conditions and existing results of reforming the system of Russian public administration, modern concepts of modernization of public administration and their priorities in the Russian legal system, existing socio-economic, political and other challenges are analyzed. The analysis of sources of foreign and Russian literature, the ongoing transformations in the Russian public administration system illustrate the inevitability of modernization of classical postulates of public administration in Russia towards democratization. It is noted that taking into account the peculiarities of the notion of "public administration" as a legal category, scientific theories about the service model of the state actively developed by foreign and Russian researchers in the field of public administration are not acceptable for the Russian Federation. Attention is drawn to the fact that the fundamental constitutional principles, global challenges of our time and others make it necessary for Russia to have a "strong" state, the key goal of which is to ensure individual rights and freedoms. Accordingly, it is necessary to strengthen further development of the scientific constitutional and legal direction in the area under consideration.
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Astramowicz-Leyk, Teresa, and Yaryna Turchyn. "The European Union’s Eastern partnership initiative under the polyhybrid aggression of the Russian Federation." Przegląd Wschodnioeuropejski 13, no. 2 (January 8, 2023): 151–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/pw.8455.
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The aim of the article is to reveal the essence and to determine the levels of the polyhybrid aggression of the Russian Federation to the EU’s Eastern Partnership initiative and to develop recommendations for its improvement in terms of the geopolitical influences of Russia. To achieve its goals in the Eastern European region, the Russian Federation uses a multidimensional hybrid aggression, namely a polyhybrid aggression, when non-military crises are provoked and maintained in order to weaken the adversary, as a preparatory stage for a direct military invasion. In the case of the Eastern Partnership initiative, it is introduced by attempts to prove its inexpediency and ineffectiveness. The study shows that the Russian polyhybrid aggression has been extended not only to the countries of the Eastern Partnership, but also to the EU – aimed at weakening its transformative power in Eastern Europe, and to the Russian society – aimed at shaping negative stereotypes about the EU and legitimizing the actions of the Russian government. Achieving the Eastern Partnership goals depends on Russia’s democratization and its compliance with international law. The following methods were used to solve the research problem: descriptive and historical method, sociological data analysis, forecasting method and structural-functional method.
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Drmeyan, Hayarpi. "Lebanidze, Bidzina. 2020. Russia, EU and the Post-Soviet Democratic Failure. Vergleichende Politikwissenschaft. Wiesbaden: Springer VS. XV, 329 pp. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-26446-8." Journal of Political Science: Bulletin of Yerevan University 1, no. 2 (September 30, 2022): 139–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.46991/jops/2022.1.2.139.
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This book is devoted to a comparative study of the democratization of the political regimes of the post-Soviet countries, as well as the main factors in the failure of post-Soviet democracy. In different chapters of the book, special attention is paid to the integration and democratization political processes, based on the results of which the author uses the concept of the post-Soviet puzzle. The problem of formation of democratic institutions, promotion of EU democratic strategies in the post-Soviet states, protracted conflicts in this region continue to pose complex questions for the researcher about the instruments of effective influence on these countries. The main task of the author of this study was to analyze the new and transforming old tools used by the EU and the Russian Federation, to identify the main reasons for the failure of post-Soviet democracy. The author comparatively analyzes the role of Russia and the EU in resolving ethnic and political conflicts in the post-Soviet space, exercising economic incentives, as well as other domestic and external factors which leads to the post-Soviet puzzle and the failure of post-Soviet democracy.
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Shinar, Chaim. "Is a Consolidation of Liberal Democracy in the Russia Federation a Reality?" European Review 22, no. 2 (May 2014): 321–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798714000143.
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The downfall of the Communist regime in the Soviet Union was at first considered by sociologists as a matter of transition from a dictatorial to a democratic regime. As a result, they inferred an affinity between the ongoing processes in the states constituting part of the Soviet Empire and the process of democratization occurring in Latin American or Southern European states. Shortly afterwards, however, the disparity between the various processes became obvious, when in some of the post-Soviet states the dictatorial regime lingered on, while others returned to a dictatorial regime after having been democratic in the past. Thus, sociologists have, in fact, no guidelines to account for the regime changes in these states, and it is also not clear what type of regime developed during Yeltsin’s presidency and what type of regime is developing in Russia under Putin.Rus, whither are you speeding to? Answer me. No answer. The middle bell trills out in a dream its liquid soliloquy; the roaring air is torn to pieces and becomes wind; all things on earth fly by and other nations and states gaze askance as they step aside and give her the right of way. (Nikolai Gogol)Indeed, it has been said that democracy is the worst form of government except all those other forms that have been tried from time to time. (Winston Churchill)
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Nation, R. Craig. "Reset or rerun? Sources of discord in Russian–American relations." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 45, no. 3-4 (August 21, 2012): 379–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2012.07.011.
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Despite some notable accomplishments, the effort underway since 2008 to “reset” U.S.-Russian relations on a foundation of mutual interests is far from secure. In the past the Russian Federation and the U.S. have moved through a number of cycles where phases of rapprochement have given way to intensified strategic competition. This pattern could reproduce itself if a momentum of expanded cooperation is not sustained. Today, in critical areas such as democratization and respect for human rights, arms control, counter proliferation, energy security, and regional stability, conflict is becoming more pronounced. If the reset agenda is to lead forward to a more substantial redefinition of the U.S.-Russian relationship these underlying sources of conflict will need to be addressed. For the promise of rapprochement to be realized the U.S. and its allies must look beyond the limited goals of the reset as originally defined towards a strategy of more comprehensive engagement designed to bring Russia into the fold as a cooperative member of the Western security community.
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POMAZANSKIY, Andrey, and Viacheslav SEVALNEV. "Democratization of Local-Self-Government in Russia: Current State and Perspectives of Development." Journal of Advanced Research in Law and Economics 9, no. 5 (June 10, 2019): 1754. http://dx.doi.org/10.14505//jarle.v9.5(35).29.
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The article is devoted to the constitutional legal regulation of local self-government. The dynamics of the realization of the constitutional principles of local self-government are researched. It is outlined that the current state of legal regulation is far from the constitutional principles devoted to the local self-government. The vivid example of such regulation is the latest amendments to the Federal Law of October 6, 2003 №131-FZ ‘On General Principles of Organization of Local Self-Government in the Russian Federation’. These legislative novelties lead to phasedown of the democratic basis of local self-government. This approach shouldn’t be admitted. Its further spread to all spheres of local activities will result in the estrangement of local communities from the public authorities and officials. In this sense, the piecemeal replacement of democratic procedures in the course of formation of local authorities by the administrative ones fails to meet the legal nature of local self-government.
Special attention is given to the determination the balance between representative and participatory democracy at the local level. The nature and features of local self-government are assumed the use of various organizational forms of execution of local power as well as the system of its legal regulation. Also the determination of the prospects for the extension of participatory democracy at the local level is presented.
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ISAEVA, ANNA. "Fiscal federalism and directions for its improvement in the Russian Federation." Public Administration 24, no. 2 (2022): 27–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2070-8378-2022-24-2-27-30.
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The article describes the specifics of Russian federalism and the main directions to improve federal relations in the Russian Federation. Historically, inter-budget relationships have been created as a result establishing the relationships between budget regulators at three levels of management. These relations made it possible to maintain the necessary level of financial and administrative security for each of the subjects of budgetary relations within the territory of a single state. In Russia, the emergence of these relationships took place at the beginning of democratization, which became an integral part of the socio-economic and political development of the state. The creation of a new legal framework contributed to the separation and distribution of budgetary powers between the federal bodies of state authority, bodies of authority in the subjects of the Russian Federation, and local authorities. However, all the positive effects had to be systematized and formalized at the legislative level in the form of a regulatory legal act. This document was supposed to take into account aspects related to the distribution of income revenues to the budgets of the three levels of state planning and management. The system of budgetary relations of the Russian Federation has changed; this was characterized by the allocation of levels of budget planning and the division of roles between the elements of the system. Fiscal federalism is one of the most important components of the federal system of the state. Due to the presence of a properly structured system of fiscal federalism, the state can influence the process of economic growth, to determine the further strategy of development of the financial, economic, and social profile of the regions.
