Journal articles on the topic 'Democratization – European Union countries'
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1
Kamerāde, Daiga, Jo Crotty, and Sergej Ljubownikow. "Civil liberties and Volunteering in Six Former Soviet Union Countries." Nonprofit and Voluntary Sector Quarterly 45, no. 6 (July 9, 2016): 1150–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0899764016649689.
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To contribute to the debate as to whether volunteering is an outcome of democratization rather than a driver of it, we analyze how divergent democratization pathways in six countries of the former Soviet Union have led to varied levels of volunteering. Using data from the European Values Study, we find that Latvia, Lithuania, and Estonia—which followed a Europeanization path—have high and increasing levels of civil liberties and volunteering. In Russia and Belarus, following a pre-emption path, civil liberties have remained low and volunteering has declined. Surprisingly, despite the Orange Revolution and increased civil liberties, volunteering rates in Ukraine have also declined. The case of Ukraine indicates that the freedom to participate is not always taken up by citizens. Our findings suggest it is not volunteering that brings civil liberties, but rather that increased civil liberties lead to higher levels of volunteering.
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Latkina, V. A. "The European Union's Mediterranean Policy in the Context of the "Arab Spring"." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 2(35) (April 28, 2014): 139–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-2-35-139-149.
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The article discusses the policy of the European Union aimed at the export of its democratic values, acquis communautaire and governance models to the neighbour countries in the Southern Mediterranean. The process of Europeanization reflects a particular case of global megatrend -democratization which in its turn positioned as democracy promotion through soft power instruments. From the EU point of view the goal of the Barcelona process launched in 1995 was to construct Euro-Mediterranean Partnership and common identity in order to promote democratic transitions in Southern Mediterranean. While the EU Foreign Policy in the Mediterranean region was historically conditioned by the security interests of the European Union, it suffered from securitization/democratization dilemma. The article analyses the process of external Europeanization in the Southern Mediterranean as a regional dimension of global democratization process in the context of Union for the Mediterranean development before and after the Arab Spring and new approach in the framework of the ENP Partnership for Democracy and Shared Prosperity with the Southern Mediterranean. The article proposes that the lack of political strategic vision in the EU toward the Arab democratic transition during 2011-2013 narrows its role as a transformative democratic power, hinders Europeanization/ democratization process in the macro-region of North Africa and Middle East and presents the EU with a new dilemma - to continue its traditional democratization policy or to shift towards a more pragmatic approach to cooperating with new Arab regimes.
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Keil, Soeren. "Europeanization, State-building and democratization in the Western Balkans." Nationalities Papers 41, no. 3 (May 2013): 343–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2013.768977.
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The Western Balkans have seen rapid changes since the end of the violent conflicts in the 1990s. The European Union (EU) has been one of the main drivers for change, focusing on the political, economic and social transformation of the region to prepare the countries for membership in the Union. This introduction to the special issue will clarify the key terms and their interaction in the Western Balkans. EU enlargement has never before been this complex and inter-connected with processes of state-building and democratization. The focus on conditionality as the main tool of the EU in the region has had positive and negative effects. It can be argued that the EU is actively involved in state-building processes and therefore the termEU Member State Buildingwill be used to explain the engagement of the Union with the countries in the region. This paper will discuss the concept of EU Member State Building, its potential and its pitfalls. It will be demonstrated that the stabilization of the region is unlikely to take place without an active role for the EU; however, the current approach has reached its limits and it is time to think about alternative options to integrate the Western Balkans into European structures.
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Buşcaneanu, Sergiu. "EU Democracy Promotion in Eastern ENP Countries." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 29, no. 1 (June 18, 2014): 248–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325414535430.
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This study shows that the increased incentive structures from and the more intense socialization process with the European Union (EU) since the launch of European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) have not translated into a higher level of democratic development in Eastern ENP countries. However, on the long run (1991–2010), the EU democracy promotion in the region under consideration appears to be largely consistent. In addition, a content analysis of Progress Reports released by the European Commission on the implementation process of European Neighbourhood Policy Action Plans (ENPAPs) reveals that some Eastern neighbours of the EU have attempted to consider in their reform agendas the democracy-related objectives of these documents and that some have also sought to adopt international democratic instruments as required by the ENPAPs. Though the record is far from satisfactory on norm internalization, content analysis of Commission’s Reports suggests that one should acknowledge a modest democratization role for the EU.
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Babarykina, Nadiia, Oleksandra Demianenko, and Yevhen Mahda. "Decentralization as a global trend of democracy development." Cuestiones Políticas 40, no. 73 (July 29, 2022): 454–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.46398/cuestpol.4073.24.
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This research examines the process of decentralization of power as a global trend of democratization. The concept of decentralization of power is revealed and the process of implementation of the reform of decentralization of power in some European countries is highlighted. The relationship between the course of decentralization reform and the index of democracy in countries has been studied. The aim of the research is to identify and analyze the essence, features and experience of decentralization as a global trend of democratization. The realization of the goal requires the solution of the next task - to analyze the experience of decentralization in the context of the development of democracy in the European Union. The solution of research problems became possible due to the use of a complex of general scientific and special research methods. This analytical essay is based on documentary sources. Аnalyzing the principles and results of decentralization of power in European countries in the study we see the growth of democracy. Decentralization causes a global shift in power, as the distance between citizens and government institutions is reduced.
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Way, Lucan A., and Steven Levitsky. "Linkage, Leverage, and the Post-Communist Divide." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 21, no. 1 (February 2007): 48–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325406297134.
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An important source of the post-Communist divide between a relatively democratic Central and Southeastern Europe on one side and a highly autocratic former Soviet Union on the other is the different character of the international environments in the two regions. Post-Communist countries differ along two key dimensions of the post–cold war international environment: Western leverage, or governments' vulnerability to external pressure; and linkage to the West, or the density of a country's economic, political, organizational, social, and communication ties to the European Union and the United States. High linkage and leverage in Central and Southeastern Europe generated intense international democratizing pressures, contributing to democratization even under unfavorable domestic conditions. By contrast, weaker linkage and leverage in the former Soviet Union has produced a much more permissive international environment. As a result, democratization has failed in the absence of a strong domestic push.
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Cop, Burak, and Kerem Kılıçdaroğlu. "Linkage, Leverage, and Authoritarianism: An Overview of the Collapse of Turkey’s EU Membership Prospect." SAGE Open 11, no. 3 (July 2021): 215824402110407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/21582440211040783.
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The effects of the linkage and the leverage over countries that either go through a democratic transition or further advance on the democratization path have been widely discussed by comparative democratization scholars. Western leverage designates governments’ level of vulnerability in the face of foreign pressure for democratization, while linkage is meant to be the intensity of the connections and the cross-border streams between a democratizing country and the Western world. It is generally acknowledged that the linkage is a more determinative factor than the leverage. On the contrary, the authoritarian shifts of many countries that took place during the first two decades of the 21st century challenged the optimistic and deterministic role assigned to linkage. Turkey is a noteworthy example in this regard since the intensity of its linkage to Europe could not compensate the negative effects of a declining leverage over Turkish democratization since 2006. The argument that linkage matters more than leverage does not apply to Turkey. The evolution of domestic political regimes in European Union candidate countries in parallel with their accession processes constitutes separate cases differing from one another. Turkey is not only a separate case for its part, but also a unique one.
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Latkina, V. A. "Eastern Dimension of the European Neighbourhood Policy: Europeanization Mutual Trap." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 6(39) (December 28, 2014): 37–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-6-39-37-46.
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The article analyses the Europeanization policy of the European Union towards the Eastern Partnership participant countries. Suffering from the lack of clear strategy and ultimate goal in the European Neighbourhood Policy the European Union enhances external democratization and its governance in post soviet states without immediate Union's membership perspective. Underestimation of common neighbourhood geopolitical duality in the context of growing rivalry between European (EU) and Eurasian (Custom Union/Eurasian Economic Union) integration gravitation centers presents the Eastern partners of the EU with a fierce dilemma of externally forced immediate geopolitical and civilizational choice while not all of them are well prepared to such a choice. The mutual Europeanization trap here to be studied both for the EU and its Eastern partners (involving Russia) is a deficiency of regulating cooperation mechanism in the situation of European and Eurasian free trades zones overlapping. Vilnius Summit 2013 results test the "European aspirations" of the New Independent States and upset the ongoing process of the European Neighbourhood Policy in the context of growing economic interdependence in Wider Europe. Besides, the Ukrainian crisis escalation during 2014 as a new seat of tension provokes unbalance of the whole European security system and creates new dividing lines in Europe from Vancouver to Vladivostok.
