Relevant bibliographies by topics / Democratization – Russia (Federation)

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Academic literature on the topic 'Democratization – Russia (Federation)'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Democratization – Russia (Federation)"

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Hashim, Syed Mohsin. "KPRF ideology and its implications for democratization in Russia." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 32, no. 1 (December 15, 1998): 77–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0967-067x(98)00023-3.

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This article looks at the role of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (KPRF) in Russia's troubled democratization process. The author contends that post-Soviet Russian politics is plagued by a fundamental lack of consensus over regime choice issues. In this polarized setting of zero-sum politics, the KPRF has consolidated its position among anti-regime forces and can negatively impact Russia's transition to markets and democracy.
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ELISEEEV, A. L., and E. S. MATVEEVA. "INTERNATIONAL STANDARDS AND NATIONAL TRADITIONS IN THE FORMATION OF MODERN YOUTH POLICY IN RUSSIA." JOURNAL OF PUBLIC AND MUNICIPAL ADMINISTRATION 11, no. 2 (2022): 34–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2225-8272-2022-11-2-34-46.

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The purpose of the article is to analyze the foreign experience in the implementation of youth policy in Russia The author draws attention to the fact that youth is an important component of modern society, a carrier of intellectual potential, a determining factor in socio-economic progress. It is sressed that the public administration system is undergoing reformational changes due to the humanization and democratization of public relations. Much attention is given to the new phenomena and processes of social development that actualize the problem of proper scientific support for the activities of the state to support youth in the Russian Federation. As a result, the authors draw conclusions that despite the efforts made by the state, there are a number of objective and subjective problems that hinder the effectiveness of youth policy in the Russian Federation. In practice, youth policy is unstable and uncertain, and does not meet the public demand that meets modern realities.
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Motsok, Vitaliy. "Ideological Resources of the Russian Federation under the Conditions of the Geopolitical Fight for Ukraine." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 33-34 (August 25, 2017): 134–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2016.33-34.134-144.

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The article deals with the ideological resources of the Russian Federation to resist democracy promotion in the context of geopolitical struggle for Ukraine. The author emphasizes that ideological component of the fight for Ukraine makes significant impact on and to a large extent defines the development of confrontation between the main players as collective West from one side and Russia from the other, which developed its own concept of non-liberal regime and mechanisms of its external projecion as a mode to resist democracy promotion. During 2004-2017 the geopolitcal fight for Ukraine has been activating particluarly in ideological aspects especially in connection with two the most prominent examples of external players’ participation in the democratization processes and authoritarian reaction as Orange Revolution of 2004-2005 and Euromaidan / Revolution of Dignity of 2013-2014. Period of 2013-2017 has become the most demonstrative, since the Russian Federation among its «hard power» resources had used significant tools of ideological resistance toward democracy promotion as: autocracy promotion, «sovereign democracy», «russian world / peace» («russkiimir»), neoeurasianism toward Ukraine. Keywords: Ideological resources, democracy promotion, geopolitical struggle, Ukraine, Russia
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Giuliano, Elise. "Secessionism from the Bottom Up: Democratization, Nationalism, and Local Accountability in the Russian Transition." World Politics 58, no. 2 (January 2006): 276–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.2006.0025.

