Relevant bibliographies by topics / Democratisation

Academic literature on the topic 'Democratisation'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 29 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Democratisation"

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BROWN, DAVID S. "Democracy, Authoritarianism and Education Finance in Brazil." Journal of Latin American Studies 34, no. 1 (February 2002): 115–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x01006307.

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In view of the inconclusive statistical results associated with democracy's impact on economic performance, this article unpacks the dependent variable (economic development) by examining democratisation's impact on education policy. To determine whether democracy compels politicians to provide higher levels of educational opportunity, it traces the process of repression and democratisation in Brazil along with government spending on education. It finds that democratisation has observable effects on education spending on three different levels: 1) the percentage of government spending allocated to education; 2) the distribution of federal funding among different levels of education; and 3) the distribution of funds within primary education among state and local actors.
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Marcel Knöchelmann. "The Democratisation Myth." Science & Technology Studies 34, no. 2 (February 19, 2021): 65–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.23987/sts.94964.

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Open access (OA) in the Global North is considered to solve an accessibility problem in scholarly communication. But this accessibility is restricted to the consumption of knowledge. Epistemic injustices inhering in the scholarly communication of a global production of knowledge remain unchanged. This underscores that the commercial or big deal OA dominating Europe and North America have little revolutionary potential to democratise knowledge. Academia in the Global North, driven by politics of progressive neoliberalism, can even reinforce its hegemonic power by solidifying and legitimating contemporary hierarchies of scholarly communication through OA. In a critique of the notion of a democratisation of knowledge, I showcase manifestations of OA as either allowing consumption of existing discourse or as active participation of discourse in the making. The latter comes closer to being the basis for a democratisation of knowledge. I discuss this as I issue a threefold conceptualisation of epistemic injustices comprising of testimonial injustice, hermeneutical injustice, and epistemic objectification. As these injustices prevail, the notion of a democratisation of knowledge through OA is but another form of technological determinism that neglects the intricacies of culture and hegemony.
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Etzioni, Amitai. "The Democratisation Mirage." Survival 57, no. 4 (July 4, 2015): 139–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00396338.2015.1068570.

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Furley, Oliver. "Democratisation in Uganda." Commonwealth & Comparative Politics 38, no. 3 (November 2000): 79–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14662040008447827.

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Papaioannou, Elias, and Gregorios Siourounis. "Democratisation and Growth." Economic Journal 118, no. 532 (September 20, 2008): 1520–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0297.2008.02189.x.

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Jacobs, J. Bruce. "Democratisation in Taiwan." Asian Studies Review 17, no. 1 (July 1993): 116–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03147539308712907.

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Cook, Nerida M. "Democratisation in Thailand." Asian Studies Review 17, no. 1 (July 1993): 126–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03147539308712908.

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Finch, Henry. "Democratisation in Uruguay." Third World Quarterly 7, no. 3 (July 1985): 594–609. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01436598508419856.

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Watt, David, Rachel Flanary, and Robin Theobald. "Democratisation or the democratisation of corruption? The case of Uganda." Commonwealth & Comparative Politics 37, no. 3 (November 1999): 37–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14662049908447796.

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Kaşot, Nazım, and Hüseyin Tufan. "ASSESSMENT OF HISTORICAL EVOLUTION OF ENVIRONMENT IN NORTH CYPRUS WITH REGARD TO DEMOCRATISATION." World Journal of Environmental Research 6, no. 1 (July 23, 2016): 3649. http://dx.doi.org/10.18844/wjer.v6i1.632.

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This study aims to make research on laws in terms of democratisation of environment, amendments in the law, parliamentarian activities for the democratisation of environment, contributions as well as attitudes of civil society organisations and contributions of a random-selected court decision on the democratisation process since 1983 until now. This study also aims to assess whether the changes realized in North Cyprus between 1983-2014 make any contribution on the democratisation of environment. Document analysis method was used as data collection method. As a result of study, the laws were found to change in the democratic sense, and the increase in the number of environmental civil society organisations working has made a contribution on the democratisation of environment concept.Key words: Cyprus, environment, environment culture, democracy
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Democratisation"

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Wong, Yin Fan Cecilia. "Confucianism and democratisation." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670142.