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Shynkarenko, T. "RUSSIA AND THE COUNCIL OF EUROPE: THE CRISIS OF RELATIONS IN THE CONTEXT OF INVERTION IN DEMOCRATIC DEVELOPMENT." Actual Problems of International Relations, no. 131 (2017): 4–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/apmv.2017.131.0.4-14.
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The article is about the crisis in relations between the Russian Federation (RF) and the Council of Europe (COE) in the context of inversion in democratic development of Russia. While preparing the given paper a set of methodological instruments of the transitological approach was used, in particular, democratization «wave theory», the approach towards understanding transformation processes in Eastern Europe as a non-linear process, models of «transition with an open final». In the XXI century the Council of Europe faced daunting challenges resulted both from crisis situations in the EU member-states and from inversion of democratic transit in post-Soviet countries, particularly, in Russia. Apparently, the COE failed to realize any of its basic functions in Eastern European countries: regulatory, prognostic, worldview and axiological. Under these circumstances, the functional weakness of some COE bodies and institutions became especially notable, complicating, along with lobbyism and corruption of representatives of post-soviet states, the organization’s operational capacity. Overcoming the institutional crisis and strengthening the role of the COE on the continent suggests both further reforms of the organization and reintegration of the normative dimension and the value-based approach into foreign policy of European states.
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Vehesh, M., and R. Kopolovets. "Causes and prerequisites of the occupation of Luhansk and Donetsk regions: empirical analysis of territories (on the basis of indicators of the democratization index “Freedom in the World 2020”)." National Technical University of Ukraine Journal. Political science. Sociology. Law, no. 4(48) (January 29, 2021): 43–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.20535/2308-5053.2020.4(48).232690.
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Summary. The article examines the main reasons and preconditions for the occupation of certain regions in eastern Ukraine. The influence and role of Russia in this military conflict are analyzed, and for the first time an empirical (applied) analysis of the democratization index in the temporarily occupied territories is carried out. Russia’s aggressive policy in eastern Ukraine is part of a “hybrid” war against Ukraine that began in early 2014 with the occupation of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea. With the support of Russia, the so-called “Donetsk and Luhansk” people’s republics were created in eastern Ukraine. In essence, these are occupation military administrations that number more than 30,000 people, including regular troops and instructors of the armed forces of the Russian Federation. These are well-armed military formations, the number and combat capabilities of which are not inferior to the armies of individual European countries. In the temporarily occupied territories there is a total political and ideological “Russification”, the purpose of which is the alienation and further isolation of these territories from official Kyiv. It should be noted that the hostilities, which have been going on for the sixth year, pose serious economic, political, legal, and geopolitical problems on Ukraine’s path to consolidating the democratic regime and integrating with the European community. The change of political regime in 2013 in Ukraine opened up prospects for the consolidation of national identity and the restoration of the course of Euro-Atlantic integration, which was usually not accepted by official Moscow and personally by President Putin. It should be clearly understood that the war in Donbass, provoked by Russia, is the result of a systematic and long-term policy of Russia towards Ukraine as a country with a favorable geopolitical location and a kind of bridge between Europe and Russia. The article pays special attention to the theoretical and applied analysis of democratic development in Donbass. It should be noted that from 2020 “Freedom House” will start monitoring the territory and accordingly provide quantitative data on the democratization index with the appropriate analytical base and forecasts.
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ÖZKAN, Zeynep, and Çiğdem Serra UZUNPINAR. "Erosion of the Rule of Law Principle through the Instrumentalization of Law: Practices from Council of Europe States." Ankara Üniversitesi Hukuk Fakültesi Dergisi 71, no. 2 (June 30, 2022): 621–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.33629/auhfd.1080812.
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Today, authoritarian tendencies are reaching a global extent. It ispossible to say that these tendencies deserve the characterization of - inHuntington's words- a Reverse Wave in the Third Wave of democratization.This study examines the developments in the Russian Federation, Hungary,and Poland, where authoritarianism and regression from the rule of law areseen. A separation from democratization and the rule of law in all these threecountries is clear. It started in Russia and spread to other countries in theform of an avalanche, especially in the field of judiciary. The regression inthe Third Wave is taking place in the judiciary, relatively the most harmlesspolitical power, through instrumentalization of law. It is observed that thesupranational mechanisms, which protect human rights, are rendereddysfunctional under the pretext of ensuring the supremacy of theconstitution, and the rupture from those mechanisms is veiled by presentingit as a matter of sovereignty. Therefore, it is essential that the judiciary befreed from the interventions of other powers and regains its essential role inprotecting rights. To that end, the necessity of nation-states’ reintegrationwith supranational mechanisms which protect human rights is emphasized.
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Yumatov, K. V. "European Union Policy in the South Caucasus after the Karabakh War of 2020." Bulletin of Kemerovo State University 24, no. 1 (April 11, 2022): 26–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.21603/2078-8975-2022-24-1-26-34.
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The article focuses on the transformation of the European Union’s policy in the South Caucasus after the NagornoKarabakh war of 2020. Before the war, the foreign and security policy in the region had depended on the OSCE Minsk Group, Georgia’s role in the Russian-Georgian confrontation, and the Eastern Partnership program for the South Caucasus. After Azerbaijan won the Nagorno-Karabakh war with Turkey’s support, the previous line of policy stopped being effective. It failed to unite the countries of the South Caucasus, to remove the Russian Federation from the region, and to make the European Union a real mediator in the conflict zone. The democratization of the local political regimes also failed, despite the proEuropean position of Georgia and the velvet revolution in Armenia. As a result of the Armenian-Azerbaijani war of 2020, Russian and Turkish troops entered the South Caucasus, and Russia, Turkey, and Iran started acting as peace mediators. The European Union failed to strengthen the role of the OSCE Minsk Group and the mechanisms of the Eastern Partnership in the region. Ever since 2020, it has been trying to develop a common policy for all ethnic and inter-confessional conflicts in the postSoviet space. The European Union keeps failing in its competition and partnership with Russia, while Turkey is getting more active and independent in the region. Thus, the European Union will have to develop a new model of influence in the South Caucasus and the whole post-Soviet space. In the current global confrontation, it is very important to find an international actor able and willing to interact with all parties. The European Union seems to be the one, and its actions in resolving regional conflicts require a detailed research.
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Vulfovich, R. M. "The Problem of Defining Local Self-Government as a Key Actor of a Unified System of Public Power and Admininstration (Analysis of the Problem Field)." Administrative Consulting, no. 12 (January 12, 2022): 17–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/1726-1139-2021-12-17-32.
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The analysis of the problem field is a serious problem from the methodological and methodical point of view. The solution of this problem becomes particularly difficult in cases when the object under study is characterized by a high level of structural and process diversity, has a dynamic character, i. e. it is constantly evolving, and exists in many variants with the presence of the invariant enshrined in international acts and legislation of most states. The end of the last century was a period of rethinking of many concepts that define the complex processes of political and social interaction of various levels and elements of the system of power and public administration in Russia. The adoption of the Constitution of the Russian Federation in 1993 put forward fundamental problems that needed to be solved to move the country along the path of democratization, build a market economy and form an effective governing system. Article 12 of the first chapter establishes the autonomy of local self-government as an institution, guarantees its protection from excessive state influence. This provision reflects the global trend of consolidating the right to local self-government in democratic states. However, the European Charter of Local Self-Government includes a provision on the independence of local self-government in resolving issues of local significance only within the framework of state legislation, i. e. it establishes its subordinate nature. The latter provision automatically makes local self-government part of the unified system of public power and public administration, which is reflected in the corresponding amendment to Ch. 8 of the Constitution of the Russian Federation “Local self-government” in 2020. This makes t relevant he problem of the local authorities ‘ own powers, the division of functions between them and state authorities to achieve the fundamental goal of the modern state — to ensure an optimal uniform quality of life throughout the territory. The purpose of the article is to characterize the problem field in which the concepts of “public power” and “public administration” are defined and analysed in the context of considering local self-government as a key actor of both systems. The objectives of the research are to determine the boundaries of this problem field, its structure, as well as the difference in approaches to this problem in the works of Russian and foreign authors, including scientists from Central Asian countries.