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MORARU, Andrei-Cristian. "TURKISH INTERVENTION IN SYRIA AND GEOSTRATEGIC IMPLICATIONS ON THE EUROPEAN UNION." INTERNATIONAL SCIENTIFIC CONFERINCE "STRATEGIESXXI" 18, no. 1 (December 6, 2022): 108–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.53477/2971-8813-22-12.
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Operation "Peace Spring" is an event of major importance in understanding the relationship between Turkey and Syria, the future relations between the two states and the European and international community.Turkey's design of a security zone has created stability for the state in question and destabilized the entire region at the societal level. Thus, the instability generated is a vulnerability for European and international security, and can be exploited by countries that oppose the democratization process or countries that have political andfinancial interests in that area. In today's society, disinformation is a real risk, being a measure implemented by many state and non-state actors in order to achieve security objectives. The phenomenon is also present in the current case study, playing an important role in the evolution of regional instability. The implications for the European Union security stem from soft-power influences in the collective minds of imperialist states that threaten the continent, the continued disinformation of policymakers, and the influence of decision-making indemocratic states. The Operation set a precedent for the current military conflicts in the vicinity of Romania, being visible the intention of the Russian Federation to create a "safety zone", following the recent expansion of democratic and societal values.
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Szelewa, Dorota. "Recurring ideas: Searching for the roots of right-wing populism in Eastern Europe." European Journal of Cultural Studies 23, no. 6 (May 27, 2020): 989–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1367549420921400.
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The main sets of ideas that dominated discourses on market-making and democratization in Eastern Europe during the 1990s concerned: first, the superiority of market-led mechanisms of exchange and distribution with individual responsibility and entrepreneurship; and second, the conservative gender order, with women disappearing from the public domain, now being responsible for domestic sphere and the biological reproduction of the nation. Suppressed when these countries were on the path for joining the European Union, the ideas have been now recurring in a new form, representing the basis for the right-wing populist turn in several of the post-communist countries.
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Kurmanguzhin, R. S. "Kazakh Initiatives on Cooperation with European Union." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 1(40) (February 28, 2015): 184–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-1-40-184-192.
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The author of this article presents initiatives of the Republic of Kazakhstan to develop cooperation with the European Union that was initiated through 2000 - 2009. In 2000 the Republic of Kazakhstan proposed to EU Comment cooperation doctrine in Central Asia. The purpose of the doctrine lied in expanding cooperation in the areas of trade, economy and investment; in granting access to commodities and services from European markets; in developing collaboration in the areas of energy, transport, communication, finance and banking. In 2006 Kazakhstan introduced a new set of prepossess to the new European Union Strategy for Central Asian 2007-2013 that was developed under the chairmanship of Germany of the EU in the first half of 2007. The Strategy covered areas of cooperation such as regional integration, economic development, democratization, energy and security. In 2008 under the instructions of the President of Kazakhstan Ministry of Foreign Affairs in cooperation with other ministries developed a state programme "Path to Europe" for 2009 - 2011, which aided the priorities of cooperation between Kazakhstan and the European Union. "Path to Europe" has become a key initiative of the Kazakh foreign policy that was successfully implemented, as well as the most important document aimed at modernization of the national economy and the Kazakh society. In the beginning of2009 using the accumulated positive experience of cooperation with the EU and experience of a number of countries in Europe and Asia, Kazakhstan devised and submitted a concept of a new treaty which was supposed to replace the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement of 1995. The Republic of Kazakhstan's influence eventually persuaded the European Union to agree on the necessity of devising the Enhanced Partnership and Cooperation Agreement.
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Aleksandrova, Olena. "New Stakeholders Changing Europe." Skhid, no. 1(165) (February 29, 2020): 17–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.21847/1728-9343.2020.1(165).222715.
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The article provides a comprehensive analysis of the stakeholders’ impact on the development of the European Union and identifies prospects for the stakeholders’ development and building out appropriate institutions for Ukraine. Globalization, transition of a number of Western countries to the initial stage of an information society, formation of the world economic system, formation of a "risk society" - all these and other factors have led to the transformation of stakeholders in the European Union. The new stakeholders, namely, the global civil society, the transnational capitalist class, the blurred middle class and the precariat, the knowledge-class, the under-class are changing the foundations of the modern world order. Against the background of globalization, the global economic crisis of 2008-2013, many countries are trying to avoid considerable shocks by deepening cooperation, participation in certain integration processes, coordination with other countries or international organizations to address issues of stabilizing their own socio-economic situation. Ukraine has also chosen this strategy by signing and ratifying the Association Agreement with the EU in 2014. For Ukraine, the example of the enlargement of the European Union in 2004 is a heuristic, because the mechanism of admission of new participants is still relevant today. The key components of the country's preparation algorithm were economic transformations, democratization of the country's governance, increase of energy efficiency, and synchronization of legal norms with the EU.
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Och, Jarosław. "Specific aspects of European and Polish migrations at the begging of the 21st century." Journal of Geography, Politics and Society 9, no. 4 (December 31, 2019): 58–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.26881/jpgs.2019.4.07.
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The text focuses on the migration in the European Union and in Poland at the begging of the 21st century. It aims to prove that even if the reasons and consequences of migration are varied, they have significantly shaped the development of human civilization and have been a part of human socialization. Furthermore, this text points out that the phenomena of globalization and democratization have affected the population movement and caused new patterns of contemporary migration. The European Union is a great example of cooperation between different countries in order to realize the principle of free population movement, which was put to the test over past years. Additionally, this article characterizes the Polish migration, especially the inflow of immigrants to Poland. Poland has become an emigration and an attractive immigration country. This text revels also the consequences of migration in modern Europe.
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Bouquerel, Fanny. "EU cultural action in the Southern Neighbourhood Policy: the development of a national cultural strategy in Jordan." Revue Gouvernance 15, no. 1 (February 12, 2019): 86–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1056262ar.
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Med Culture (2014–2019), the European Union (EU) regional program dedicated to culture in Southern Mediterranean countries, aims at "supporting culture as a vector of democratization and development," and encouraging reforms in cultural policies. Responding to the desire of Jordan’s Ministry of Culture to develop a national cultural strategy, the Med Culture Technical Assistance Unit suggested implementing a process that included a series of consultations that would bring together authorities and independent cultural players. Through a thick description of the process and an approach that focuses on the sociology of the actors, this paper aims to identify the social effects of this European program on relations between the different stakeholders involved.
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Schimmelfennig, Frank. "European Regional Organizations, Political Conditionality, and Democratic Transformation in Eastern Europe." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 21, no. 1 (February 2007): 126–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325406297131.
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How and under which conditions have European regional organizations been effective promoters of democratic change in Central and Eastern Europe? In this article, the author argues that only the credible conditional promise of membership in the European Union and NATO has had the potential to produce compliance with liberal-democratic norms in norm-violating transformation countries. These incentives, however, were not sufficient when the power costs of compliance were high for the target governments. They did little to alter the policies of authoritarian governments, which forewent the benefits of accession rather than risk losing power as a result of democratic reforms. Thus, whereas political conditionality was largely redundant in the forerunner countries of democratization in Central and Eastern Europe (except for some specific reform issues) and generally ineffective with entrenched authoritarian regimes, it proved highly effective in supporting democratic forces and locking in democratic reforms in the unstable democratic countries of the region.
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Raik, Kristi. "EU Accession of Central and Eastern European Countries: Democracy and Integration as Conflicting Logics." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 18, no. 4 (November 2004): 567–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325404269719.
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Although the European Union (EU) has in many ways supported democratization in Central and Eastern Europe, it has also imposed new constraints on the functioning of democracy. The article explores the indirect impact of EU integration on the Eastern applicant countries by exposing the underlying logic of enlargement and analyzing the implications of that logic for democratic politics. The empirical analysis focuses on the preaccession process of one of the new member states, Estonia, but it also examines the overall EU policy toward Eastern candidates, pointing to the limits of enlargement as a form of democracy promotion. It highlights that the principles and norms that dominated enlargement—most notably inevitability, speed, efficiency, and expertise—constrained democratic politics in the applicant countries and limited their EU accession to a narrow sphere of elites and experts. The author links the findings with the democratic deficit in the EU and draws some conclusions concerning future prospects of democracy in and democracy promotion by the enlarged EU.