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Do ethnic federations undergoing democratization promote or discourage regional secessionism? This article argues, based on evidence from the Russian Federation, that when democratization produces a transfer of political accountability from center to region, the incentives of regional leaders shift, forcing them to react to local constituencies in order to retain office. If these constituencies desire autonomy, regional leaders must respond, making separatism not merely an opportunistic strategy but a necessary one for their own political survival. Democratization, then, can transform administrative regions into electoral arenas.However, the case of Russia also demonstrates that regional demands for autonomy are not inevitable and may dissipate after they have begun. Popular support for nationalism and separatism varied significantly among Russia's sixteen ethnic republics in the late Soviet and early post-Soviet period. This variation is explained by showing that mass nationalism, contrary to conventional wisdom, is neither a latent attribute of federal regions, nor a simple function of natural resource endowments, nor something summoned into existence by the manipulations of regional leaders. Rather, it is argued that increasing competition for jobs in the Soviet Union's failing economy allowed particular issues articulated by nationalist leaders to resonate with ethnic populations. Through the framing of issues of ethnic economic inequality, nationalist leaders were able to politicize ethnicity by persuading people to view their personal life chances as dependent on the political fate of their ethnic community. Thus, secession in democratizing ethnic federations can be best understood by directing attention toward the origins of popular support for nationalism and the role that support plays in the elite contest for power within subfederal regions.
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Rivera, David W., and Sharon Werning Rivera. "Yeltsin, Putin, and Clinton: Presidential Leadership and Russian Democratization in Comparative Perspective." Perspectives on Politics 7, no. 3 (August 19, 2009): 591–610. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592709990880.

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Immediately after coming to power, the Clinton administration declared the consolidation of market and democratic institutions in Russia to be a vital American interest. The administration's central tactic for promoting this outcome was to help Boris Yeltsin remain in power. In a major assault on Clinton's historical legacy, much of the scholarly community maintains that U.S. policy was fundamentally flawed, both morally and strategically. In the view of these analysts, post-Soviet Russia's founding president was an autocratic leader who derailed the country's progress toward democracy. However, this body of research focuses exclusively on the Russian Federation and fails to utilize comparative referents. In contrast, we analyze the experiences of the full population of post-communist states of Eastern Europe and Eurasia from 1991 to the present. Whether examined in cross-national or longitudinal perspective, we find that Russian democracy under Yeltsin was, relatively speaking, a success. We conclude that the Clinton administration's policy of support for Yeltsin both served various American foreign policy interests and strengthened the prospects for democratic consolidation in Russia, thereby fulfilling the dictates of both real- and idealpolitik. In addition, the relative success of Russia's democratization in the 1990s, the reversal of that pattern in this decade, and the magnitude of the transformation of the polity under Putin all demonstrate the pivotal role played by presidential leadership in Russia's transition.
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Kandrina, N., O. Kazantseva, and L. Konovalova. "Public administration in modern Russia: ecological consequences of the digitalization." Ukrainian Journal of Ecology 10, no. 6 (December 28, 2020): 169–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/2020_277.

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The article is devoted to research of conceptual models of public administration for modern Russia, definition of its features in the conditions of digitalization. The conditions and existing results of reforming the system of Russian public administration, modern concepts of modernization of public administration and their priorities in the Russian legal system, existing socio-economic, political and other challenges are analyzed. The analysis of sources of foreign and Russian literature, the ongoing transformations in the Russian public administration system illustrate the inevitability of modernization of classical postulates of public administration in Russia towards democratization. It is noted that taking into account the peculiarities of the notion of "public administration" as a legal category, scientific theories about the service model of the state actively developed by foreign and Russian researchers in the field of public administration are not acceptable for the Russian Federation. Attention is drawn to the fact that the fundamental constitutional principles, global challenges of our time and others make it necessary for Russia to have a "strong" state, the key goal of which is to ensure individual rights and freedoms. Accordingly, it is necessary to strengthen further development of the scientific constitutional and legal direction in the area under consideration.
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Astramowicz-Leyk, Teresa, and Yaryna Turchyn. "The European Union’s Eastern partnership initiative under the polyhybrid aggression of the Russian Federation." Przegląd Wschodnioeuropejski 13, no. 2 (January 8, 2023): 151–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/pw.8455.

