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Journal articles on the topic 'Democratisation'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 5 October 2024

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1

Hiltunen, Turo, Turo Vartiainen, and Jenni Räikkönen. "Democratisation." Journal of Historical Pragmatics 25, no. 2 (August 9, 2024): 177–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jhp.00072.hil.

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2

BROWN, DAVID S. "Democracy, Authoritarianism and Education Finance in Brazil." Journal of Latin American Studies 34, no. 1 (February 2002): 115–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x01006307.

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In view of the inconclusive statistical results associated with democracy's impact on economic performance, this article unpacks the dependent variable (economic development) by examining democratisation's impact on education policy. To determine whether democracy compels politicians to provide higher levels of educational opportunity, it traces the process of repression and democratisation in Brazil along with government spending on education. It finds that democratisation has observable effects on education spending on three different levels: 1) the percentage of government spending allocated to education; 2) the distribution of federal funding among different levels of education; and 3) the distribution of funds within primary education among state and local actors.
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3

Marcel Knöchelmann. "The Democratisation Myth." Science & Technology Studies 34, no. 2 (February 19, 2021): 65–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.23987/sts.94964.

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Open access (OA) in the Global North is considered to solve an accessibility problem in scholarly communication. But this accessibility is restricted to the consumption of knowledge. Epistemic injustices inhering in the scholarly communication of a global production of knowledge remain unchanged. This underscores that the commercial or big deal OA dominating Europe and North America have little revolutionary potential to democratise knowledge. Academia in the Global North, driven by politics of progressive neoliberalism, can even reinforce its hegemonic power by solidifying and legitimating contemporary hierarchies of scholarly communication through OA. In a critique of the notion of a democratisation of knowledge, I showcase manifestations of OA as either allowing consumption of existing discourse or as active participation of discourse in the making. The latter comes closer to being the basis for a democratisation of knowledge. I discuss this as I issue a threefold conceptualisation of epistemic injustices comprising of testimonial injustice, hermeneutical injustice, and epistemic objectification. As these injustices prevail, the notion of a democratisation of knowledge through OA is but another form of technological determinism that neglects the intricacies of culture and hegemony.
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4

Etzioni, Amitai. "The Democratisation Mirage." Survival 57, no. 4 (July 4, 2015): 139–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00396338.2015.1068570.

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5

Furley, Oliver. "Democratisation in Uganda." Commonwealth & Comparative Politics 38, no. 3 (November 2000): 79–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14662040008447827.

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6

Papaioannou, Elias, and Gregorios Siourounis. "Democratisation and Growth." Economic Journal 118, no. 532 (September 20, 2008): 1520–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0297.2008.02189.x.

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7

Jacobs, J. Bruce. "Democratisation in Taiwan." Asian Studies Review 17, no. 1 (July 1993): 116–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03147539308712907.

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8

Cook, Nerida M. "Democratisation in Thailand." Asian Studies Review 17, no. 1 (July 1993): 126–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03147539308712908.

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9

Finch, Henry. "Democratisation in Uruguay." Third World Quarterly 7, no. 3 (July 1985): 594–609. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01436598508419856.

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10

Watt, David, Rachel Flanary, and Robin Theobald. "Democratisation or the democratisation of corruption? The case of Uganda." Commonwealth & Comparative Politics 37, no. 3 (November 1999): 37–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14662049908447796.

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11

Kaşot, Nazım, and Hüseyin Tufan. "ASSESSMENT OF HISTORICAL EVOLUTION OF ENVIRONMENT IN NORTH CYPRUS WITH REGARD TO DEMOCRATISATION." World Journal of Environmental Research 6, no. 1 (July 23, 2016): 3649. http://dx.doi.org/10.18844/wjer.v6i1.632.

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This study aims to make research on laws in terms of democratisation of environment, amendments in the law, parliamentarian activities for the democratisation of environment, contributions as well as attitudes of civil society organisations and contributions of a random-selected court decision on the democratisation process since 1983 until now. This study also aims to assess whether the changes realized in North Cyprus between 1983-2014 make any contribution on the democratisation of environment. Document analysis method was used as data collection method. As a result of study, the laws were found to change in the democratic sense, and the increase in the number of environmental civil society organisations working has made a contribution on the democratisation of environment concept.Key words: Cyprus, environment, environment culture, democracy
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12

Demirtaş, Birgül. "Justice and Development Party’s Understanding of Democracy and Democratisation: Cultural Relativism and the Construction of the West as the ‘Other’." Iran and the Caucasus 22, no. 3 (September 25, 2018): 308–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573384x-20180308.