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Bilgin, Recep, Seydali Ekici, and Fatih Sezgin. "The effect of international relations on democratization of Turkey between 2002-2010 during justice and development party rule." Revista Amazonia Investiga 11, no. 57 (November 8, 2022): 205–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.34069/ai/2022.57.09.22.
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Democratization takes place under different conditions in every country. The social structure and that of state play important roles, and there are many other internal and external factors for this process. Turkey also went through different phases for democratization processes. This is a qualitative study and formed by reviewing related literature and evaluating. It focuses on external factors between 2002 and 2010 because there was a struggle and long-lasting conflicts between secular elites and conservative democrats during this time. With the help and encouragement of European Union (EU), Justice and Development Party governments were able to eliminate the status quo inherited from 1980 military coup. Although democratization of Turkey proceeded with the effect of many different factors, the effect of international relations in this era was priceless for the governments of that time. Especially Turkey’s candidate process to membership of EU enforced conditionality by these countries. Even more the ruling party consented to democratize. Under the control of them, Turkey made a relatively smooth transition to more democratic state.
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Spahiu, Irma. "Government Transparency in Albania and the Role of the European Union." European Public Law 21, Issue 1 (February 1, 2015): 109–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/euro2015006.
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The recognition of transparency as an essential element of good governance is very important for new democracies because it leads to greater public support for their governments' economic and political decisions. This has been clearly understood by the countries in the Western Balkans which following the fall of communism entered a path of rapid democratization struggling to be opened and transparent. This paper explores transparency and open government in Albania looking at how the Albanian legal administrative framework and practices guarantee the principle of transparency in decision-making and the role the EU in complying with this principle. It introduces the concept of 'transparency through integration' as a model which encapsulates the transparency developments in Albania and Western Balkans and looks at how transparency can be transformed from a principle of good governance to a legalistic instrument holding a place in the hierarchy of legal norms. This research focuses on how transparency becomes part of a policy paradigm which can transform a country's politics from secretive and authoritarian to transparent and democratic. In addition, it suggests that the EU has a role to play as a transformative power to induce positive reforms and improve transparency in the decision-making in Albania.
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Yumatov, K. V. "European Union Policy in the South Caucasus after the Karabakh War of 2020." Bulletin of Kemerovo State University 24, no. 1 (April 11, 2022): 26–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.21603/2078-8975-2022-24-1-26-34.
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The article focuses on the transformation of the European Union’s policy in the South Caucasus after the NagornoKarabakh war of 2020. Before the war, the foreign and security policy in the region had depended on the OSCE Minsk Group, Georgia’s role in the Russian-Georgian confrontation, and the Eastern Partnership program for the South Caucasus. After Azerbaijan won the Nagorno-Karabakh war with Turkey’s support, the previous line of policy stopped being effective. It failed to unite the countries of the South Caucasus, to remove the Russian Federation from the region, and to make the European Union a real mediator in the conflict zone. The democratization of the local political regimes also failed, despite the proEuropean position of Georgia and the velvet revolution in Armenia. As a result of the Armenian-Azerbaijani war of 2020, Russian and Turkish troops entered the South Caucasus, and Russia, Turkey, and Iran started acting as peace mediators. The European Union failed to strengthen the role of the OSCE Minsk Group and the mechanisms of the Eastern Partnership in the region. Ever since 2020, it has been trying to develop a common policy for all ethnic and inter-confessional conflicts in the postSoviet space. The European Union keeps failing in its competition and partnership with Russia, while Turkey is getting more active and independent in the region. Thus, the European Union will have to develop a new model of influence in the South Caucasus and the whole post-Soviet space. In the current global confrontation, it is very important to find an international actor able and willing to interact with all parties. The European Union seems to be the one, and its actions in resolving regional conflicts require a detailed research.
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Škorić, Milica. "Agencification of public administration in the transition process." Pravo - teorija i praksa 38, no. 3 (2021): 108–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/ptp2103108s.
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The democratization of the countries in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) has also included the reform of inefficient public administration. At the same time, these reforms have been accompanied by the aspiration for a membership in the European Union. The administration has been transformed according to a number of principles that make up the framework of the European administrative area. Along with these processes, there were established public agencies, a body taken over from the developed countries, and created during the reform of the New Public Management. The countries in transition have gone through an extensive and rapid process of agency. Due to a high level of autonomy after the formation of agencies, i.e., after certain tasks have been transferred to their competence, it is difficult to effectively control their work. The public interest is threatened by the non -transparency of these bodies. Their existence also affects the basic principles of the European administrative space and turns the reform against itself. It is certain that the mass establishment of a new body in the system of public administration brings uncertainty in terms of effects. It has turned out that foreign experts, without knowledge of the administrative tradition of the socialist countries, as well as domestic politicians who wanted accelerated reform, also contributed to that.
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Staszczyk, Artur. "Position of European Parliament in Relation to the Association Process of the South Caucasus Countries with the EU." Reality of Politics 4, no. 1 (January 31, 2013): 208–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/rop201313.
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This article analyses the position of European Parliament (EP) in the question of the lasting from 2010 association process of the South Caucasus countries with the EU. The process is aimed at the establishment of close, extensive political and economic cooperation of the countries with the EU. The author stresses the importance attached by EP to the association negotiations, which according to the Parliament should have a crucial impact on the democratization process in Azerbaijan, Armenia and Georgia. It should be underlined that the development of democracy in those EU’s partner countries is of special interest to EP, which in recognition of their geopolitical importance with its numerous resolutions requires making closer relations with them and even providing the countries with a potential European perspective (Georgia). However the more extensive cooperation of the EU with the countries is made dependent by EP on the incorporation by Azerbaijan, Georgia and Armenia of the values defined as European (democracy, rule of law, protection of human rights etc.). That is why so important for EP are the questions of human rights observance, observance of the rules of democracy and law, including transparency and fairness of the processes in the countries. In case of violating rules constituting foundations for democratic and lawful country’s functioning, EP responds in a determined way and usually takes un unambiguous stand quite often contrasting with more “weighted” opinions of other Union institutions.
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Benewick, Robert. "Towards a Developmental Theory of Constitutionalism: The Chinese Case." Government and Opposition 33, no. 4 (October 1998): 442–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1998.tb00461.x.
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CONSTITUTIONS, CONSTITUTIONAL REFORM AND CONSTITUTIONAL conflict are once again commanding attention. The celebrations of the bicentennial of the American constitution, the implementation of constitutional reform in Canada, the Labour government's programme for constitutional change in the United Kingdom, the seemingly intractable conflict in Northern Ireland, and transfers of sovereignty to the European Union from its constituent states, testify to this. Equally, if not more challenging, have been the upheavals in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union and its reconstituted states, the ‘third’ wave of democratization across the developing world, the experiment in participatory constitutionalism in South Africa and the return of Hong Kong to China. Of the 179 countries that elect their governments out of a total of 192 countries in the world, 176 have codified constitutions. Constitutions, however, that are not fully mature or operative and are not based on the principles or drafted with the advice of those nations that have developed and entrenched their constitutions tend to be disregarded, or even dismissed. Moreover, writing a constitution is one exercise, implementing, and interpreting it is a far more complex and delicate undertaking. So how are social scientists to evaluate the process?
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Al-Shunnaq, Abdulmajeed, and Shawkat Hussain. "History of Democratization in Contemporary Spain Since (1936-1978)." Dirasat: Human and Social Sciences 49, no. 1 (August 2, 2022): 95–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.35516/hum.v49i1.1648.
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This study addresses the issue of the history of democratic transformation from the general dictatorial regime of General Francois to his death, which opened the door for transformation through gradual political reform, especially after the return of the monarchy led by Juan Carlos. The democratic forces succeeded in light of an open policy that believes in pluralism, and the freedom of Parties and unions, and the freedom of the media which guaranteed by the Constitution issued in 1978. In addition to these factors, European countries and the United States of America have played a supporting moral, cultural and economic role in the process of democratization in Spain in the contemporary history.
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Schmidt, Andrea. "The Uncertain Revival of Central Europe – Central European Thought from a Hungarian Perspective." Politics in Central Europe 16, s1 (February 1, 2020): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pce-2020-0001.