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Chow, W. C. E. "Factionalism & democratisation in Taiwan." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.597653.

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Taiwan is rapidly democratising. Previous research suggests that the factional/clientelist system plays a major role in Taiwanese politics. This system has been changing in response to the political shift. Most scholars perceive factions as obstacles facing democracy. However, Taiwan continues to democratise, both with its previous and new factionalism. This research, adopting the transitional approach, aims to examine the characteristics of the interaction between factionalism and democratisation in Taiwan, and endeavours to provide a theoretical explanation for it. Its analysis relies on documentary sources, literature and interviews. The result shows that Taiwanese factionalism served as a kind of decision-making mechanism, a source for crisis management and a base for political negotiation at the beginning stages of democratisation. Through negotiations, the formal (institutional) and informal (factional) resources complemented each other, and compromise was reached more easily. This situation was especially to the incumbent's advantage. It utilised the pressure from the opposition to initiate political reforms while creating new networks to adjust itself to the changing social structure. Meanwhile, opposition factionalism also enlarged its supporting base. As the Taiwanese political system becomes more institutionalised, its political factionalism is also institutionalising. Through frequent negotiations (co-operation) between political groups, the opposition has started to augment political resources and empower itself, and political parties have gradually been converging on ideological stands. This has posed a threat to the incumbent. Many incumbent supporters have shifted their loyalty when dissatisfied since they have had similar alternatives. The opposition finally became the incumbent without social commotion in 2000. Factionalism thus brought about a rather smooth democratic transition in Taiwan. The Taiwan case moreover shows that democratisation tends to minimise the negative effects of factionalism. Nevertheless, as democracy becomes more consolidated, co-operations between political groups on larger reforms will decrease. Factionalism is expected to change again in nature.
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Nihlwing, Victor. "Towards a Democratisation of Digital Fabrication." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Institutionen för informatik, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-146507.

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Digital fabrication technologies such as 3D printing is predicted to have a significant impact on our future society. However, the complexity of current 3D modelling softwares  risk deterring novices from engaging with the technology. In this thesis, a series of workshops were conducted to explore the implications for novices to create models out of tangible materials such as clay, paper and LEGO, that were then scanned and printed with a 3D printer. The results show that while the tangible materials create engaging opportunities for novices to engage with digital fabrication technologies such as 3D printing, the materials also provide limitations and constraints depending on their physical properties.
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Azad, Abul Kalam. "Determinants of Asian Democratisation (1981-2005)." AUT University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10292/952.

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As a culturally distinctive region, Asia was chosen as the sample for this study. This empirical study investigated what the major trends of democratisation were in Asia between 1981 and 2005: why some countries became democratic while other countries failed to follow suit during that period. The main research hypothesis was: “That is it was mainly economic development that drove democratisation in Asia between 1981 and 2005”. Although some studies have studied the impact of economic development on democratisation in Asia, their findings have been inconclusive and focuses sometimes different. [To investigate the research hypothesis, 24 Asian countries were selected…measurement tools used etc…] For this research work, statistical and case study methods were applied. The data used in the analyses were collected from established data sources e.g. Freedom House (Freedom in the World, n.d.) and United Nations Statistics Division (UN Stat, n.d.). Repeated Measures in Linear Mixed Modeling (LMM) were used to analyse the quantitative data. Three case studies supplemented the findings of statistical analyses. Historical information and institutional and legal facts were also used in the case studies. This study found that increases in the level of economic development along with its equitable distribution in society and positive roles of political actors increase the level of democratisation in Asia. Some pro-democratic political and social institutions, such as tradition of parliamentarianism, and international organisations, for example Bretton wood institutions, also led to democratisation. A low extent of national political divide was found to result in a considerably high level of democratisation in a country where confrontation between major political forces is the main feature of politics. This study also found that a partial democracy with Asian values, economic legitimacy, a lack of corruption and a “systematic control” over opposition politicians can survive, and is not prone to higher level of democratisation. The Taiwan case revealed that, amongst other factors, the role of political actors and economic equity along with economic development is also vital for democratisation. The Singapore case explained how a “hybrid regime” in a rich country outsmarts democratisation. The study of Bangladesh provides an idea about other elements, e.g. lower level of political confrontation, that push for higher levels of democratisation.
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SOULAS, ROUSSELIERE M.-CHRISTINE. "Quelle democratisation ? l'evolution des structures universitaires et la democratisation de l'enseignement superieur americain de 1960 a 1990." Paris 7, 1995. http://www.theses.fr/1995PA070090.