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Popov, Nikolai P. "Socio-Political Views of the Russian Population. Report. Preliminary Results of a Sociological Study of the Russian Population’s Socio-Political Views, Commissioned by the Analytical Department of the President of the Russian Federation. August 1995." Sociological Journal 26, no. 1 (2020): 141–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/socjour.2020.26.1.7057.
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The report analyzes the public opinion on the main socio-economic and political issues at the end of the fourth year of Boris Yeltsin’s presidential term, on the eve of the Duma elections in December 1995 and the presidential elections in 1996. The poll’s data show the growing discontent of the population with the state of affairs in the country, the economic crisis, their own impoverishment, and the inability of the authorities to solve the country’s main problems. At the same time, a growing number of people lost interest in politics, lost confidence the political and economic reforms will lead to the country’s revival, democratization, and the ability to choose the best people for positions of power. Two thirds of the people said that they have become worse off than at the start of radical reforms ten years ago, while the main responsibility for the plight of the people and the country lies within the current government, which had no idea where the country’s economy was going, and had no program for overcoming the crisis. 75% believed that the government lives by its own interests; they do not care about the people. Market reforms initiated by Boris Yeltsin spurred mass negative assessments: our life before the reforms was better and more prosperous; the people were deceived, they were promised market socialism, and were drawn into the construction of capitalism; reforms were based on robbing the people, only speculators, swindlers, and officials had benefited from them. Regretting the dismantling of socialism, the population had lost belief that the ideas of socialism and communism were able to unite society again. As such an idea, the majority suggested reviving Russia as a powerful state, while calling for following a special, Russian path which implies a “strong hand” in power. The majority believed that the President and the government had already exhausted their opportunities to put an end to the crisis in Russia, and that they should be replaced with new people. The assessment of the President’s performance reached its lowest point during his administration – only 6% expressed their approval and 71% disapproved. The war in Chechnya seriously harmed the President’s popularity. More than 80% expressed negative assessments on the Kremlin’s Chechnya policies.
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Kamran Alipanahov, Kamran Alipanahov, and Neman Muradli Neman Muradli. "FOREIGN EXPERIENCE OF SMALL BUSINESS DEVELOPMENT." PAHTEI-Procedings of Azerbaijan High Technical Educational Institutions 16, no. 05 (April 25, 2022): 80–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.36962/pahtei16052022-80.
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Currently, great attention is paid to the development of small business, because the problem of small business is the most important in the direction of research in economic theory. For the stable functioning of the economy of any state, the development and strengthening of the activities of small businesses is a key area of economic policy of the state. The development of small business is one of the conditions for Russia's transition to full-fledged market relations, sustainable economic development, and stability in the social sphere. The effective development of small business determines the level of democratization and openness of the economy of our state. This article presents the dynamics of the development of small enterprises in Russia, which consists of the dynamics: the number of subjects of small enterprises; entities related to small enterprises in composition; the number of workers. Based on this, the role and importance of small business is determined. Much attention is paid to the problems of the relationship between business and the state, as well as the effectiveness of the implementation of government support measures. At the present stage, one of the priority areas of state policy in the field of small business is the conclusion on a qualitative level of measures and tools to support small businesses. In this regard, on the basis of strategic planning of the state, the development and implementation of government programs that support the small business are carried out. The article also pays attention to the strategy and prospects of small business development in the Russian Federation. Keywords: small business, state support, development strategy, entrepreneurship, dynamics of small business development, state policy, the role and importance of small business.
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Romashov, Roman A., Vladislav Yu Panchenko, Ilyas A. Ermolaev, and Larisa A. Petruchak. "Transformation of the Image Status of the Penal System in the Context of the Cyclical Political Genesis of Russia." Penitentiary science 15, no. 3 (September 30, 2021): 595–604. http://dx.doi.org/10.46741/2686-9764-2021-15-3-595-604.
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Introduction: being a structural and functional element of the state mechanism (a kind of “state within the state”), the prison system is transforming along with it. Accordingly, the image status of the prison itself and representatives of “prison authorities” and “prison population” is also changing. We bring to the fore the problem of understanding the term “system” in the context of the image status of the social system in general and the penal system in particular. We highlight the formation of semantic images and image statuses on the example of three social institutions (school, army, prison), which are similar in terms of parametric characteristics and functioning and qualitatively different in image status. The article comprehensively examines the bipolar image of the penal system: on the one hand, prison is inextricably linked with human misfortune, an evil that cannot be treated positively; on the other hand, as an instrument of state law enforcement policy, the prison guarantees the inevitability of punishment for a crime, ensuring the execution of punishment, protecting law-abiding citizens, which is a good thing for society and the state. Research materials and methods: the features of formation and functioning of the image status of the Russian penal (“prison”) system are considered in the context of the concept of cyclic political genesis. In accordance with this concept, in relation to the history of the unified Russian state, three cycles should be distinguished (imperial, Soviet, post-Soviet). Within the framework of each, Russia was represented by qualitatively different forms of state government, economic order, social structure, etc. At the same time, in such “different” Russian states, there were different models of prison systems, the formation and functioning of which, as well as the transformation of the image status, was carried out under the influence of state prison policy and under the influence of public consciousness (national mentality). Results: the current state of the Russian penal system can be described as transitional. Along with the legacy of the “Soviet past”, we observe serious changes proceeding from democratization and humanization of the political and legal system of the Russian Federation. Transformation of the image of the penal system is aimed at increasing the level of openness and forming a positive opinion about the functioning of the penitentiary system (the Concept for development until 2030). It is important that in the public consciousness the image of the penal system as a predominantly punitive prison system gradually be replaced by the idea of it as a penitentiary system, which is concerned primarily with “revival of the essence of humanity” in a person through awareness and repentance. As for the image status of employees of the penal system, the state can optimize it first of all by equalizing their official status with that of military personnel and special services employees, who, like representatives of the prison system, serve the Russian state, but are in a privileged position in relation to them. Increasing the prestige of the service in the penal system in the eyes of actual or potential employees implies the rejection of such differentiation.
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Denisenko, Viktor. "The basic concepts of the Baltic States image in the Russian periodical press after the collapse of the Soviet Union (1991–2009)." Žurnalistikos Tyrimai 8 (December 7, 2015): 116–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/zt/jr.2015.8.8845.
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The Russian Federation and the Baltic States region are neighbors belonging to different geopolitical paradigms. Since 2004, Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia are members of the European Union and NATO. Russia after a short period of pseudo-democratization after the collapse of the Soviet Union came back to imperial discourse in so-called Putin’s era. The new imperial discourse is based on concepts of the “Russian world”, “compatriots” as well as on the specific strategy in relations with states from “near abroad”. Periodical press and another media (especially, TV) are involved in political processes of the Russian Federation. Research of the Baltic States’ image in the Russian periodical press shows how this particular geopolitical region (of the Baltic States) is represented in the Russian media in different periods after the collapse of the Soviet Union.
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Kleiner, G. B., and N. L. Pirogov. "THE MAIN TASK IS THE IMPROVEMENT OF THE ORGANIZATIONAL AND ECONOMIC MECHANISM FOR THE DEVELOPMENT OF RUSSIAN ENTERPRISES." MIR (Modernization. Innovation. Research) 9, no. 2 (June 30, 2018): 248–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.18184/2079-4665.2018.9.2.248-259.