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AbstractThe recent crisis that, the European Union has had to face certainly raises questions about the current state of Europe. The question about the legacy of regional integration; the debate between the standpoints about the vision on the European Union with the necessity of strong nations or on the contrary, the opportunity of deepening the cohesion that could lead to the united states of europe; in other words, political integration, the deepest step of regional integration. the paper deals with the problem of the concept on central europe from the standpoint of various concepts; the question of mapping, the meaning of borders, the ways of identification appear in this paper. the difference between the concept of mittel europe and central europe also appear in the paper. analysing the question of central europe it is also inevitable to examine the meaning of central europe from historical context. after the end of the cold war and as the consequence of the euro-atlantic integration, the concept of central europe changed a bit. while during the bipolar system this phenomenon served as a differentiation of the groups of countries being located in the soviet sphere of interest. being central european meant something that was much more engaged with progressive approach in democratization, transformation rather than a sign of nostalgia towards the historical past.
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Gürsoy, Yaprak. "Democratization and Foreign Policy Reforms in Turkey: Europeanization of Turkish Politics?" International Journal of Legal Information 38, no. 2 (2010): 227–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0731126500005758.
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AbstractThe European Union membership process has had an impact on Turkish domestic politics and foreign policy. However, when compared with previous candidate countries to the EU, the Europeanization of politics in Turkey has not been an even process. The reformation of politics in Turkey has had three main characteristics. First, instead of the pace of the reforms being linear, there has been a periodic rise and fall of interest in introducing amendments. Second, the reforms have not necessarily replaced past practices, rather they have only introduced new ones in addition to the old ways of doing politics. Finally, there has been considerable opposition to the reforms in Turkey, partially because the government does not seem to follow the liberal-democratic trajectory set out by the EU membership process. The delays in enacting the constitutional and legal changes and the biased selection of laws and practices that are being amended do not give the impression that the government is sincere. Whether the amendments are in fact Europeanizing Turkey or pulling it away from its Western and secular political framework is a significant question leading to conflict among different factions in society. This divergence of opinion, in turn, results in further stalling the reforms.
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Cvijic, Srdjan. "Swinging the Pendulum: World War II History, Politics, National Identity and Difficulties of Reconciliation in Croatia and Serbia." Nationalities Papers 36, no. 4 (September 2008): 713–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990802230563.
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The downfall of communist Yugoslavia and the democratization process that followed at the end of the 1980s have led to the fragmentation of the country, which was accompanied by several wars of different intensity and duration (1991–1999). From the ashes of what once was the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia raised six independent states: Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, Macedonia and Serbia. The situation relating to the southern Serbian province of Kosovo, after its unilateral declaration of independence at the beginning of 2008, and subsequent recognition by parts of the international community, remains unclear. Slovenia is already in the EU, while the rest of the former Yugoslav republics, within the framework of the Stabilization and Association Process of the European Union, have the status of EU Candidate or Potential Candidate countries and are slowly moving towards EU membership.
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Lakishyk, Dmytro. "INTERNAL CRISES IN THE COUNTRIES OF THE SOVIET BLOC IN CONTEXTS OF EUROPEAN SECURITY." European Historical Studies, no. 20 (2021): 34–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2021.20.3.
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The article analyzes the internal crises experienced by the Soviet bloc countries during the Cold War. It is noted that the crises of society in Eastern Europe, in which in the early 1950s the model of the state system of the totalitarian type of the Soviet model was finally established, they arose constantly and over time unfolded and deepened. The social order imposed on the states under the influence of the USSR proved to be foreign completely and the population of these countries was unprepared and refused to accept it, which was one of the main causes of permanent outbursts of social discontent. The crisis of governance in the Soviet Union that arose after Stalin’s death, uncertainty, and some hope for the liberalization of public life gave the socialist camp hope for democratic reforms that could begin with a new leadership in the USSR. An extraordinary surge in social activity in the Soviet bloc led to the Twentieth Congress of the CPSU, which decided on a variety of forms of transition to socialism and could create the conditions for a peaceful and radical political and economic transformation. However, subsequent events showed the inability of the Soviet leadership to manage effectively the socialist camp in times of crisis, the use of military force as the only possible method of resolving conflicts, unwillingness to reform the system in the face of the challenges of the time, indomitable authoritarianism. It is noted that the internal crises that erupted in the Soviet bloc, along with the casualties of the population and the threat to the stability of European security, nevertheless showed the readiness of these countries to change and internal resistance to the system, which were able at any time, if possible, lead the states on the path of reforms and democratization.
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Shmorhun, Oleksandr. "Ukraine’s Pretence Democracy Model as a Threat to State Sovereignty in the Context of World Experience." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XX (2019): 599–613. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2019-37.
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The article analyses the main stages of political reform in Ukraine from the point of view of comparative Western political science and taking into account the experience of the political history of developed Western countries of The modern era. It shows the fundamental difference between the real mechanisms and institutions of Ukrainian power from the real democratic standard of Western democracy and effective separation of powers. The article reveals the systemic shortcomings of any parliamentarism in a situation of acute crisis and the mechanisms of falsification of presidential and parliamentary political foundations in the post-Soviet space. Myths about the possibility of democratization of the Ukrainian government and the promotion of Ukraine’s approach to membership in the European Union by introducing the procedure for electing a President in a representative status, which will be carried out by the legislative body, are refuted. The author of the article argues that it is now advisable to take advantage of the General positive trend in Ukrainian politics – the transition from the previous presidential-parliamentary model to a parliamentary-presidential Republic. And complete the process of democratization of the Ukrainian government by introducing a purely parliamentary Republic in Ukraine. However, it is important to note that even the founders of European parliamentary republics are aware that numerous collegial bodies cannot be effective in emergency situations. It has been well known since ancient times that a consistently collegial structure and decision-making mechanism does not eliminate the danger of shadow tyranny. It is noted that the development of a full-fledged model of presidentialism will actually contribute to improving the efficiency of the Ukrainian government. But the right to develop and implement such a model should only be granted to political forces that actually demonstrate their ability to protect national Ukrainian interests. Keywords: Ukrainian political reform, parliamentary-presidential Republic, constitutions of post-Soviet countries, European political history.
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Nowak, Ewa, and Georg Lind. "Mis-Educative Martial Law – The Fate of Free Discourse and the Moral Judgment Competence of Polish University Students from 1977 to 1983." ETHICS IN PROGRESS 9, no. 2 (February 8, 2019): 56–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/eip.2018.2.5.
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The reprinted paper refers to Georg Lind and his colleagues’ MCT-based FORM study conducted at several European universities in 1977-1983, including Polish ones. After a short phase of democratization, in 1981 Polish society suddenly faced martial law. That experience had an impact on Polish students moral-, discursiveand democratic competences, as measured by MCT. When Ewa Nowak started her Alexander von Humboldt Foundation supported research stay under the supervision of Professor Georg Lind (University of Konstanz, 2008-2010), they were inspired to revisit and discuss the puzzling Polish research findings of 1981/3. According to their main hypothesis, martial law restricted free speech at universities, and free speech is a key facilitator of the development of moral and democratic competence. In 2018, after a decade of collaborative research on moral and democratic competence, Lind, Nowak and colleagues started a new international MCT study in several Central- and East European countries to examine the impact of the contemporary constitutional crisis in Poland (and the institutional crisis within the European Union) on students’ moral and democratic competencies. In 2018/9 the 40th anniversary of the Moral Competence Test (MCT) and Konstanz Method of Dilemma Discussion (KMDD) will be celebrated. We would like to provide you with the most recent research findings soon.
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KONOPELKO, Agnieszka. "THE IMPLEMENTATION OF THE EU STRATEGIC PRIORITIES IN POST-SOVIET CENTRAL ASIA." CENTRAL ASIA AND THE CAUCASUS 22, no. 2 (June 30, 2021): 007–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.37178/ca-c.21.2.01.
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The Central Asian region has never been a priority area of EU external policy, although the European Union Global Strategy underlines its support for multilateralism in global strategy. The European Union has been more actively engaged in the region since the launch of the New Great Game in Central Asia between China, Russia and the U.S. Following the “neighbors of neighbors” concept, the EU shapes its relations with post-Soviet Central Asia (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan) on the basis of multilateral strategies and bilateral partnership agreements. The first comprehensive EU strategic document focused on post-Soviet Central Asia, The EU and Central Asia: Strategy for a New Partnership, was concluded in 2007. Despite some allegations that the strategy should take into account the individual needs and specificities of each country, it should be emphasized that the strategy intensified mutual relations between Central Asia and the EU, as well as the EU’s institutional presence in the region, mainly in terms of political and diplomatic dialog. Due to a dynamic approach, the analysis undertaken in the research study allowed for the presentation of positive and negative tendencies, changes and reversals in the implementation of the particular components of the previous EU strategy towards Central Asian countries over time. It should be noted that most objectives outlined in its normative strategy towards Central Asia were achieved to a limited extent, especially in terms of democratization and civil society.