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The aim of the article is to reveal the essence and to determine the levels of the polyhybrid aggression of the Russian Federation to the EU’s Eastern Partnership initiative and to develop recommendations for its improvement in terms of the geopolitical influences of Russia. To achieve its goals in the Eastern European region, the Russian Federation uses a multidimensional hybrid aggression, namely a polyhybrid aggression, when non-military crises are provoked and maintained in order to weaken the adversary, as a preparatory stage for a direct military invasion. In the case of the Eastern Partnership initiative, it is introduced by attempts to prove its inexpediency and ineffectiveness. The study shows that the Russian polyhybrid aggression has been extended not only to the countries of the Eastern Partnership, but also to the EU – aimed at weakening its transformative power in Eastern Europe, and to the Russian society – aimed at shaping negative stereotypes about the EU and legitimizing the actions of the Russian government. Achieving the Eastern Partnership goals depends on Russia’s democratization and its compliance with international law. The following methods were used to solve the research problem: descriptive and historical method, sociological data analysis, forecasting method and structural-functional method.
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Drmeyan, Hayarpi. "Lebanidze, Bidzina. 2020. Russia, EU and the Post-Soviet Democratic Failure. Vergleichende Politikwissenschaft. Wiesbaden: Springer VS. XV, 329 pp. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-26446-8." Journal of Political Science: Bulletin of Yerevan University 1, no. 2 (September 30, 2022): 139–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.46991/jops/2022.1.2.139.

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This book is devoted to a comparative study of the democratization of the political regimes of the post-Soviet countries, as well as the main factors in the failure of post-Soviet democracy. In different chapters of the book, special attention is paid to the integration and democratization political processes, based on the results of which the author uses the concept of the post-Soviet puzzle. The problem of formation of democratic institutions, promotion of EU democratic strategies in the post-Soviet states, protracted conflicts in this region continue to pose complex questions for the researcher about the instruments of effective influence on these countries. The main task of the author of this study was to analyze the new and transforming old tools used by the EU and the Russian Federation, to identify the main reasons for the failure of post-Soviet democracy. The author comparatively analyzes the role of Russia and the EU in resolving ethnic and political conflicts in the post-Soviet space, exercising economic incentives, as well as other domestic and external factors which leads to the post-Soviet puzzle and the failure of post-Soviet democracy.
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Shinar, Chaim. "Is a Consolidation of Liberal Democracy in the Russia Federation a Reality?" European Review 22, no. 2 (May 2014): 321–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798714000143.

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The downfall of the Communist regime in the Soviet Union was at first considered by sociologists as a matter of transition from a dictatorial to a democratic regime. As a result, they inferred an affinity between the ongoing processes in the states constituting part of the Soviet Empire and the process of democratization occurring in Latin American or Southern European states. Shortly afterwards, however, the disparity between the various processes became obvious, when in some of the post-Soviet states the dictatorial regime lingered on, while others returned to a dictatorial regime after having been democratic in the past. Thus, sociologists have, in fact, no guidelines to account for the regime changes in these states, and it is also not clear what type of regime developed during Yeltsin’s presidency and what type of regime is developing in Russia under Putin.Rus, whither are you speeding to? Answer me. No answer. The middle bell trills out in a dream its liquid soliloquy; the roaring air is torn to pieces and becomes wind; all things on earth fly by and other nations and states gaze askance as they step aside and give her the right of way. (Nikolai Gogol)Indeed, it has been said that democracy is the worst form of government except all those other forms that have been tried from time to time. (Winston Churchill)
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Nation, R. Craig. "Reset or rerun? Sources of discord in Russian–American relations." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 45, no. 3-4 (August 21, 2012): 379–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2012.07.011.