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Purpose:the purpose of this article is to justify the choice of the strategic direction of effective development of the national economy of Russia. The authors see the solution of this problem on the way of improving the organizational and economic mechanism of the functioning of Russian enterprises. This problem is considered to be one of the main authors in the consolidation of society and its mobilization for the implementation of the tasks set in the may Decree of the President of the Russian Federation (№ 204 from 2018).Methods:the study was conducted using the methods of systematic, logical, comparative analysis, involving Russian and foreign experience in solving social and economic problems. Particular attention was paid to the validity of the conclusions.Results:national economic problems are touched upon through the prism of the economy of enterprises. An attempt has been made to prove the dependence of the acceleration of the rates of economic development on the improvement of the enterprise's internal economic mechanism. In the postindustrial society, the role of enterprises as the main link in the production of material goods and the provision of services is not diminished, despite the accelerated introduction of scientific and technological progress and the increase in the value of personal property. The improvement of the internal structure of enterprises proposed in the article can significantly reduce the negative consequences of the privatization of state property. According to the authors, this will improve the efficiency of the use of human capital in terms of all its components: ordinary workers, managers, specialists, owners.Conclusions and Relevance:currently, there is a situation in which the owners of enterprises (mainly large ones) have practically unlimited rights and very limited liability for the results of the work of their enterprises. This situation hinders the development of the productive forces of society. The proposed concept of an "effective enterprise" means solidary management of enterprises (ultimately solidary management of the economy). It provides for a system of measures to remedy the situation. The first steps in this direction are the following: 1) the creation of a balanced system of enterprise management; 2) democratization of management and development of the institution of collective (people's) enterprises; 3) the movement in the direction of restraint unrestrained competition and finding ways of cooperation not only within enterprises but also in the relations between all participants of the process of production and realization of products, as well as authorities at all levels; 4) streamlining the processes for the establishment and liquidation of enterprises; 5) the active implementation of multilevel and multidimensional strategic planning. It is not possible to implement these measures in a short time. But the movement along this path creates systemic conditions for accelerating economic growth.
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Drinova, Elena. "Political and Communicative Interaction in Public Space Between the Russian Government and the Russian Orthodox Church: Directions and Priorities." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 4 (August 2021): 41–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2021.4.4.
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Introduction. The aim of the work was to analyze the leading directions of interaction between the state and religious authorities in the modern public space. It is shown that the result of this interaction was the politicization of the Russian Orthodox Church (hereinafter ROC). It is proved that in recent decades the Church continues to exert direct and indirect influence on the state, which, in turn, uses its spiritual potential to stabilize the socio-political system. Methods and materials. Institutional and modernization approaches were used as the research methodology. Within the framework of the institutional approach, an analysis of the interaction of government structures and the ROC in the context of adaptation, cooperation and competition in the course of democratic transformations in the country was carried out. Within the framework of the modernization approach J. Haber formulates the fundamental thesis on the increasing role of religion in a secular (modernizing) society and its strengthening in the national state. Analysis. It is noted that in the 1990s the leading direction of interaction between the state and the ROC was exclusively the political sphere, which was associated with the democratization of public life, the involvement of the clergy in political modernization. At the beginning of the 21st century the state proclaimed a course towards depoliticizing the institution of religion. The activities of political religious parties were prohibited. Subsequently, the ruling United Russia party began to focus on mutually beneficial partnership with the ROC, priority was given to the patriotic education of young people. The result of joint activities of the Main Military-Political Directorate of the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation and the ROC was the formation of a new type of soldier, a bearer of spiritual and moral values, a statesman, defender of the Fatherland. The ROC, as the dominant religious figure in the public space, actively participates in the domestic and foreign policy of the country, challenging other confessional structures. The highest officials of the state and the church share the common values of conservatism, but at the same time, each of them defends its own interests, which initiates the limitation of their mutual support. Results. The state power, together with the ROC, solves internal political problems, including the formation of spiritual, moral, patriotic constants in modern Russian society. In the context of the sanctions policy, the activity of the ROC as a conductor of the “soft power” of the state contributes to the improvement of the countrys image. The result of the interaction of state and religious structures is the formation of a new ideological paradigm based on the principles of religious ethics, conservative values, as well as national identity, patriotism.
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Korol’kova, E. "Evolution of United States’ Private Military and Security Companies: The Case of Afghanistan 2001–2021." International Trends / Mezhdunarodnye protsessy 20, no. 1 (2022): 122–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.17994/it.2022.20.1.68.7.
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The withdrawal of troops on 31 August 2021 which was carried out in accordance with the Agreement signed on 29 February 2020 between the U.S. government and the Taliban (an international terrorist organization banned in the Russian Federation) marked the end of the international military campaign in Afghanistan which lasted twenty years. Assessing the preliminary outcomes of nearly a quarter-century of the US military and their NATO allies’ presence in Afghanistan, U.S. President Joseph Biden announced the end of “an era of major military operations to remake other countries”. Though the consequences of the Western coalition campaign in the area remain to be evaluated and they are unlikely to turn out to be unequivocal, the Atlantic strategy aimed at rebuilding and democratization of Afghanistan proved itself as bankrupt. Our research focuses on the way the twenty-year military campaign in Afghanistan affected the development of the U.S. private military and security companies (PMSC) industry. For these purposes, we, firstly, studied and traced the transformation of the private military and security services market in the U.S., and examined the changes of approaches and mechanisms used to contract PMSCs. Secondly, we analyzed the way the U.S. authorities addressed the challenges new market evoked, focusing on the measures of legal regulation that were applied to PMSCs, and the way the working of the U.S. institutional mechanisms was transforming. The final part of the research contains conclusions on the perspectives for the development of the American PMSC industry after the withdrawal of the U.S. troops from Afghanistan. We believe that due to its duration and continuity, the Afghan operation ensured a launchpad for the PMSC industry and provided conditions for private military and security companies to acquire and master high-end experience which in turn, contributed to the development of a certain market that goes well beyond the involvement of conventional human capital. It provided solutions for the production, utilization, and maintenance of the equipment and technologies, allowing the minimization of the direct participation of specialists in hostilities. Alongside the development of the American PMSC industry itself, the research studies the investigations conducted by the U.S. authorities into the cases of abuse committed by the contractors during their participation in Afghan war. It discusses the way this practice encouraged the transformations of United States procedures and mechanisms aimed at reducing malpractice when performing contracts and launched changes in U.S. legislation. It also demonstrates the lessons learned by the U.S. from the contractual practice with regard to the regulation of PMSCs. The research reveals the strengths and weaknesses of the American policy regarding PMSCs during the whole period of the military conflict in Afghanistan and helps to evaluate the success of the U.S. efforts in monitoring contractors across Afghanistan. To conclude, we reckon that considerable contractual experience acquired in Afghanistan ensures technological and procedural progress of the U.S. PMSC industry. Given the enduring rivalry between the U.S., Russia, and China, including in the military and technological spheres, the twenty-year experience of direct participation in hostilities by U.S. PMSCs boosted its competitive advantage compared to Russia and China, whose PMSCs still lack such an experience.
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Hahn, Gordon M. "The Impact of Putin's Federative Reforms on Democratization in Russia." Post-Soviet Affairs 19, no. 2 (January 2003): 114–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.2747/1060-586x.19.2.114.
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KOZHEMIAKIN, ALEXANDER V. "Democratization and foreign policy change: the case of the Russian Federation." Review of International Studies 23, no. 1 (January 1997): 49–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210597000491.
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Gardocki, Sylwester. "Legitimacy of Power of the President of the Russian Federation." Polish Political Science Yearbook 36, no. 1 (March 31, 2007): 26–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2007003.
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Russian President is both a political institution of key importance and a distinctive individual of a specic manner of behaviour in his authoritarian rules. In this article I would like to present the role of the President in society with reference to historical heritage and the modern political culture of Russian society. Taking into consideration the fact that public opinion and the media, in conditions of democracy or democratization, constitute basic social mechanism that forms bases and formulas of legitimacy, I have decided that it is merge to join the issues into one. It is the President that I aim my examination at, not the Russian media themselves, the history of their development aer 1991, or their ownership structure that governs them. e media will be of interest as long as they are necessary to understand how the President legitimizes his powers, to what extent he is successful, and what scope of success or failure depends on in the legitimacy eorts.
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Lachowicz, Marta. "ROSYJSKI TRZECI SEKTOR WE WSPÓŁCZESNEJ FEDERACJI ROSYJSKIEJ." Studia Europaea Gnesnensia, no. 17 (June 15, 2018): 153–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/seg.2018.17.9.
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At present, Russian Federation shows symptoms of departure from democratization processes and civil society models. Over the last decade, Vladimir Putin’s coming to power, changes in the strategy and rhetoric of internal affairs in demonstrated tendencies for increased social control, restrictions imposed on NGOs and deliberate restructuring of the third sector in line with the designs of the central authority.
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Mayer, Brian. "Red to Green: Environmental Activism in Post-Soviet Russia. By Laura A. Henry. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2010. 282p. $64.00 cloth, $24.95 paper." Perspectives on Politics 9, no. 1 (March 2011): 111–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592710003427.