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The perception of Turkey as a model of attractive country in the region has started to change in the recent years. In the first decade of the JDP rule Turkey was seen as an emerging power with its strong economy, improving democracy and inspiring foreign policy. However, the developments since the Arab Uprisings in the neighbourhood, Gezi movement at home, end of the Kurdish peace process, as well as coup attempt and subsequent de-democratisation harmed the soft power of Turkey. This study argues that the JDP’s understanding of democracy and democratisation has been full of flaws from the very beginning of its rule. The Turkish example shows that countries can experience subsequent processes of de-democratisation and de-democratisation if governing parties did not endogenise the basic norms of democracy. Therefore, it is argued that the reverse wave of de-democratisation characterises Turkey more than the “selective” processes of democratisation. It is also argued that JDP elite via its discourse has been constructing the West as the ‘Other’.
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13

Mukrimin, Mukrimin, Lahaji Lahaji, and Andi Akifah. "Democratisation, Decentralisation and Islam: A Reflection of Two Decades of Indonesia’s Local Autonomy." Al-Ulum 18, no. 1 (June 1, 2018): 41–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.30603/au.v18i1.283.

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In Indonesia, decentralisation has emerged in the name of democratisation over the last decades. Decentralisation, politically, has significantly shaped the relationship between the central and local governments. Therefore, many have believed that the decentralisation is equivalent to the democratisation process. In this article, we attempt to answer these questions: (1) is the decentralisation compatible with consolidated democratisation in Indonesia? (2) How is “the rule by people” implemented for the sake of democracy; in other words, how local people fill these spaces? In this article, we argue that there has been a connection between democratisation process and decentralisation. However, the relationship seems to be superficial.
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14

HU, Xiaobo. "Chinese Democratisation: The Nature and Role of the Middle Class." East Asian Policy 05, no. 03 (July 2013): 57–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930513000275.

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Rapid economic development and a rising middle class have given hope to China's political development. The democratisation history around the world provides clues to the possible directions China's new middle class might be heading in politics. The conservative Chinese middle class is predicted to make China's democratisation more stable than volatile, more gradual than radical. China may experience a long but steady path towards democratisation just like other major democratised countries.
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15

de Ploeg, Max, and Chris de Ploeg. "‘No democratisation without decolonisation’." Tijdschrift voor Genderstudies 20, no. 3 (September 1, 2017): 321–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/tvgn2017.3.ploe.

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16

Doyle, John. "New Media and Democratisation." Irish Studies in International Affairs 23, no. 1 (2012): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/isia.2012.0000.

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17

Gilmore, Eamon. "Democratisation and New Media." Irish Studies in International Affairs 23, no. 1 (2012): 5–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/isia.2012.0017.

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18

Mishra, Mukesh Kumar. "Democratisation Process in Kazakhstan." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 65, no. 3 (July 2009): 313–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492840906500306.

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19

Hjort, Katrin. "De-Democratisation in Denmark?" European Educational Research Journal 5, no. 3-4 (September 2006): 234–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2304/eerj.2006.5.3.234.

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20

Ikeanyibe, Okey Marcellus, Christian Chukwuebuka Ezeibe, Peter Oluchukwu Mbah, and Chikodiri Nwangwu. "Political campaign and democratisation." Journal of Language and Politics 17, no. 1 (October 16, 2017): 92–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.16010.ike.

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Abstract The use of hate speech for political mobilisation and its overall impact on democratisation have generated debate and controversy in both post-colonial formations and more advanced democracies. This is because hate speech tends to promote hatred between different ethnic groups. In Nigeria, it is usually deployed in the build up to elections. Using mixed methods approach, this study interrogates the consequences of hate speech as a political campaign strategy on electioneering and democratisation in Nigeria. The study argues that the use of hate speech in political campaign entrenches hatred and discriminatory voting pattern among citizens. It grossly affects democratisation, the quality of party programmes and candidates chosen by voters. Despite its appeal to extreme right populism based on ethnic voting and other forms of exclusionary politics, the use of hate speech as a political campaign strategy neither promotes the principles of majoritarian democracy nor protects minority rights.
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21

Oliver, Emily. "Democratisation of first aid." Emergency Medicine Journal 36, no. 11 (August 13, 2019): 652. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/emermed-2019-208905.

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22

Hancocks, Stephen. "The democratisation of dentistry." British Dental Journal 226, no. 4 (February 2019): 237. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/s41415-019-0016-1.

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23

Reynolds, Andrew. "Electoral Democratisation in Nepal." Journal of Contemporary Asia 40, no. 3 (August 2010): 509–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00472331003798517.