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Ruszkowski, J., and K. Kotra. "The role of trends in guiding the development of tourism and hotel industries in the 21st century." Visnyk of the Lviv University. Series Geography 2, no. 43 (October 19, 2013): 105–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vgg.2013.43.1693.
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New and dominant trends in the world’s tourist market are determined by economic factors as well as by the outcomes of recent political changes. This is particularly true about Europe, the largest tourist market throughout the world, which has seen significant developments (e.g. the collapse of the totalitarian Soviet bloc, the democratization of societies in the former communist countries, the formation of the European Union, etc.). The changes have led to the globalization of tourism supply and demand based on the ongoing integration of new countries and entire regions into the international tourist market. The paper aims to highlight the impact that these developments have had on defining tourism development trends in the 21st century, and to demonstrate how tourism products are used to meet customers’ motivations, needs and expectations. The first part of the paper discusses the leading trends and their role in guiding the development of world tourism. The final section focuses on the megatrends that have emerged in the 21st century (especially international) tourist industry. Keywords: tourism and hospitality market, new developments in world tourism, new trends and directions in tourism and leisure industries, UNWTO megatrends by 2020.
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Joireman, Sandra F. "External Conditionalities and Institutional Change." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 30, no. 2 (July 3, 2015): 315–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325415593631.
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Kosovo is one of several Western Balkan countries that are part of the next round of accession to the EU. Like Bosnia, Serbia, and Croatia, it is also a country in which the history of conflict is recent and the benefits of EU membership ought to be a strong economic and political enticement to meet the standards necessary for membership. Yet, instead of major transformation of the post-conflict society towards democratization, economic development, and a robust human rights regime, the prospect of European Union membership appears to be leading to superficial legal changes without enforcement. This article investigates the tensions between internal challenges to legal change and external pressures for reform, adding to the literature on the decoupling of Europeanization and domestic change in candidate countries. A short analysis of one policy area, women’s property rights, illuminates the gaps between legal change and enforcement processes. The article also considers how and when a change in law can lead to social change. It is argued here that legal change in response to EU conditionalities may begin superficially, but creates an opportunity for collective action that can eventually lead to democratic change and a more robust enforcement of law.
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Latkovskyi, Pavlo, and Anna Marushchak. "PROBLEMS AND PROSPECTS OF DEEPENING EU-UKRAINIAN RELATIONS." Baltic Journal of Economic Studies 5, no. 2 (May 13, 2019): 96. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/2256-0742/2019-5-2-96-103.
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Three countries: Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine have concluded European Union Association Agreements, under similar terms and conditions of European Partnership. Analytical review allowed determining that in their political integrative development, they have similar problems and ways to overcome them. They are distinguished by a relatively high level of democratic freedoms and political pluralism; however, none of them can be considered as a consolidated democracy, these countries have hybrid political regimes. Among the main obstacles occurring on the way of their integration processes, one can distinguish problems associated with ethical, regional, and cultural conflicts; specific features of the formation of constitutional systems; features of the formation of PR technologies of government and society; deep-rooted corruption and influence of oligarchs in party systems and, as a consequence, propensity to use non-constitutional means of political struggle and economic development. Despite these structural problems, favouring European values and norms demonstrated by societies of the three countries holds the promise of consolidating democratic institutions and overcoming problems. The purpose of the article is to determine problems and prospects of deepening relations of the EU with three countries: Ukraine, Moldova, and Georgia, and to substantiate theses stating that consistent and reinforced integration of the European Union in this region is crucial for further success and development of all actors of this process. Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine do not compose a single region (both in a geographical and economic context); however, since 2014 they are developing according to the same scenarios. Their aspiration to integration has provoked problems in relations with Russia and intensified opposition to the policy of Europeanisation within the countries. In Ukraine, the most difficult and severe events took place: it passed through government overthrow, loss of territory, and military actions in Donbas caused by Russia, which continue to this day. For Moldova and Georgia, the choice of democratic imperatives also had grave consequences. In Georgia, they were identified as two long-term wars for the separation in Abkhazia and South Ossetia; ended with the defeat of central authorities and creation of two unrecognized states. Moldova has faced a similar problem in Transnistria in 1992. In all countries, Russian armed forces were important actors who played an important role in determining the results of these conflicts. According to the Democracy Index, Moldova is evaluated as “imperfect democracy”; Georgia – as “hybrid regime”; Ukraine has moved below, from the category of “imperfect democracy” to the lowest “hybrid regime”. Over the political pressure of Russia, the EU and Ukraine postpone the provisional application of the DCFTA (Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area) to January 1, 2019. There are marked positive consequences of Ukrainian export to the EU, which volume has increased by 30% in 2017. The structure of exports to the EU has shifted towards machines and equipment, fats and oils of vegetable or animal origin, ready-made meals, and products of animal origin. The EU share in Ukrainian exports and imports has also increased due to a significant reduction in trade with Russia. The application of the EU tariff quotas for agricultural production has increased over the 2014–2017 years because Ukrainian producers have gradually overcome the problems with food safety and weak demand for their production. European choice is an extremely important factor for continuous democratization of all these three countries. In spite of competition among European and Eurasian identities, each of them considers itself a European country. The choice to continue the path of association with Europe, made by these countries, despite obvious political risks (especially severe for Ukraine), is the best evidence of their real adherence to European development path.
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Alsina Naudi, Anna. "Endeavours towards a plain legal language: The case of Spanish in context." International Journal of Legal Discourse 3, no. 2 (December 19, 2018): 235–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ijld-2018-2010.
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Abstract Implementing plain legal language is a project for those who are trying to build trust in legal systems all over the world. This paper aims at comparing successful policies in certain countries and describing the efforts made towards achieving a Spanish plain legal discourse. The paper lays out the definition of plain language, reviews the reluctance of professionals to make changes in legal language and specifies which legal documents are under discussion. The long-standing plain English movement and the positive Swedish example are considered, in combination with the ongoing developments of the German and French legal languages. It then analyses the legislative process within the European Union and uncovers the need for more collaboration between jurists and linguists. Adding to these case studies, this paper interrogates the contemporary state of legal Spanish. Despite institutional efforts in various countries, which are detailed in the last section, legal Spanish remains obscure and holds back the democratization of justice. Taking into account that Spanish is the second-most widely spoken language in the world and the wide use of the Internet for legal matters, the need to clarify legalese is more pressing than ever. The demand for trust in justice advances incessantly, but the implementation of a transparent legal discourse seems to be at a standstill.
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Gumbrell-McCormick, Rebecca, and Richard Hyman. "Democracy in trade unions, democracy through trade unions?" Economic and Industrial Democracy 40, no. 1 (August 24, 2018): 91–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0143831x18780327.
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Since the Webbs published Industrial Democracy at the end of the nineteenth century, the principle that workers have a legitimate voice in decision-making in the world of work – in some versions through trade unions, in others at least formally through separate representative structures – has become widely accepted in most West European countries. There is now a vast literature on the strengths and weaknesses of such mechanisms, and we review briefly some of the key interpretations of the rise (and fall) of policies and structures for workplace and board-level representation. We also discuss the mainly failed attempts to establish broader processes of economic democracy, which the eclipse of nationally specific mechanisms of class compromise makes again a salient demand. Economic globalization also highlights the need for transnational mechanisms to achieve worker voice (or more radically, control) in the dynamics of capital–labour relations. We therefore examine the role of trade unions in coordinating pressure for a countervailing force at European and global levels, and in the construction of (emergent?) supranational industrial relations. However, many would argue that unions cannot win legitimacy as a democratizing force unless manifestly democratic internally. Therefore we revisit debates on and dilemmas of democracy within trade unions, and examine recent initiatives to enhance democratization.
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Suwiński, Eugeniusz. "Polish Education After the EU Accession." 21st Century Pedagogy 1, no. 1 (April 1, 2018): 26–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ped21-2018-0005.