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In this richly detailed and comprehensive account of environmental organizations in post-Soviet Russia, Laura A. Henry delivers an insightful analysis of the strengths and weaknesses of the many green groups to emerge during the post-Soviet era and the challenges they face in sustaining a vibrant movement. Red to Green delivers an important contribution to the field of contemporary Russian politics by utilizing the environmental movement to illustrate the growth of civil society and the strategies used by civic organizations to overcome the institutional and normative barriers created by the legacy of Soviet rule. Given the deplorable state of the Russian Federation's environment, a strong environmental movement would seem a logical outcome of the internationally desired democratization and participation in civil society among the Russian citizenry. Yet as Henry is careful to point out, participation in social movement organizations is not always a natural consequence of environmental grievances, and in order for green groups to survive, they must make use of preexisting norms, institutions, and social networks that both enable and constrain their efforts to advocate for a safe and healthy environment.
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ROSE, RICHARD, and DOH CHULL SHIN. "Democratization Backwards: The Problem of Third-Wave Democracies." British Journal of Political Science 31, no. 2 (March 20, 2001): 331–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123401000138.
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Countries in the third wave of democratization have introduced competitive elections before establishing basic institutions of a modern state such as the rule of law, institutions of civil society and the accountability of governors. By contrast, countries in the first wave of democratization became modern states before universal suffrage was introduced. Because they have democratized backwards, most third-wave countries are currently incomplete democracies. Incomplete democracies can develop in three different ways: completing democratization; repudiating free elections and turning to an undemocratic alternative; or falling into a low-level equilibrium trap in which the inadequacies of elites are matched by low popular demands and expectations. The significance of incomplete democratization is shown by analysing public opinion survey data from three new democracies varying in their predecessor regimes: the Russian Federation (a totalitarian past); the Czech Republic (both a democratic and a totalitarian past) and the Republic of Korea (formerly an authoritarian military regime).
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Kapela, Ewa. "Инновации в русскоязычном публичном дискурсе (на материале обсуждения важнейших событий 2020–2021 гг. в электронных СМИ)." Studia Rossica Posnaniensia 47, no. 2 (December 25, 2022): 131–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/strp.2022.47.2.9.
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The article describes the new words that appeared in the Russian language public discourse. They are connected with three political events that caused a wide public outcry: the All-Russian vote on the approval of amendments to the Constitution of the Russian Federation, protests in support of Sergei Furgal, the detained governor of the Khabarovsk Krai, and the poisoning of opposition leader Alexei Navalny. The research material was collected from online media from January 2020 to September 2021. It includes neologisms, neosemantisms, and new phrases, many of which are occasional. In the collected material there are innovations formed according to standard derivational models and words and phrases representing the product of wordplay, including lexical blends. The considered innovations, being a manifestation of democratization and carnivalization of public communication, perform not only a nominative function. Due to their novelty, unusualness, and expressiveness, they have an evaluative potential. These innovations often become a linguistic means of speech aggression. In addition, they reflect the current social and political events of concern to the society and the attitude of the linguistic community to what is happening.The considered innovations, being a manifestation of democratization and carnivalization of public communication, perform not only a nominative function. Due to their novelty, unusualness, and expressiveness, they have an evaluative potential. These innovations often become a linguistic means of speech aggression. In addition, they reflect the current social and political events of concern to the society and the attitude of the linguistic community to what is happening.
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Vasyutkin, N. E., and Y. G. Hamnuev. "Institute of legislative Initiative of Citizens in the Subjects of the Russian Federation." Siberian Law Herald 1 (2021): 19–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.26516/2071-8136.2021.1.19.
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The article considers the issues of legal regulation of granting citizens the right to implement legislative initiatives and the consolidation of this right in the constitutions (charters) of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation. It was founded that the federal legislator, while providing the regions with the opportunity to empower citizens with the right to legislative initiative, did not regulate the issues of determining the conditions and procedure for realizing by citizens of this right. A variety of practices of legal regulation and constitutional consolidation of this institution based on the analysis of the constitutions (charters) of the regions were identified. In particular, three forms of legislative initiative of citizens were identified - a draft law, a legislative proposal, an amendment to a bill. It is proposed to consider a legislative proposal as an independent legal institution. It has been established that granting citizens the right to amend bills is aimed at developing the democratization of lawmaking process, so it was proposed to consolidate this right in the legislation of the constituent entities of the federation. But taking into account the peculiarities of the parliamentary discussion of the bill in the second reading, it was recommended to simplify the procedure of amending bills for citizens by reducing the number of signatures of citizens supporting this initiative. It has been established that regional legislators use a blanket method of securing the norms on the right to legislative initiative of citizens in the constitutions (charters) of the regions in most of the cases. The absolute number of citizens or the percentage of the total number of citizens who have the right to vote is used in the regions to determine the number of citizens required for the implementation of a legislative initiative. It is proposed to regulate the mechanism for implementing the institution of citizens’ legislative initiative at the federal level in order to expand the opportunity for citizens to participate in legislative activities and eliminate contradictions in the regional legislation.
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Orlov, V. V. "Islam in Front of the Challenges of Modernity: World Politics, State System, Public Opinion." MGIMO Review of International Relations 12, no. 4 (September 9, 2019): 239–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2019-4-67-239-249.
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Review of the textbooks: Islam in World Politics in Early XXIth Century: A Textbook / L.M. Yefimova, M.A. Sapronova, eds.; [A.M. Ahunov, V.A. Ahmadullin, R.I. Bekkin a. o.]; Moscow State Institute of International Relations (University) of Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Russian Federation, Dept. of Oriental Studies. Moscow: MGIMO–University, 2016. 345, [1] p. (In Russ.);Islam in the State and Socio-Political Systems of the Eastern Countries: A Textbook / L.M. Yefimova, M.A. Sapronova, eds.; [K.P. Borishpolets, R.D. Daurov, B.V. Dolgov a. o.]; Moscow State Institute of International Relations (University) of Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Russian Federation, Dept. of Oriental Studies. Moscow: MGIMO–University, 2018. 350, [1] p. (In Russ.);Muslim Socio-Political Ideas in Front of the Challenges of Modernity: A Textbook / L.M. Yefimova, M.A. Sapronova, eds.; [B.V. Dolgov, S.B. Druzhilovsky, L.M. Yefimova a. o.]; Moscow State Institute of International Relations (University) of Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Russian Federation, Dept. of Oriental Studies. Moscow: MGIMO–University, 2018. 192, [2] p. (In Russ.).The set of textbooks, written by the lecturers of Department of Oriental Studies, MGIMO–University, is a very useful publication both in terms of research and education. It covers the wide field of key problems of contemporary Islam and fills out some gaps in Russian studies of Islam.The first book of the series is focused on processes of globalization and democratization in Islamic world. The authors examine the role of Muslim states in multi-vector development of regional and global politics, analyze the impact of Islamic structures and concepts on present system of international relations. In the second book the authors emphasize the role of Islamic factor in domestic political life of specific countries and regions of the Muslim world. The authors focus on fundamental issues of constitutional law, functioning of supreme state bodies, building of parties and political systems. In the third book of the series the authors review the ideas of contemporary Muslim philosophers, public figures, political writers – both of conservative-fundamentalist and liberal-modernist orientation, basing on numerous facts. The authors managed to present the diversity of solutions, proposed by Muslim politicians and thinkers aimed at facing a number of challenges such as modernization and globalization, migration crises, poor ecological conditions, rise of social inequality, erosion and substitution of traditional values of Islam, etc.The textbooks in review may be of special interest not only for teachers and students at universities and high schools, but also for specialists in Oriental studies, political studies, as well as for broad audience of readers.
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Smirnov, A. V. "Administrative and Legal Support for the Process of Democratization of Public-Service Relations in the Prosecution Authorities." Actual Problems of Russian Law 17, no. 2 (October 13, 2021): 40–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/1994-1471.2022.135.2.040-052.