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24

Little, John, David Lobb, and Martin Atkins. "The Democratisation of Psychiatry." Australasian Psychiatry 15, no. 2 (April 2007): 93–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10398560601123690.

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25

Baylies, Carolyn. "‘Political conditionality’ and democratisation." Review of African Political Economy 22, no. 65 (September 1995): 321–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03056249508704143.

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26

Sparks, Colin. "Democratisation and the Media." Javnost - The Public 8, no. 4 (January 2001): 7–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13183222.2001.11008784.

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27

Cheliotis, Leonidas K., and Máximo Sozzo. "Introduction: Democratisation and punishment." Punishment & Society 18, no. 3 (June 2016): 263–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1462474516645691.

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28

Törnquist, Olle. "Dynamics of Indonesian democratisation." Third World Quarterly 21, no. 3 (June 2000): 383–423. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01436590050057708.

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29

Doyle, John. "New Media and Democratisation." Irish Studies in International Affairs 23, no. -1 (January 1, 2012): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.3318/isia.2012.23.1.

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30

Gilmore, Eamon. "Democratisation and New Media." Irish Studies in International Affairs 23, no. -1 (January 1, 2012): 5–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.3318/isia.2012.23.5.

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31

Bal, Roland, Wiebe E. Bijker, and Ruud Hendriks. "Democratisation of scientific advice." BMJ 329, no. 7478 (December 2, 2004): 1339–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.329.7478.1339.

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32

White, Stephen. "‘Democratisation’ in the USSR." Soviet Studies 42, no. 1 (January 1990): 3–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668139008411849.

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33

Buzo, Adrian. "Democratisation in North Korea." Asian Studies Review 17, no. 1 (July 1993): 65–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03147539308712900.

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34

Lockhart, Greg. "Vietnam: democracy and democratisation." Asian Studies Review 17, no. 1 (July 1993): 135–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03147539308712909.

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35

Jacobs, J. Bruce. "Democratisation in Taiwan revisited." Asian Studies Review 21, no. 2-3 (November 1997): 149–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03147539708713169.

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36

Cook, Nerida M. "Democratisation in Thailand revisited." Asian Studies Review 21, no. 2-3 (November 1997): 157–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03147539708713170.

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37

SONG, HAE YUNG. "Democracy against Labour: The Dialectic of Democratisation and De-democratisation in Korea." Journal of Contemporary Asia 43, no. 2 (May 2013): 338–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00472336.2012.759684.

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38

Kessler, Christl, Jürgen Rüland, and Stefan Rother. "Democratisation Through International Migration? Explorative Thoughts on a Novel Research Agenda." European Journal of East Asian Studies 8, no. 2 (2009): 161–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156805809x12553326569551.

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AbstractThe article provides an introduction into this EJEAS issue on democratisation and international migration. Third Wave democratisation and the recent unprecedented increase in international labour migration may have the same structural origins, but so far few attempts have been made to link the two research agendas. One explanation might be that existing research on democratisation has neglected the exogenous dimension, and that migration research was preoccupied with destination countries. By drawing from the contributions to this Issue and the literature on norm diffusion, we argue that migrants have the potential to act as norm entrepreneurs and as agents of democratisation. The article maps out three avenues of norm diffusion: Migration can be the cause for changes of political attitudes at the individual level, it can be an enabling factor for collective action and it may lead to institutional change at the national and global level. To further assess how precisely these pathways might support or impede democratisation, more theory-guided empirical studies on the subject are urgently needed.
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39

Szent-Iványi, Balázs. "Are democratising countries rewarded with higher levels of foreign aid?" Acta Oeconomica 65, no. 4 (December 2015): 593–615. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/032.65.2015.4.5.

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The paper examines how flows of foreign aid have reacted to events of democratisation in developing countries. Using a panel dataset of 136 aid-receiving countries between 1980 and 2009, aid allocation regressions reveal that Western donors in general have tended to react to visible, major democratic transitions by increasing aid to the partner country, but no significant increases can be identified in the case of countries introducing smaller democratic reforms. The increases in aid flows are not sustained over time, implying that donors do not provide long-term support to nascent democracies. Also, democratisations in Sub-Saharan Africa do not seem to have been rewarded with higher levels of aid.
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40

Setiawan, Asep, and Laode Muhammad Fathun. "Pendekatan Indonesia dan Amerika Serikat Terhadap Proses Demokratisasi Myanmar." Review of International Relations 5, no. 1 (June 30, 2023): 70–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.24252/rir.v5i1.34434.