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Abstract The aim of the paper is to present changes undergone by the Polish education system after the accession to the European Union. In the article the changes are collated together with the main and distinctive trends which had existed in Europe before the accession and the ones that were introduced subsequently. The article shows that the tendency to unify the member states’ education systems is non-existent in the European Union. It also points out that the importance attached to education by the EU member states has not been as considerable as the importance given to economy. The paper is divided into two main parts. The main objective of the first part is to describe the decision-making process in the member states (as far as the common education policy is concerned) and its result, which was the report stating that education was considered to be a peculiar area of social politics and as such required separate arrangements and decisions. Therefore, there are neither specific procedures nor integration requirements for the associated and associating countries. However, as far as Poland is concerned, during the accession process the country was obliged to meet the expected standards, in particular the standards in the reform of the education structure and curriculum. The second part of the paper comprises the analysis of Polish activity in the following fields: –– lowering the age of the compulsory education commencement, –– reforming the structure of the education system and curriculum, –– practising teaching profession. The article further elaborates at length on the significant factor in the process of democratization of education, which is parents’ involvement in the functioning of a school.
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POTAPOVA, Oleksandra. "INTERNATIONAL EXPERIENCE OF FORMATION OF THE EDUCATION SYSTEM IN THE CONDITIONS OF DECENTRALIZATION OF POWER." Dnipro Academy of Continuing Education Herald. Series: Public Management and Administration, Vol. 1 No. 2 (2022) (August 31, 2022): 37–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.54891/2786-6998-2022-1-6.
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The article examines aspects of the international experience of education system formation in conditions of decentralization of power in countries such as France, Poland, the Czech Republic, and the USA. It was determined that Ukraine must quickly and with the least losses overcome the shortcomings of the post-Soviet education management system in order to create a competitive national education system, therefore, studying the experience of countries around the world, analyzing mistakes and successes in reforming the education system in conditions of decentralization of power are necessary to successfully overcome all difficulties in the future development of the national education system. It was concluded that educational systems within the European Union remain unique in each country with a different degree of centralization or decentralization of management and financing of education, therefore it is necessary to find a rational «golden mean» in each of these systems and apply it in Ukraine in conditions of decentralization authorities. The impact of the democratization of education management on increasing the autonomy and level of socialization of educational institutions is determined. The concepts of «democratization» and «decentralization» are highlighted and the influence of these processes on the conditions of functioning of schools, stimulation of creative activity of teams and management is determined. The experience of some countries was studied, which shows that a strong legal state, which supports the principle of equality of all before the law, should be a guarantor of democratic rights in various spheres of social life, and first of all, in quality education. The article also focuses on the main areas of decentralization of educational institution management. Ways to improve the quality and practical significance of education a on the study of the experience of modernization and modification of the education system of the countries of the world and the application of these approaches in the future in the institutions of domestic education, which will contribute to the creation of conditions for deepening the knowledge of education seekers, improving the quality of educational services, socio-economic development country, ensuring the growth of Ukraine’s competitiveness, as well as the creation of new jobs with higher requirements for knowledge and skills. re proposed, based.
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Freyburg, Tina. "The Janus Face of EU Migration Governance: Impairing Democratic Governance at Home Improving It Abroad?" European Foreign Affairs Review 17, Special Issue (April 1, 2012): 125–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2012018.
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In the field of European Union (EU) migration policies, a large number of legal, administrative, and institutional tightening measures have been established in the name of domestic security since the early 1990s. These measures have been criticized because they allegedly lower the democratic quality of EU migration governance. Yet, the EU seeks to export its rules and regulations beyond its borders to neighbouring third states through its association policies. This article argues that what may be seen as a step back in terms of democratic governance inside the EU may present a step forward in its authoritarian Southern neighbourhood. It explores whether the rules of EU migration can constitute a step toward democratization of migration governance in neighbouring countries, where provisions of transparent, participatory, or accountable decision-making cannot be taken for granted. Taking the example of the Moroccan 2003 law on migration, the paper demonstrates that the EU was fairly successful in inducing the adoption of legislation in line with provisions of democratic governance. The contribution concludes with a discussion of the prospect of implementation of these provisions, in particular, against the background of the EU's extended external competences under the Lisbon Treaty.
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Lebediuk, Vitalii. "Determinants of political stability: explanation of the process of institutional change in post-communist countries (1990-2020)." Wschód Europy. Studia humanistyczno-społeczne 7, no. 1 (October 6, 2021): 13–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.17951/we.2021.7.1.13-43.
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This article examines the institutional changes in 22 post-communist countries during the 1990-2020 period. The objective of the study was to find out why some countries achieved democracy while others failed to establish or strengthen democratic institutions, and what factors influenced the political stability of post-communist countries. During the study, available statistical information on the functioning of the main institutions was collected and processed. The analysis shows that the most significant institutional changes were observed among the non-democratic countries and those that fell into the category of hybrid political regimes. The correction of the initially chosen form of government is evidence in support of the theory of endogenous change, indicating “path-dependency”. The influence of endogenous factors determines the quality of democratic change and the level of political stability in post-communist countries. Democratic changes in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe were associated with a commitment to rapid reform in the early stages, and Euro-Atlantic integration only supported the democratic quality of the institutions. The institutional framework of the countries, that embarked on the path of European integration, was relatively stable during the period under the study, and did not deal with changes in the system of power distribution. While the countries of the former Soviet Union most often resorted to changes in the primary law of the country, and these changes were related to the redistribution of powers between the branches of power and the extension of the time in the office of the President. In addition to the overall level of democratization of the country, the level of emancipatory values and the weight of presidential power have the greatest impact on political stability.
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Kalemaj, Ilir. "Recollection of past memories in Croatia." Politikon: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science 14, no. 2 (November 3, 2008): 94–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/politikon.14.2.5.
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The end of Communist era and the end of Marxist-Leninist ideology that occupied the Central and Eastern European space for half a century, proved a blessing in many regards for these countries, enabling them to push forward with democratic and free-market reforms that in long run would culminate in their eventual democratization, prosperity and joining European Union. A rather awkward exception to this rule has been the former federation of Yugoslavia, which experienced an abrupt change fromTito`s somewhat relaxed communism toward a violent disintegration that cost thousands of lives, exhausted billions of dollars and left behind wreckage and devastation, whose imprints can be still distinguished. It is rather puzzling that Yugoslavia did not experience any kind of (liberal)-democratic opposition, or that long time dissidents of the communist regimes like Milovan Djilas, Dobrisa Cosiü or Franjo Tudjman to mention just a few, instead of being promoters of an organized opposition to the regime, were either marginalized or turned nationalists, leaving thus little room for a peaceful, democratic change that was the norm elsewhere. A lot of explanations are offered of why this violent disintegration took place anddifferent. Interpretations of the empirical observations, ranging from elite conspiracies to electorate pressure to foreign intervention as the main causes of the breakdown of the state and eventually war. Nevertheless, it seems that efforts of state-building through a reshaping of the understanding of nationalist identities and the means employed for such ends have been rather missed from the existing literature, especially in the case of Croatia.
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Xhemaili, Mirvan. "The Role of Political Leadership in Macedonia in Function of EU Integration." European Journal of Social Sciences Education and Research 7, no. 1 (December 1, 2016): 98. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejser.v7i1.p98-108.
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The dissolution of the former Yugoslavia was associated by destructive interethnic conflicts, by local and regional wars. Macedonia is also closely related to Europe politically and economically. The paper analyzes the role of political leadership on the road to EU integration. The research is one of many efforts that have been undertaken lately on the European Union development, its enlargement policy and the integration of Macedonia in EU. Specifically, this type of research is very important for the Macedonia, having in mind that the country has experienced the worst and the longest transition after the Cold War. The aim of the paper is to identify the main difficulties and challenges that make this process less successful. Macedonia started this journey in 2001 by signing the PSA/MSA. Right after its independence the country has faced many internal and external challenges. The country id undergoing a 25 years’ transition period of democratization and consolidation. The road to EU Integration has made the country undergo many reforms in many fields. The country views the process of integration as a strategic objective. The EU union has shown its interest to include the aspiring countries from the Western Balkans in its family. There is a high percentage of citizens for this process. The political leadership has not been responsible for the reforms in the country that have been addressed by EU. The political leadership uses the EU membership as a rhetoric in political campaign rather than doing more for the process, the paper analyzes the rhetoric and the reality by different methodologies. Political leaders should do more for the EU Integration and consider themselves as the only responsible party.
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Ruipeng, Mao. "Consultation and Joint Endeavor Among All Stakeholders: China’s Stance on Multilateralism and the United Nations." China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 05, no. 04 (January 2019): 471–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2377740019500283.