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Despite some notable accomplishments, the effort underway since 2008 to “reset” U.S.-Russian relations on a foundation of mutual interests is far from secure. In the past the Russian Federation and the U.S. have moved through a number of cycles where phases of rapprochement have given way to intensified strategic competition. This pattern could reproduce itself if a momentum of expanded cooperation is not sustained. Today, in critical areas such as democratization and respect for human rights, arms control, counter proliferation, energy security, and regional stability, conflict is becoming more pronounced. If the reset agenda is to lead forward to a more substantial redefinition of the U.S.-Russian relationship these underlying sources of conflict will need to be addressed. For the promise of rapprochement to be realized the U.S. and its allies must look beyond the limited goals of the reset as originally defined towards a strategy of more comprehensive engagement designed to bring Russia into the fold as a cooperative member of the Western security community.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Democratization – Russia (Federation)"

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Jones, Adam. "The press in transition : a comparative study of Nicaragua, South Africa, Jordan, and Russia." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape9/PQDD_0032/NQ38908.pdf.

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Tappe, Timothy James. "The role of the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe in Ukraine's Orange Revolution was Russia right? /." Laramie, Wyo. : University of Wyoming, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1663116641&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=18949&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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OBYDENKOVA, Anastassia. "National federalism and transnational European regionalism : democratization of Russia in the 1990s." Doctoral thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/6347.

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Defence date: 30 September 2006
Examining board: Prof. Michael Keating (European University Institute - supervisor) ; Prof. Philippe Schmitter (European University Institute - co-supervisor) ; Prof. Arthur Demchuk (Moscow Lomonosov State University) ; Prof. Stephen White (University of Glasgow)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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MAZMANYAN, Armen. "Finding optimal design for constitutional courts : the perspective of democratization in post-Soviet countries." Doctoral thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/12042.

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Defence date: 22 June 2009
Examining Board: Ruth Rubio Marin, European University Institute; Wojciech Sadurski, European University Institute (Supervisor); Marek Safjan, University of Warsaw; András Sajo, European Court of Human Rights, Strasbourg
First made available online 12 March 2019
The thesis undertakes an assessment of the institutional design of constitutional courts in postsoviet countries from the perspective of these courts' democratic contributions. After identifying the defects of the existing models frustrating a better democratic performance by these courts, the thesis proposes a perspective on their redesign. Although a variety of settings of institutional architecture of constitutional review courts is discussed throughout the text, the thesis primarily concentrates on two fundamental questions of the design of constitutional courts: 1. "political empowerment" of these courts or whether or not constitutional tribunals should have responsibilities of conflict resolving nature which de-facto involve them in partisan-type politics (such as the review of elections, jurisdictional conflicts between the separated branches of the government, impeachment cases, etc.), and 2. designation of a separate tribunal or the question whether or not the Kelsenian design of constitutional courts is optimal given the specific local challenges facing democracy and rule of law. As a point of departure, the thesis develops a concept of "optimal institutional design" based on its review of the latest feedbacks from the studies of constitutional design, new institutionalism and transitology. Providing facts and analyses about the post-soviet countries of this research (for this research, these are all former republics of the Soviet Union except Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania) on their way to building constitutional democracies, their path towards democracy and their democratic credentials, the constitutional courts and their performance, the history of these courts' emergence, organization, institutional settings, etc., the work proceeds further by defending the political empowerment of the constitutional courts by running into an empirical analysis of higher courts' involvement into politics and by praising the courts' political role in democratic development. This background allows reflecting on the weaknesses and the dangers of the current institutional settings and proposing a conceptual framework for constitutional construction in post-communist transitions, as well as, more specifically, proposing an "optimal" design for the political empowerment of constitutional courts. Eventually, a criticism of the Kelsenian model of constitutional review is drawn where it is argued that while the designation of a special (Kelsenian) tribunal has undermined the consolidation of the judiciary and hence contributed to the fragmentation and eventual weakening of the judiciary in the post-Soviet region, there are institutional design alternatives which would better support the emergence of a consolidated, self-sufficient judiciary as the foremost guarantor of the rule of law.
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Wachtmann, Jenna Lee. "Democracy aid in post-communist Russia: case studies of the Ford Foundation, the C.S. Mott Foundation, and the National Endowment for Democracy." Thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/7927.