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The paper asseses Indonesian and US approach toward Myanmar democratisation as consequences of globalisation of democracy. The US put pressure and political and economic boycott toward Myanmar to push democratisation process. In other hand, Indonesia insist that democratisation in Myanmar part of its domestic affair and no need foreign intervention. This approach is in line with basic principles of ASEAN including to build constructive engagement with Myanmar. Indonesian approach seems more suitable to create changes toward demoratisation in the Myanmar.
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41

Montle, Malesela Edward. "Democratization as a Catalyst for Women Empowerment: A Feminist of Reading of Nadine Gordimer’s None to Accompany Me." IDEAS: Journal on English Language Teaching and Learning, Linguistics and Literature 10, no. 2 (December 19, 2022): 1187–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.24256/ideas.v10i2.3129.

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This paper aims to explore the role of democratisation in the socio-economic and political empowerment of women from various walks of life. Women were and are still one of the marginalised groups in the globe. Prior to democratisation, women’s authentic voices and identities were abridged to subservience and their societal roles were, predominately, pinned to domesticity whereas their male counterparts relished in administrative dominance. It is the advent of the democratic jurisdiction that occasioned and championed equality amongst men and women in socio-economic and political spaces. This democratisation authorised and empowered women to assert and reassert their identities, which are, sometimes, questioned, berated and shunned despite the autonomous dispensation. This is evinced by the appalling patriarchal, sexist and misogynistic attitudes that menace the women’s rise and impact in society in the present day. The paper employs a qualitative method guided by textual analysis to probe into democratisation as a catalyst for women empowerment from a literary perspective. It selects and utilises Nadine Gordimer’s None to Accompany Me as a case in point to crystalise the focal theme of the study. Furthermore, the study scrutinises Gordimer’s literary work above, which is a reflection of democratisation as an impulse for women empowerment with a feminist lens. This paper, among other things, finds that whilst democratisation has aided and granted women rights to create a platform to authenticate their voices and reconstruct their identities, it has not utterly liberated the women from socio-economic and political maladies.
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42

Mross, Karina. "Disaggregating democracy aid to explain peaceful democratisation after civil wars." European Journal of International Security 7, no. 2 (December 17, 2021): 164–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/eis.2021.36.

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AbstractDemocratisation is hailed as a pathway to peace by some, yet, blamed for provoking renewed violence by others. Can democracy aid explain the effect of democratisation after civil war? Building upon findings that transitions to democracy are prone to violence, this article shows that external democracy aid can mitigate such negative effects. It is the first to disaggregate democracy aid and analyse its effect on peace after civil war. To this end, it uses a configurational approach and focuses on support for competition (for example, promoting free and fair elections), institutional constraints (for example, strengthening the judiciary), and cooperation (for example, facilitating reconciliation). Combining Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA) with an illustrative case study on Liberia, it demonstrates that democracy aid can help to prevent recurrence during postconflict democratisation. Two pathways can explain peaceful democratisation: first, fostering ‘cooperative democratisation’ characterised by substantial support for cooperation in lower-risk contexts; and second, fostering ‘controlled competition’ by combining substantial support for institutional constraints and competition. Importantly, democracy support does not trigger renewed violence. These findings speak to the academic debate on the destabilising potential of democratisation processes after civil wars and inform policymakers designing postconflict support strategies.
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43

Bak, Carsten Kronborg. "Demokratisering af fattigdommen?: En kritisk analyse af indkomstbaserede fattigdomsundersøgelser." Dansk Sociologi 15, no. 4 (February 3, 2006): 57–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/dansoc.v15i4.272.

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Carsten Kronborg Bak: Democratisation of poverty: an analysis of dynamic poverty studies The German Sociologist Ulrich Beck is best known for his book about “Risk Society“ which has been discussed extensively; however Beck’s claims about modern poverty have not received the same attention among poverty researchers. The individualization perspective views poverty as a relatively transient phenomenon and the democratisation perspective views the risk of poverty as spread equally in the population. Both perspectives challenge the mainstream tradition of class analysis, and therefore both view poverty as largely independent of traditional stratification factors. In this article, I argue that Beck’s thesis about the democratisation of poverty is based on narrow income based definitions and that (possible) empirical verification depends on the definitions of poverty and approaches used to examine poverty. My analyses show that the dynamic perspective (using income as measure of poverty) largely supports the democratisation of poverty. But my other analyses of relative poverty and social exclusion do not support Beck’s argument.
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44

Faix, Anna-Vanadis. "Democratisation of Business How More Democratic Business Structures Generate Innovation." Global Business & Economics Anthology Volume II, December 2021 (December 30, 2021): 89–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.47341/21127.