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Multilateralism is one of the key notions in China’s diplomatic discourse. Unlike the European Union, China tends to define multilateralism as a consultation process amongst all related members of the international community, so that their fundamental interests and appeals can be fully heard and considered. In the Chinese view, multilateralism features inclusive participation, UN leadership, and the goal of democratization of international relations. It is believed that, as a historical trend, multilateralism is not only crucial for tackling various global challenges, but it also helps foster a favorable international environment for China’s sustainable development. Multilateralism has been deeply ingrained in China’s foreign policy, exemplified by the country’s increasing support for the UN over the past two decades. Notably, both China’s financial contribution to the UN and the number of personnel sent on UN peacekeeping missions have grown rapidly in recent years. Also, China has been advocating the notion of a “community of shared future for mankind” on UN platforms, hoping to share its experience of development with the world. As China deepens its engagement with international organizations, however, the United States is making every effort to constrain China’s influence in the UN. In the future, China needs to work closely with supporters of multilateralism, especially developing countries, so as to play a greater role in the UN.
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Keil, Soeren. "The Business of State Capture and the Rise of Authoritarianism in Kosovo, Macedonia, Montenegro and Serbia." Southeastern Europe 42, no. 1 (April 9, 2018): 59–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763332-04201004.
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This paper will discuss the rise of authoritarian tendencies in the political systems of Kosovo, Macedonia, Montenegro and Serbia. In all four countries, certain parties and political elites have become entrenched in the political system, and have been able to enhance their grip on power, often beyond, and in some cases through, constitutional frameworks. It will discuss how forms of state capture have enabled political elites to position themselves in a situation in which they not only control the political decision-making institutions, but also exercise excessive influence on the economic and social systems of these systems in transitional states. By extending their networks of patronage, limiting political access for opponents, and holding strong control over media and the judiciary, these elites have been able to develop semi-authoritarian systems, which utilise democratic elections to confirm their long-term dominance, veiling them in a veneer of legitimacy. This rise of electoral authoritarianism – and in turn illiberal democracy – is not only linked to the political actions of certain parties and elites, but also results from the political, social and economic changes that the countries under investigation have faced in recent years. What is more, the so-called transformative power of eu integration has failed to hinder or deter the rise of these new authoritarian regimes. The paper will progress in three main steps: In the first part, a theoretical framework will be introduced, by focusing on theories of democratization and authoritarian back-sliding. In the second part, the four countries under investigation will be discussed in more detail, to highlight why there has been an increase in authoritarian practices across these four countries. This section will also discuss how these authoritarian tendencies play out in practice and how they have been undermining the consolidation of liberal democracy. Finally, in the conclusion it will be discussed what the European Union (eu) and other actors could do in order to support those forces that focus on democratic governance in these countries, and make the accession process truly transformative.
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Sirotkina, Mariia, Olena Lomakina, and Olena Shkarnega. "TOPICAL ASPECTS OF DCFTA IMPLEMENTATION IN THE JUDICIAL PROCEEDINGS." Baltic Journal of Economic Studies 7, no. 1 (January 22, 2021): 127–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/2256-0742/2021-7-1-127-133.
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The Association Agreement between the European Union and Ukraine is a new format of relations aimed at creating a deep and comprehensive free trade area (DCFTA) between Ukraine and the EU with the gradual integration of Ukraine into the internal market of the European Union. Focusing on the experience of rule-making of the EU member states, it is necessary to define and implement the legal rules and principles of the national judiciary, taking into account the rules and principles of European law (Chornomaz, 2016). In accordance with the strategy of European integration of our country, the adaptation of Ukrainian legislation is to approximate it with the modern European legal system, which will ensure the development of the political, entrepreneurial, social, cultural activity of Ukrainian citizens, economic development of the state within the EU to facilitate the increase of standards of living of the population. The implementation of the provisions of European legislation provided by the economic part of the Association Agreement (AA) is extremely important in the context of reforms, as the provisions can and should serve as a basis for a new model of socio-economic development of Ukraine. The deepening of the processes of humanization and democratization of Ukrainian society, the gradual introduction of principles and rules of European law into the national judiciary through reforms in the field of justice, inter alia, have led to qualitative updating of criminal procedure legislation of Ukraine, in particular: use of differentiated approach to legal conflicts between persons who have committed criminal offences, which do not pose a great public danger, and victims; simplification and reduction of the procedure of criminal proceedings; ensuring procedural savings; reduction of the caseload; allowing the parties of the conflict to resolve issues of exemption from criminal liability in case of reconciliation between the offender and the victim independently, the appointment of the negotiated punishment and release from serving with probation, etc. Given the specifics of the approach to improving relations with neighbouring countries on a differentiated basis, the EU seeks to identify and base on existing positive sources of sustainability, as well as to monitor and respond to weaknesses with the appropriate set of methods and resources at its disposal. The purpose of the article is to study a theoretical and practical definition of challenges of adaptation of Ukrainian legislation to the legislation of the European Union, institutional and organizational mechanisms of DCFTA implementation in the field of justice and certain norms of the current criminal procedure legislation. Ukraine is undergoing the second phase of radical reform of government structures; it has been continuing for 15 years but, unlike other countries, it is much more difficult for Ukraine to get rid of the burden of past problems. Judicial reform is also underway and domestic legislation is being significantly changed, including the transformation of the judicial proceedings. The topical issue of the development of judicial reforms is an imperfection, and sometimes a contradiction of regulations, which negatively affects the process of realization of rights and responsibilities of all subjects of public relations, slows down the development of Ukraine as a state governed by the rule of law. However, the introduction of institutions of concluding agreements, simplified proceedings, probation, and later mediation, into the criminal procedure legislation of Ukraine indicates the readiness of our state to change the concept of criminal procedure in accordance with the European standards, which will improve the situation of all parties to criminal proceedings. However, they need further completion and improvement. We are convinced that the introduction of such institutions will contribute to the legal development of society to achieve the European standards of restorative justice, which will encourage the further introduction of the latter in the legislation of Ukraine, resolving criminal conflicts by reaching a compromise between parties in cases specified by law. One of the ways to solve this problem in Ukraine is to regulate the process of adoption of regulations by the subjects of rule-making and taking into account the provision that legality as an objective property of law, in general, is the necessary condition and the main principle of the rule-making process.
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Lehman, Howard P. "The Theory and Practice of Third World Solidarity. By Darryl C. Thomas. Westport, CT: Praeger Publishers, 2001. 324p. $57.95." American Political Science Review 96, no. 3 (September 2002): 695. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402290371.
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Since the end of the Cold War, development studies have fallen to the wayside as attention has shifted to the democratization process in Eastern Europe, the increased integration of the European Union, and the effects of economic globalization in the advanced industrialized countries. The developing world was seen as an afterthought or, in some cases, as arenas of misunderstandable ethnic or religious conflict, structural poverty, disease, and other hardships. However, in the context of September 11, more attention now is on the developing world, perhaps not so much on economic development, but more on containing various terrorist organizations. Yet development studies still exist, and this area of study maintains an historical connection to several decades worth of academic research. Scholars persistently ask such questions as why the South is poor and politically weak compared to countries in the North. Answers generally are located in the dependency literature of unequal economic relations leading to unequal power relations. Darryl C. Thomas, in The Theory and Practice of Third World Solidarity, asks this question but provides a somewhat different response. The economic and political inequality in the world is not necessarily due to economic ideology but to the color of skin (p. xi). The solidarity of the Third World that Thomas sees in the past is one based on race, and racial solidarity should be the means by which the poor and powerless of the Third World transform unequal power relations. Thomas refers to this relationship as global apartheid, defining it as a structure of the world system that combines political economy and racial antagonism (p. 26). He states that global apartheid refers to the continuation of white-minority dominance of political, social, legal, cultural, and economic decision-making apparatuses within the world system (p. 111) and that this form of racial capitalism has become a permanent feature in the world system.