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La diversification de la population etudiante des differentes structures de l'enseignement superieur americain s'est effectuee principalement sur des criteres d'appartenance sexuelle et raciale ethnique. Meme si l'acces aux colleges et universites d'elite a ete facilite, notamment par des mesures preferentielles, les progres dans l'egalisation des chances ont surtout ete sensibles dans l'enseignement superieur public, court et long. Il est devenu plus facile pour les femmes, les minorites et les adultes en reprise d'etudes d'obtenir a terme un diplome de bachelor. Cependant, les gains obtenus jusqu'au milieu des annees soixante-dix ont ete partiellement perdus depuis, particulierement en ce qui concerne l'acces des personnes a faibles revenus, parmi lesquelles les minorites noire et hispanique sont sur-representees
The diversification of the student population of the various structures of american higher education occurred primarily along gender and race ethnicity lines. Even if access to elite colleges and universities was facilitated, particularly through preferential admissions, progress in equality of opportunity was mainly visible in public higher education, in two-year as well as four-year institutions that have made it easier for women, minorities and older students to eventually obtain a bachelor's degree. However, part of the gains recorded through the midseventies were lost afterwards, especially as regards low-income students, among which black and hispanic minorities are over-represented
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Wichmann, Nina. "Democratisation without societal participation? : the EU as an external actor in the democratisation processes of Serbia and Croatia /." Berlin ; Münster : LIT, 2007. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=016241269&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.

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Al-Akayleh, Wa'el A. "Democratisation and public administration reform in Jordan." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.493523.

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The aim of this study is to examine democratisation and public administration reform in Jordan after 1989. This study defines democratisation and presents its nature and limits in the Middle East in general and Jordan in particular. It presents major arguments with regard to despotism, the rentier state, modernisation and level of development and fragmented societies. We have argued that the democratisation process emerged in 1989 as a result of domestic catalysts and facilitators together with numerous external factors.
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Vinegrad, Anna. "Guatemala 1963-1970: the limits to democratisation." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 1996. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/1565.

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The subject of this thesis is the transition from de facto military rule to constitutional civilian government in Guatemala between 1963 and 1970. The focus is upon the limits to democratisation inherent in this process at a time of intense political polarisation and increasing militarisation. The work opens with a consideration of the debates that emerged in the context of the political transitions in Latin America during the 1980s. The second chapter charts the central characteristics of a foundational period in Guatemalan politics between 1944 and 1954 and argues that later political developments can only be fully understood with reference to this earlier period. Chapter Three addresses the military coup of 1963 and the period of military government which followed. The emphasis is on the effort to define the parameters of the Guatemalan political process and the military response to the guerrilla challenge which emerged after 1962. Chapter Four examines in detail the elections of March 1966 and the political campaign which preceded them. Particular consideration is given to the origins and character of the pact signed with the military establishment before the new government was permitted to take office. The following two chapters present a case study of the civilian government between 1966 and 1970. Chapter Five addresses the rhetoric and reality of the government programme with respect to three key policy areas and suggests that the failure to make progress in each was indicative of the true limits to this democratic experiment. The thematic focus of Chapter Six is insurgency and counterinsurgency and the extensive political violence which became the overarching feature of this period. The thesis concludes with a brief examination of the 1970 elections and goes on to argue that the failure of democratisation between 1963 and 1970 derived from the historic absence of a liberal democratic consensus and the predominant role of the military in the political process.
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Pongsudhirak, Thitinan. "Crisis from within : the politics of macroeconomic management in Thailand, 1947-97." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.271301.

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Phatharathananunth, Somchai. "Civil society in northeast Thailand : the struggle of the Small Scale Farmers' Assembly of Isan." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.250217.

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Books on the topic "Democratisation"

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Nwabueze, B. O. Democratisation. Ibadan: Spectrum Law Pub., 1993.

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Development), National Seminar on "Democratisation of Water" (2006 National Institute of Rural. Democratisation of water. New Delhi: Serials Publications for NIRD, 2008.