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Democratisation is a topic that is increasingly finding its way into the economic debate and is also becoming more and more of a trend within companies. The debates reveal various advantages and disadvantages of democratising companies. Within the various models of democratisation of companies, however, there seems to be a lack of coherent integration of the theoretical integration of this into the broad corporate structures – at least within business perspective. These often refer to orthodox theoretical foundations of hierarchical structures and corporate orientations, which in principle oppose and partly run counter to various forms of democratisation. In the present contribution, minimal conditions are to be worked out on the basis of democracy as cooperation and applied to the most elementary corporate structures. In such a coherent orientation and embedding, it can be shown that disadvantages of democratisation in the corporate context can be reduced and innovation and thus competitiveness can be promoted in a multidimensional way.
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45

BOHMAN, JAMES. "Democratising the global order: from communicative freedom to communicative power." Review of International Studies 36, no. 2 (April 2010): 431–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210510000094.

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AbstractWhile there is much discussion of the need for democracy in transnational institutions, there is less discussion of the conditions for their democratisation. To address this deficit, a general account of democratisation is necessary. I propose that democratisation is dependent on the joint realisation of two conditions: communicative freedom and communicative power. Democratisation thus requires, first, publics and associations in which communicative freedom is realised on the one hand; and, second, institutions that link such freedom to the exercise of communicative power to decision making on the other. In order for these conditions to be met, civil society must be expanded into the public sphere. The transformation of communicative freedom into communicative power can be promoted only by institutions that recognise the decisional status of publics, which in turn depend on civil society to generate the deliberative benefits of the plurality of perspectives. Communicative power is not merely spontaneously generated through publics, but also through publics expressly formed through democratic institutional design.
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46

De Goede, Meike J. "‘Mundele, it is because of you’ History, Identity and the Meaning of Democracy in the Congo." Journal of Modern African Studies 53, no. 4 (November 4, 2015): 583–609. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x15000786.

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AbstractSince the signing of the Sun City peace agreement in 2002, the Democratic Republic of Congo has strived to democratise with limited success. This paper explores some of the challenges of the process of democratisation in the Congo. It does so not by looking at democratisation policies and practices, but by focusing on identity construction and how these identities manifest themselves in Congolese engagements with the process of democratisation as a process that is pursued in partnership with Western donors. The paper traces the construction of an understanding of democracy as a means to make an end to perpetual victimisation of Congolese people due to foreign interference in the Congo. The paper argues that the concept of democracy has acquired over time a meaning that creates a highly ambivalent engagement with the current democratisation process, and in particular with Western donors of this process, which are simultaneously perceived as the main obstacles to its successful realisation.
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47

Jamal Mohammed Ameen Hussein and Abdulwahed Jalal Nori. "The Role of CSOs in The Democratisation Process in Iraqi Kurdistan." Journal of Islam in Asia (E-ISSN 2289-8077) 20, no. 2 (June 26, 2023): 279–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.31436/jia.v20i2.1156.

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This article examines the role of CSOs in the democratisation process in IK and shows that they have a strong and important position in the Kurdish community. Historically, all Iraqi governments have not believed in democracy, so CSOs have had no role to play. However, since the establishment of the Kurdistan Regional Government in 1992, it has, to some extent, followed the democratic system and provided the freedom to work for CSOs. Nevertheless, CSOs have faced many obstacles until they reached the strong position, they now have in participating in the democratisation process. This study uses historical, descriptive, and political analysis to establish that CSOs play a vital role in the democratisation process in Iraqi Kurdistan by using proposals and pressure. Given the serious dependence of CSOs on freedom for their operation, the study concluded that CSOs need to be free from political and financial independence to carry out their activities without hindrance and have more roles in the democratisation process.
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48

Vodovnik, Žiga. "Democratisation and New Social Movements." World Political Science 13, no. 1 (April 25, 2017): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/wps-2016-0014.

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AbstractThe article offers a reflection on the processes of democratisation in Slovenia, arguing that the new social movements were a key player in initiating and directing democratic transformation, but later came to be gradually marginalised with the consolidation of the “new” or “bourgeois” civil society. Furthermore, a new chronotope of analysis shows that the role of social movements was a necessary but not a sufficient condition for political, economic and social changes, since during the second phase of the democratisation a political detachment is already underway. The key point of contestation and discordance can be identified in their completely opposite understanding of democracy and the process of democratisation itself.
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49

Sullivan, H. "Modernisation, Democratisation and Community Governance." Local Government Studies 27, no. 3 (September 2001): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/714004110.

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50

Shukla, Shashi. "Iraq: Case of ‘Coercive’ Democratisation." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 61, no. 1 (January 2005): 142–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492840506100104.

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