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Taranenko, Hanna. "INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS CONTRIBUTING TO ELECTIONS OBSERVATION AS AN INSTRUMENT OF SECURING HUMAN RIGHTS." Politology bulletin, no. 82 (2019): 71–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2415-881x.2018.82.71-81.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of this research is to investigate the role of international organizations in elections observation as an instrument of ensuring human rights. The objectives are to analyze the notions of democracy and human rights, democratization trends worldwide, current threats to human rights related to elections procedures and the role of international organizations as entities safeguarding human rights in the globalized world. In order to investigate this problem the researcher utilized such scientific methods as deduction and induction, historical and comparative method and the case study one. Historical and comparative methods were used to trace the evolution of international organizations’’ activities with regard to elections observation and compare various organizations’ pertinent processes and procedures. Case study method was used to collect and analyze qualitative data about international organizations’ activity related to elections observation and to define their role in ensuring human rights, in particular, freedom of expression. The notions of democracy and human rights, democratization trends worldwide, current threats to human rights related to elections procedures and the role of international organizations as entities safeguarding human rights in the globalized world were analyzed. As a result, it can be stated that in the increasingly globalized world there are various democratization trends. There are different visions and models of democracy, yet no single one can be considered optimal. It can be noted that international organizations play a significant role in elections observation as an instrument of ensuring human rights. The dynamic rhythm of global development helps to promote plurality of ideas, political ideologies and ethical values. It can be concluded that in this increasingly interconnected world democracy has the function of a mediator promoting understanding among countries, first of all, through the United Nations. Democracy as a type of political regime, i. e. type of relationship between the country leadership and the people cannot function effectively without active social groups and civil society organizations. The political context has to promote freedom of speech, independent media, rule of law, effective judiciary system and overall respect for human rights. Freedom of expression and political choices are among fundamental human rights guaranteed by democratic national and international laws. International organizations are among the most noteworthy entities on the world arena safeguarding human rights and free expression of people’s political will. International organizations are working actively in order to tackle current threats to human rights, in particular, freedom of expression and freedom of political will. To this end, the international and national organizations provide comprehensive electoral support. The United Nations, the European Union, the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe and the Council of Europe are actively engaged in providing electoral support and assist in holding objective and just elections worldwide, especially in transitioning countries. They play a key role in providing electoral support in accordance with the international organizations’ mission, bolstering democracy and safeguarding human rights. The role of international organizations in the globalized world as human rights protector continues to be vital and indispensable.
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Taranenko, Hanna. "INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS CONTRIBUTING TO ELECTIONS OBSERVATION AS AN INSTRUMENT OF SECURING HUMAN RIGHTS." Politology bulletin, no. 82 (2019): 71–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2415-881x.2019.82.71-81.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of this research is to investigate the role of international organizations in elections observation as an instrument of ensuring human rights. The objectives are to analyze the notions of democracy and human rights, democratization trends worldwide, current threats to human rights related to elections procedures and the role of international organizations as entities safeguarding human rights in the globalized world. In order to investigate this problem the researcher utilized such scientific methods as deduction and induction, historical and comparative method and the case study one. Historical and comparative methods were used to trace the evolution of international organizations’’ activities with regard to elections observation and compare various organizations’ pertinent processes and procedures. Case study method was used to collect and analyze qualitative data about international organizations’ activity related to elections observation and to define their role in ensuring human rights, in particular, freedom of expression. The notions of democracy and human rights, democratization trends worldwide, current threats to human rights related to elections procedures and the role of international organizations as entities safeguarding human rights in the globalized world were analyzed. As a result, it can be stated that in the increasingly globalized world there are various democratization trends. There are different visions and models of democracy, yet no single one can be considered optimal. It can be noted that international organizations play a significant role in elections observation as an instrument of ensuring human rights. The dynamic rhythm of global development helps to promote plurality of ideas, political ideologies and ethical values. It can be concluded that in this increasingly interconnected world democracy has the function of a mediator promoting understanding among countries, first of all, through the United Nations. Democracy as a type of political regime, i. e. type of relationship between the country leadership and the people cannot function effectively without active social groups and civil society organizations. The political context has to promote freedom of speech, independent media, rule of law, effective judiciary system and overall respect for human rights. Freedom of expression and political choices are among fundamental human rights guaranteed by democratic national and international laws. International organizations are among the most noteworthy entities on the world arena safeguarding human rights and free expression of people’s political will. International organizations are working actively in order to tackle current threats to human rights, in particular, freedom of expression and freedom of political will. To this end, the international and national organizations provide comprehensive electoral support. The United Nations, the European Union, the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe and the Council of Europe are actively engaged in providing electoral support and assist in holding objective and just elections worldwide, especially in transitioning countries. They play a key role in providing electoral support in accordance with the international organizations’ mission, bolstering democracy and safeguarding human rights. The role of international organizations in the globalized world as human rights protector continues to be vital and indispensable.
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Самойленко, Оксана. "FORMATION AND DEVELOPMENT OF ADULT EDUCATION IN UKRAINE AND SLOVAK REPUBLIC: COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS." Науковий вісник Інституту професійно-технічної освіти НАПН України. Професійна педагогіка, no. 18 (June 24, 2019): 195–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.32835/2223-5752.2019.18.195-201.
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The article presents the results of the comparative analysis of the formation and development of adult education in Ukraine and the Slovak Republic. The general (globalization, democratization, individualization of adult education) and specific (establishment of the legal framework, the introduction of an andragogical model of education in formal education) trends in the development of adult education in both countries.
It has been proved that the Slovak Republic as a member state of the European Union has a well-established tradition of adult education through legislative provision, an effective system of preparation of andragogues as adults in adult education, and didactic provision of adult education in formal and non-formal education institutions. In particular, the actual direction of using Slovak experience in the development of adult education in Ukraine is to promote the continuous professional development of adults through the advisory mechanism (poradenstvo) – personalized professional counseling. The analysis of the specialties that is training the personnel in the field of adult education in Ukraine has shown that andragogical counseling is tangent to such specialties as information management; management of personnel, organizations, socio-cultural activities, management of public organizations, public institutions, international educational projects, innovations in education, psychological counseling, etc. However, in Ukraine, unlike Slovakia, it does not have a clear focus on the andragogical aspect of counseling, but it has a clear focus on management. This makes it impossible for an interdisciplinary approach to the counseling system that we see it in the Slovak Republic, with a clear distinction between the andragogical context.
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Mamiński, Marcin. "Human Rights. Poland and the UN declarations on Human Rights." Zeszyty Naukowe Uniwersytetu Rzeszowskiego. Seria Prawnicza. Prawo 31 (2020): 169–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.15584/znurprawo.2020.31.13.
Full textAbstract:
Human rights are the foundation of democracy, a democratic society, freedom, justice and peace. Without human rights and awareness of their ownership, people cannot live in dignity. Human rights are the same for all of us, regardless of race, gender, religion, ethnicity, political or other beliefs, social origin, national origin, sexual orientation. There are cases in which human rights may be limited, but only in very specific situations, usually defined in international documents or constitutions of individual countries (e.g. due to the protection of certain values by the state, or due to threats such as war or public security). In 1948, Poland was one of the eight states that abstained from voting on the ratification of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Until the transformation of the political system between 1989–1992, the number of international conventions dealing with the issue of human rights, which the Polish state had not ratified, has increased. Along with the democratization of public life in Poland and the accession process to the European Union, successive governments have signed certain conventions, but many important documents remain unratified or unimplemented, including significant conventions regarding the status of stateless persons or related to cluster munitions. This presentation aims at indication of the relation of Polish legislation and basic legal acts to the UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights and subsequent conventions aimed at protecting those rights. On the basis of a short comparative analysis, I will try to indicate how important human rights are to Poland nowadays.
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Guasti, Petra. "Development of citizen participation in Central and Eastern Europe after the EU enlargement and economic crises." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 49, no. 3 (July 8, 2016): 219–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2016.06.006.
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The main focus of this article is the role of organized civil society in facilitating citizen engagement in Central and East European new EU member states after the EU accession and the recent economic crises. Using international comparative methodologies and data this article analyses democratic processes in the new member states focussing on the changes in strengths and weaknesses of citizen engagement. It shows the ways in which the post-enlargement process, especially the economic crisis affected the ability of CEE citizens — both directly, and via civil society organisations and trade unions — to be active participants of the multilevel governance processes. It finds that one of the key remaining gaps of the democratization process remains the relative weakness of state—citizens relationship. The impact of the economic crisis on the CEE countries was significant, in particular in regard to financial viability of organised civil society. However, economic crisis also acted as an important mobilization factor, and in all countries under study, civic participation, enabled by civil society and trade unions increased. New initiatives — in particular those tackling corruption and party campaign finance, saw NGOs focussing their advocacy efforts towards the government as well as actively mobilizing and engaging citizens. Across the CEE region, we are seeing gradual social learning, internalization of new norms and emergence of new identities — active citizens engaged with (and if necessary in opposition to) the state — directly (public mobilization and protests) and via organized civil society.