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The author of the paper makes an attempt to identify the problems of development of the institution of public service in the Russian Federation on the example of the prosecution service. The purpose of the paper is to study the features of service relations in the prosecutor’s office for their compliance with modern trends in the development of the state and society that determine the need for fundamentally new personal and professional characteristics of prosecutors. The paper highlights the imperfection of the current administrative and legal regulation of individual elements of service relations. Based on the results of the study, the author puts forward proposals for the introduction of qualitatively different approaches to the selection, training, retraining and employment of the personnel aimed at improving professional qualifications and competitiveness of staff members, their compliance with high moral and ethical requirements for this category of employees, ensuring openness and transparency of prosecution offices egencies and their employees. In particular, it is proposed to enshrine in law qualification requirements for all positions in the prosecutor’s office and for candidates applying for such positions, develop and implement a system of key performance indicators for the service and rating of candidates for the personnel reserve, a national database of applicants for managerial positions, intensify work on holding patriotic events, strengthen the status and significance of the procedure of taking the oath. In order to democratize public-service relations in the prosecutor’s office, the paper focuses on the need to revise a number of legislative provisions.
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Osipova, Victoriya V. "State-Confessional Relations of the Perestroika Period: Prerequisites for Russian Religious Policy." History 19, no. 8 (2020): 104–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1818-7919-2020-19-8-104-116.
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The article studies the process of changing religious policy in the context of socio-political reforms of the 1980s; analyzes the factors that contributed to the soviet religious policy and the impact of the policy’s changes on the religious life of the 1990s. It discusses the period when Russian society was continuing to looking for a consensus on the role of religion in the public and political spheres. Based on the state archives materials (The State archive of the Russian Federation and The Russian State archive of modern history) this research aims to identify the functions of the Union and Republican Councils for religious Affairs as the key institutions implementing religious policy. The author comes to the conclusion that the 1980s religious policy was manifested in the conceptual rethinking of the place of religion in everyday discourse. Changes in religious policy have caused not only a development of the relationship between the state and the faithful. They contributed to the new phenomena of soviet society, for example, certain religious groups, previously recognized as “extremist”, have become actively involved in the legal field and “normal” social activities. An important event was the celebration a millennium since the 988 Baptism of Rus’ when Gorbachev received Patriarch Pimen and other Holy Synod members inside the Kremlin. The transition to new forms and methods of interaction with religious institutions was realized. The faith reemerged into the public sphere and believers engaged in charity, education, mission and publishing. As a result of the resurgence of religious freedom and the democratization of the legal regulation regarding religious organizations was the adoption in 1990 of the new law “On freedom of conscience and religious organizations”.
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L.I., Ponomareva, and Gan N.Yu. "PREPARATION OF STUDENTS OF PEDAGOGICAL UNIVERSITIES FOR CIVIL AND PATRIOTIC EDUCATION." “Educational bulletin “Consciousness” 24, no. 11 (November 30, 2022): 12–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.26787/nydha-2686-6846-2022-24-11-12-19.
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The current situation that has developed in the education system is characterized by great attention to the problems of citizenship and patriotism of young people. In addition, work is actively underway to develop a system of civil and patriotic education in pedagogical universities of the country. At the socio-pedagogical level, this problem comes to the fore for several reasons: the process of democratization contributes to the formation of a multiparty system in which the younger generation should be guided; a huge amount of information requires a selective attitude and understanding of the conjuncture; the political situation in the country and the world places high demands on young people for knowledge of their history, respect for traditions and civil position. That is why the reform of modern education requires the creation of a well-functioning system for the formation of civil-patriotic qualities of the individual, taking into account the principles of a humanistic nature. The Federal Law “On Education in the Russian Federation" establishes the principles of "the humanistic nature of education, the upbringing of mutual respect, diligence, citizenship, patriotism, responsibility, legal culture, respect for nature and the environment, protection and development of ethno-cultural characteristics and traditions of the peoples of the Russian Federation in the conditions of multinational state” [1]. During the preparation of students for professional activities, it is necessary to pay attention to the development of their personal qualities: diligence, courage, creativity in decision-making, respect for the history of the country and people who left their mark on history. A generalizing analysis of psychological and pedagogical studies of the problem shows that starting from the first level of education - preschool childhood, ending with the highest level - training of personnel, it is required to solve the tasks of developing a civic-patriotic position. This article presents a study that reveals the potential of the created system of civil and patriotic education of students on the example of a particular university, Shadrinsk State Pedagogical University.
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MORARU, Andrei-Cristian. "TURKISH INTERVENTION IN SYRIA AND GEOSTRATEGIC IMPLICATIONS ON THE EUROPEAN UNION." INTERNATIONAL SCIENTIFIC CONFERINCE "STRATEGIESXXI" 18, no. 1 (December 6, 2022): 108–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.53477/2971-8813-22-12.
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Operation "Peace Spring" is an event of major importance in understanding the relationship between Turkey and Syria, the future relations between the two states and the European and international community.Turkey's design of a security zone has created stability for the state in question and destabilized the entire region at the societal level. Thus, the instability generated is a vulnerability for European and international security, and can be exploited by countries that oppose the democratization process or countries that have political andfinancial interests in that area. In today's society, disinformation is a real risk, being a measure implemented by many state and non-state actors in order to achieve security objectives. The phenomenon is also present in the current case study, playing an important role in the evolution of regional instability. The implications for the European Union security stem from soft-power influences in the collective minds of imperialist states that threaten the continent, the continued disinformation of policymakers, and the influence of decision-making indemocratic states. The Operation set a precedent for the current military conflicts in the vicinity of Romania, being visible the intention of the Russian Federation to create a "safety zone", following the recent expansion of democratic and societal values.
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Efremov, Eugeny N., and Timofey D. Nadkin. "Economic Aspects of the State Policy on the Transfer of Religious Architectural Objects to the Russian Orthodox Church on the Territory of Mordovia in the 1990s." Economic History 18, no. 4 (December 30, 2022): 330–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.15507/2409-630x.059.018.202203.330-344.
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Introduction. The return by the state of religious buildings and structures of the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC) confiscated during the Soviet period remains one of the pressing issues of post-Soviet religious revival. The article examines the features of this process on the example of such a region of the traditional spread of Orthodoxy as Mordovia in the 1990s. The purpose of the study is to comprehensively analyze the regional features of the implementation of the state policy on the transfer of religious architectural objects to the ROC in the 1990s on the territory of Mordovia. Materials and Methods. The materials for writing the article were unpublished documents from various archives (the Central State Archive of the Russian Federation, the Archive of the Saransk Diocese of the Mordovian Metropolia of the Russian Orthodox Church, etc.), as well as published sources presented by appeals to the authorities of Bishop Varsonofy of Saransk and Mordovia. The analysis of sources from these archives required the use of the principle of historicism, the historical-comparative method and the hermeneutic approach. Results. Ministry of Culture with the Supreme Council of the MSSR, which blocked V. D. Guslyannikov’s decisions concerning the transfer of religious objects to the ROC, which housed cultural institutions and other structures of the national economy. The third stage (April 8, 1993 until September 22, 1995) – the liquidation of the post of President and the continuation of the period of boycott by the political leadership of Mordovia of the implementation of the Decree of the President of the Russian Federation dated April 23, 1993 No. 281-rp “On the transfer of religious organizations of religious buildings and other property”. The fourth stage (from September 22, 1995 to the end of the 1990s) is characterized by the democratization of the state policy of Mordovia on the transfer of religious property to the Saransk and Mordovia diocese. During this period, the new leadership of the Republic of Mordovia, headed by N. I. Merkushkin partially implemented the decree of the State Property Committee of the Russian Federation No. 803-r dated June 13, 1995, on the basis of which in 1995–1999 42 out of 78 religious real estate objects are transferred to the Saransk and Mordovia dioceses. At the same time, in some cases, local authorities continued to delay the return of some monuments of church architecture of the Saransk and Mordovia dioceses, while canceling their own decisions on the transfer of these objects. Discussion and Conclusion. In the 1990s, about 127 religious real estate objects were returned to 198 Orthodox religious organizations in Mordovia that were active on January 1, 2000. Taking into account the fact that on the territory of the Mordovian Territory before the revolution of 1917 there were 589 structures of the Russian Orthodox Church, about a quarter of which were completely destroyed during the Soviet era, it follows that in the 1990s the process of transferring monuments of religious architecture to the Saransk and Mordovian diocese was not fully completed. The reason for this, of course, was not the full implementation by Mordovia of the all-Russian religious policy, in some cases its complete disregard. However, there were objective reasons for this in the conditions of the socio-economic crisis, which consisted in the lack of free premises where it would be possible to place social infrastructure facilities located in closed religious buildings.