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Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)
The collapse of communism and the fall of the Soviet Union offered an unprecedented opportunity for the international community to support transitions to democracy in a region that had long known only totalitarian rule. Among the key players engaged in supporting efforts were U.S. grantmaking institutions, including both non-state and quasi-state aid providers. This thesis explores the motivations and evolving strategies of three different types of grantmaking institutions in a single country, Russia, with a particular focus on democracy aid provision from 1988-2002. The three types of grantmaking organizations examined through case studies include: the Ford Foundation, a private foundation with a history of international grantmaking spanning several decades; the Charles Stewart Mott Foundation, a private foundation known primarily for its domestic focus with a much shorter history of international grantmaking; and, finally, the National Endowment for Democracy, a U.S. government-created and heavily taxpayer-funded organization established as a private nonprofit organization to make grants specifically for democracy promotion. Motivating factors for initiating or expanding grantmaking in Russia in the late 1980s included a previous history of grantmaking in the region, a previously established institutional commitment to democracy promotion, international peace and security concerns, and interest from a top institutional leader. Over the course of the fourteen year period studied, five grantmaking features are identified as influencing the development of grantmaking strategies: professional grantmaking staff; organizational habit; global political, social, and economic environments; market and other funding source influences; and physical presence. Though subject to constraints, the non-state and quasi-state grantmaking institutions included in this study were able to avoid weaknesses identified with private philanthropy in other research and demonstrated a willingness to experiment and take risks, an ability to operate at the non-governmental level, and a commitment to long-term grantmaking, informed by expertise.
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Books on the topic "Democratization – Russia (Federation)"

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D, Barany Zoltan, and Moser Robert G. 1966-, eds. Russian politics: Challenges of democratization. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001.

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Salmenniemi, Suvi. Democratization and gender in contemporary Russia. London: Routledge, 2011.

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Russia at the polls: Voters, elections, and democratization. Washington, D.C: CQ Press, 2002.

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Shocking Mother Russia: Democratization, social rights, and pension reform in Russia, 1990-2001. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2004.

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Federalism, democratization, and the rule of law in Russia. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002.

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1944-, Hahn Jeffrey W., ed. Democratization in Russia: The development of legislative institutions. Armonk, N.Y: M.E. Sharpe, 1996.

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1951-, Ross Cameron, ed. Regional politics in Russia. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2002.

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Orttung, Robert W. From Leningrad to St. Petersburg: Democratization in a Russian city. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1995.

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Authoritarian backlash: Russian resistance to democratization in the former Soviet Union. Burlington, VT: Ashgate Pub. Company, 2008.

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Ukraine: Democratization, corruption, and the new Russian imperialism. Santa Barbara, California: Praeger Security International, 2015.

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Book chapters on the topic "Democratization – Russia (Federation)"

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Lamçe, Eni. "Securitizing and De-securitizing Actors of the OSCE: The Case of the Western Balkan Region." In Securitization and Democracy in Eurasia, 109–23. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16659-4_7.

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AbstractThe OSCE, in its capacity as the largest regional security organization worldwide, has played a pivotal role in promoting security and cooperation in the Western Balkans. This research emphasizes the role of the main actors of the OSCE debate who try to securitize and de-securitize the concerns in the Western Balkan region in the light of the Regional Security Complex Theory. It draws attention to the role that the EU, US, and the Russian Federation have played in the politico-military dimension debate, starting from 1995 when the OSCE was established until 2001 when the turmoil in the region came to an end, as well as in the human dimension debate, beginning from 2015 when Serbia was the first Western Balkan country to chair the organization until 2020 and the Albanian OSCE Chairmanship. The research argues that the two most pressing concerns during the first timeframe, where securitization from regional actors can be addressed, were in the field of arms control and border management. In contrast, in the second timeframe, which is mainly characterized by de-securitization, the attention of the main actors concerning the region is centred on democratization and rule of law.
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Aklaev, Airat R. "Russian Federation." In Democratization and Ethnic Peace, 224–53. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429458033-10.

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