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Sinenko, Tatiana N., and Olga A. Zalipaeva. "FORMATION OF INTERETHNIC TOLERANCE THROUGH EDUCATIONAL SITUATION AT THE STAGE OF ADAPTATION OF STUDENTS TO THE EDUCATIONAL ENVIRONMENT OF THE UNIVERSITY." Russian Journal of Education and Psychology 13, no. 2 (April 29, 2022): 48–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.12731/2658-4034-2022-13-2-48-61.
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Background. Political and socio-economic transformations taking place in the modern world, an orientation of Russian education to humanization and democratization impose a number of requirements on a specialist professional training quality at a university. Particularly in the modern labor community there are requirements regarding the readiness of a future specialist to carry out interpersonal interaction in professional activity in a multicultural, multinational and multi-confessional society. For the higher professional education of the Russian Federation the task of training a specialist with the ability to interpersonal interaction in professional activities (including empathy and interethnic tolerance) is of prime importance.
The purpose of the work is to describe the educational situation aimed at the formation of interethnic tolerance among students at the stage of adaptation to the educational environment of the university.
Methods. In the course of the study, a theoretical analysis of psychological and pedagogical literature of the problem was carried out. It helped us to clarify the degree of relevance of the problem being studied. The method of observation and pedagogical experience analysis allowed us to describe the educational situation aimed at the interethnic tolerance formation.
The results of the study. Interethnic tolerance is considered to be a manifestation of the future specialist’s ability to interpersonal interaction in professional activities. The levels of interethnic tolerance formation among university students are given: amorphous-fragmentary, interiorization-reflexive and activity-holistic. In the article the educational situation “Adaptation” is described which is aimed at the formation of interethnic tolerance among students of multicultural educational groups the period of adaptation to the educational environment of the university..
Practical implications. The article will be useful for lecturers, curators of study groups, specialists in educational work with students, including tutors.
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Kozachuk, Oleh. "U.S. and Canada Immigration Periodization." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 35-36 (December 20, 2017): 42–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2017.35-36.42-50.
Full textAbstract:
The changes that have taken place in the United States and Canadian immigration policies since the 1960s have changed the ethnic and racial profile of these states. The statistics and projections for the next 20-30 years show that ethnic and racial diversity in both the United States and Canada will only increase. Analysis of the transformation of the immigration policy of the USA and Canada of the fourth wave of immigration is of great scientific and practical value. Despite the Russian Federation’s hybrid aggression, Ukraine, being included in the world processes (such as modernization, democratization, globalization, etc.), should take into account the USA and Canada’s ways of implementing the immigration policy, as well as the role of the state in the control and regulation of immigration.
We deliberately highlight the four periods in the history of the U.S. and Canadian immigration (although possible variations on the detail of its periodization). In our opinion, this is not derived only from the historical facts, or the entry into force (or the lapse of validity) of certain normative and legal acts, as confirmed by the studies on migration studies, but also corresponds to our research approach of cross-national comparison in the form of indirect (implicit) binary comparison with the use of a research strategy for most analogous systems.
Keywords: Immigration, immigration policy, immigration waves, interethnic interaction
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Fedina, N. V., M. V. Lazareva, and G. A. Popova. "ANALYSIS OF THE BEST PRACTICES FOR FORMING A DIGITAL EDUCATIONAL ENVIRONMENT IN PRESCHOOL EDUCATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS." Educational Psychology in Polycultural Space 60, no. 4 (2022): 91–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.24888/2073-8439-2022-60-4-91-97.
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The article contains an overview and analysis of the best practices for the formation of the digital educational environment in preschool educational organizations. In the theory and practice of preschool education, the problem of developing the theoretical and methodological foundations for the digitalization of preschool education as the first level of domestic education has matured. A number of external and internal contradictions have arisen in the formation of a digital educational environment, including the contradiction between the need for its formation and the lack of specific methodological recommendations based on scientific foundations. In this regard, it is necessary to study the best practices in the formation of the digital educational environment, analyze and summarize the existing experience. The article reviews and analyzes the experience of a number of preschool educational organizations in the Russian Federation and neighboring countries. It has been revealed that, in general, the experience of forming the digital educational environment is described in fragments, it presents some replicated digital educational technologies, individual elements of the leader’s digital constructor. The publications also reflect the experience of digital support of traditional educational technologies and the use of modern digital equipment created specifically for the cognitive development of children: interactive sandboxes, interactive floors, etc. In the practice of preschool educational organizations, the introduction of digital technologies into the educational process is associated with certain difficulties: personnel, material and technical, financial, organizational, etc. In general, in the analyzed experience, there are tendencies of humanization, democratization, axiologisation of the formation of the digital educational environment. There is a need for a comprehensive development of the theoretical foundations for creating the digital educational environment, building its holistic, consistent model.
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Zahirnyi, Oleksiy. "TECHNOLOGIES OF INFLUENCE ON MASS MEDIA IN UKRAINE: THE POST-COMMUNIST CONTEXT." Scientific Journal of Polonia University 55, no. 6 (February 27, 2023): 209–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.23856/5527.
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The article is devoted to transformations of technologies of political influence on mass media in Ukraine. The essence of the post-communist context of transformations of technologies influencing the mass media is determined. It consists in the transition from the Soviet heritage (state and party censorship, administrative pressure on journalists and editors) to the oligarchic model of mass media activity (the use of economic leverage, hidden political advertising, and dependence on the owner). The methodological approach of historical institutionalism is used to determine the transformations of technologies of influence of public power and oligarchic groups on the mass media in the post-communist context. It has been specified that the creation of a democratic model of mass media activity is an integral part of the democratization of the Ukrainian political process. The study of technologies of public power influence on the mass media allows reconstructing creatively some provisions of the theory of democratic transition, determining its essence and directions in Ukraine. Special emphasis is placed on the need to overcome the post-communist legacy and the importance of understanding the democratic transition of Ukraine as the achievement of its ultimate goal – full-fledged European and EuroAtlantic integration. Despite the long debates in Ukrainian political science regarding the use of such terms as "post-communism" and "democratic transition", the events of recent years, and especially the war of the russian federation against Ukraine (i.e. actions aimed directly against the democratic transition of Ukraine) have convincingly proven the scientific value and the importance of researching the post-communist context of mass media activity. The essence of certain technologies of influence on the mass media, which characterize the relations between the government, society, and the mass media in the post-communist context, is noted.
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Elbuzdukaeva, Tamara Umarovna. "THE DEVELOPMENT OF THEATER IN THE CHECHENO-INGUSH ASSR IN THE 40―60S’ OF THE XX CENTURY." History, Archeology and Ethnography of the Caucasus 15, no. 1 (March 19, 2019): 37–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.32653/ch15137-46.
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The selection of the topic for publication is brought into focus by the decree of the President of the Russian Federation on the announcement of 2019 as the Year of Theater, as well as preparation for the celebration of the 75th anniversary of the Victory over Nazi Germany. The relevance of the choice of theatrical culture of the Chechen Republic in the object of study is also related to its lack of information on this topic. The study analyzes the activities of republican theaters in military conditions; reconstruction of the basic principles and methods of functioning of the Chechen-Ingush theaters in the years of the restoration of autonomy and the “ottepel” (thaw) of the 1960s’.In the years of the Great Patriotic War, the Chechen-Ingush Theater was rebuilt in a military manner and confided to barracks. The propaganda teams that spoke in all corners of the republic, in hospitals and military units, in field camps and at enterprises raised the fighting spirit of the soldiers. Many artists of the republic went to the front and fought against the enemy in arms.The development of the Chechen-Ingush culture in the second half of the 1950s’ – 1960s’ of the XX century occurred in the conditions of democratization of life of the Soviet society, the restoration of the republic’s autonomy, the atmosphere of freedom of creativity. In the mid-1960s’, with the arrival of students of the academic M. Soltsayev and R. Khakishev’s Leningrad school, the repertoire of the Chechen-Ingush theater is replenished with works of heroic romance and high poetry. The performances of Russian, Georgian, Azerbaijani, Ossetian, Balkarian, Dagestan and other authors appear. In the 60s’ of the XX century, Chechen-Ingush Theater was among the ten best national theaters of the Soviet Union.The methodological basis of the research is the dialectical approach, which allowed studying the theatrical art of the Chechen-Ingush ASSR on the principles of historicism, objectivity and comprehensive study of the subject. The logical method made it possible to analyze the sources, to establish the degree of knowledge of the problem in the national historiography, to determine the purpose and objectives. With the help of the historical-genetic method, the theatrical life of the republic during the war, the restoration of autonomy and the “ottepel” of the 1960s’ is revealed.
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Naumov, Aleksandr O. "On the Causes of the “Tulip Revolution” in Kyrgyzstan: the Role of the External Factor." Humanitarian: actual problems of the humanities and education 21, no. 1 (April 14, 2021): 9–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.15507/2078-9823.053.021.202101.009-018.
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Introduction. “Colour revolutions”, which are coups using technologies, mechanisms and tools of soft power, became a notable phenomenon in the post-Soviet space at the beginning of the XXI century. Attempts to dismantle political regimes in the region using methods of non-violent struggle are still being made by Western experts in geopolitical engineering, and directly at the borders of the Russian Federation. The article examines the role of an external factor in the preparation and implementation of one of the “color revolutions” of the first wave – the “Tulip revolution” in the Republic of Kyrgyzstan. Materials and Methods. The methodological basis of the research is the system, structural-functional, comparative-political approaches, methods of analysis, synthesis, induction, deduction and observation. Results and Discussion. The article presents an analysis of the causes of the socio-political crisis in Kyrgyzstan that led to the “Tulip revolution” in 2005. Special emphasis is placed on studying the activities of the United States to form a Pro-Western civil society in the country by promoting various projects and programs of democratization. With the help of Western soft power actors operating in Kyrgyzstan since the 1990s, local non-governmental organizations and mass media were organized, and cadres opposed to the Akayev regime were trained in various spheres of social and political life. Conclusions. Even in the specific conditions of Central Asia, Washington managed to create a “revolutionary” infrastructure on the ground, helping anti-government forces in areas where they were not competent enough. The author concludes that without financial and organizational support, the Kyrgyz opposition would not have been able to implement the successful scenario of the “colour revolution”. The victory of the “Tulip revolution” did not bring the prosperity promised by its leaders to the people; on the contrary, it was this event that caused huge damage to the country’s public administration system and triggered a series of crises that still haunt Kyrgyzstan.
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Zaitsev, Oleg A., Vladimir P. Kashepov, and Stanislav L. Nudel. "CRIMINAL POLICY REGARDING CRIMES COMMITTED IN THE SPHERE OF BUSINESS." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Pravo, no. 37 (2020): 40–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/22253513/37/4.
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In the article, the authors consider the problems of the formation and implementation of criminal policy in relation to crimes committed in the field of entrepreneurial activity in the context of the development of criminal and criminal procedural law and law enforcement practice. In the Russian Federation, special attention is paid to building trust between government and business; stability and predictability of legal regulation of economic relations; the formation of a law enforcement system that effectively protects economic rights and freedom of entrepreneurship. At the same time, the current norms on responsibility for crimes of an eco-nomic orientation in conjunction with procedural forms of criminal proceedings, as well as their actual implementation, cause justified concern in the science of law and law enforcement practice due to their imperfection. Ensuring the protection of economic relations should be expressed not only in combating economic crime, but also in the development of effective criminal law and criminal procedural mechanisms for protecting the legitimate interests of entrepreneurs who may be involved in the sphere of criminal proceedings. The leading components of Russian criminal policy in the field of economic security are such forms of legislative transformation as criminalization and decriminalization. The ongoing socio-political and economic transformations necessitate the decriminalization of certain acts (for example, in relation to pseudo-business; deliberately false advertising, consumer fraud, etc.) or require the criminalization of certain acts in the economic sphere (in particular, in relation to the falsification of a single state register of legal entities, illegal retail sale of alco-holic and alcohol-containing food products, etc.) The humanization of legislation is substantiated by modern concepts of substantive and procedural guarantees for ensuring the rights of entrepreneurs, aimed at mitigating measures of criminal repression, the need to maintain a balance of private and public interests that need appropriate legal protection. Modern criminal policy is inevitably associated with the further modernization of criminal proceedings, the democratization of its principles and means of law enforcement. At the same time, the main emphasis is placed on the creation of a special, favorable procedural regime in the conduct of preliminary investigation and court proceedings. First of all, this concerns changes in the procedure for applying preventive measures. In addition, in cases of crimes in the field of entrepreneurial and other economic activity, the criminal procedure legislation has undergone changes, fixing the features: the procedure for considering a report of a crime; initiation of a criminal case against entrepreneurs; the performance of procedural actions with electronic media, other items and documents seized in the course of criminal proceedings; release from criminal liability and termination of criminal prosecution, etc. It is concluded that, within the framework of the state's criminal policy, one should expect changes and additions to criminal and criminal procedural legislation aimed at strengthening trust between the government and business, the formation of a fair law enforcement system that can effectively protect basic economic rights and freedom of entrepreneurship.
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Chatterjee, Anirban. "Democratization in Russia: Expectations and Experiences." International Studies, October 31, 2022, 002088172211249. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00208817221124967.
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Russia being the largest successor state among the post-Soviet countries, its distinct civilization, unique history, and contribution to various fields has earned interest among scholars. Moreover, it was also perceived that since Russia straddles two continents, Asia and Europe, any development in Russia will either have a direct or an indirect bearing on Europe and Asia. These factors have collectively generated a great amount of scholarly interest in studying post-Soviet Russian democratization. The article focuses on the aspects of the convergence and divergence of these entities in the case of the Russian Federation. In this endeavour, the article chalks out the key components of democratization and their interplay in Russia. An attempt is made to understand the perception of democracy among Russians and whether democratic reforms in post-Soviet Russia led to any change of perception among Russians about democracy. The article also unravels the institutional dynamics in order to ascertain the Russian experience of democratization. The article concludes with some recommendations for future course of actions with regard to democratization.
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Komakha, Larysa. "Prospects for the Development of Information and Analytical Activities in the System of Public Authority Under the Conditions of Wartime Posture in Ukraine." Economic Affairs 67, no. 4s (October 25, 2022). http://dx.doi.org/10.46852/0424-2513.4s.2022.3.
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Ensuring the effective implementation of the basic functions by the country’s public authorities significantly depends on the level of development of its information and analytical activities and the efficiency of the formation and implementation of state policy. The intensification of democratization and the increasing flow of information in the system of public power lead to the activation of the process of formation and development of information and analytical activity, which in the conditions of wartime posture is especially actualized and acquires significant importance. The purpose of the research lies in substantiating the theoretical aspects and practical recommendations for determining the prospects for the development of information and analytical activities in the system of public power in the conditions of wartime posture in Ukraine. General scientific and special methods of economic analysis have been used in the research, in particular as follows: analysis and synthesis, analogies and comparisons, grouping and multivariate cluster analysis, systematization and generalization, graphical and tabular methods. The results of the conducted research of the theoretical and applied principles regarding the determination of prospects for the development of information and analytical activities in the system of public power in the conditions of wartime posture in Ukraine has made it possible to establish that the full-scale invasion of the Russian Federation in Ukraine has caused significant destructive changes in the system of public power, which requires the introduction of effective methods of information and analytical activity and innovative technological means of information protection. It has been proven that Ukraine, like other countries of the Eastern Partnership, are unable to fully ensure the stable development of information and analytical activities in the system of public authorities, for as much as they are characterized by a low level of their digitization, resistance to misinformation and countering cyber threats. It has been revealed that the parameters of Ukraine according to the analysed indicators are moderate from among the countries of the Eastern Partnership, as evidenced by the value of the Multidimensional Index of Digitization 0,42‒0,48;