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Garrard, John. Democratisation in Britain. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4039-1938-0.

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Teti, Andrea, Pamela Abbott, Valeria Talbot, and Paolo Maggiolini. Democratisation against Democracy. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-33883-1.

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Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe. Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights., ed. Woman and democratisation. Warsaw, Poland: OSCE/ODIHR, 1998.

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Chiluba, Frederick J. T. Democratisation in Zambia. [s.l.]: typescript, 1994.

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Farley, Oliver. Democratisation in Uganda. London: Research Institute for the Study of Conflict and Terrorism, 1999.

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Alan, Doig, and Theobald Robin, eds. Corruption and democratisation. London: Frank Cass, 2000.

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Törnquist, Olle. Assessing Dynamics of Democratisation. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137381293.

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University of Namibia. Faculty of Law. and Law Society of Namibia, eds. Democratisation of Southern Africa. [Windhoek]: The Faculty, University of Namibia, 1996.

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Book chapters on the topic "Democratisation"

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Sakwa, Richard. "Democratisation." In Routledge Handbook of Russian Politics and Society, 33–45. 2nd ed. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003218234-5.

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Lo, Shiu-hing. "Democratisation Postponed." In The Politics of Democratization in Hong Kong, 33–66. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-25467-5_2.

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Kingsbury, Damien. "On democratisation." In Politics in Developing Countries, 139–54. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2019.: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315099453-10.

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Smith, Jeremy. "Glasnost and Democratisation." In The Fall of Soviet Communism 1985–91, 57–65. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-0-230-80273-5_10.

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Martínez, Pablo Calderón. "Democratisation from Below." In NAFTA and Democracy in Mexico, 130–59. New York, NY : Routledge, 2019.: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351110358-5.

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Törnquist, Olle. "Actors and Democratisation." In Assessing Dynamics of Democratisation, 71–87. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137381293_5.

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Szakolczai, Árpád. "Experiences of Democratisation." In The Experience of Democratization in Eastern Europe, 16–31. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-14511-9_2.

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Kamrava, Mehran. "Democracy and Democratisation." In Palgrave Advances in Development Studies, 67–88. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230502864_4.

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Elvestad, Eiri, and Angela Phillips. "Personalisation is Democratisation." In Misunderstanding News Audiences, 12–33. Names: Elvestad, Eiri, author. | Phillips, Angela, author.Title: Misunderstanding news audiences : seven myths of the social media era / Eiri Elvestad and Angela Phillips.Description: New York : Routledge : Abingdon, Oxon, 2018.: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315444369-2.

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Haynes, Jeffrey. "Religion and democratisation." In Religion, Conflict and Post-Secular Politics, 19–23. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2020. | Series: Routledge studies in religion and politics: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780367853655-3.

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Conference papers on the topic "Democratisation"

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Hillner, Matthias. "Towards a Democratisation of Innovation." In 13th International Conference on Applied Human Factors and Ergonomics (AHFE 2022). AHFE International, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54941/ahfe1001518.

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Singapore is an innovation-intensive nation. In 2020 Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong pledged to inject ‘up to S$150million’ in the country’s startup ecosystem (Channel News Asia). This paper discusses the distribution of public funds amongst startups in Singapore. It raises questions about the effectiveness of early-stage pre-seed funding and discusses medium and long-term impact of distributed funds on business performance. The paper defines startups as growth-oriented independent SMEs in pursuit Series A investments. It distinguishes between bootstrap initiatives and funding-intensive initiatives. The paper argues that there is currently a problematic emphasis on funding-intensive startups, and a potentially compromising neglect of bootstrap ventures who do typically not have equal access to smart funds, mentoring schemes and support frameworks. Equally importantly, bootstrap initiatives often escape the radar of government authorities, thus compromising the authorities’ capabilities of monitoring innovation performance across the entire spectrum.This paper uses a mixed-method approach. It draws on a series of exchanges with experts — entrepreneurs, incubator managers, investors, VC firms, as well as representatives of government funding bodies — and secondary research findings. The primary research data has been collected over a period of nine years. The preliminary hypothesis is that the support mechanisms in the context of contemporary startup ecosystems tend to be ill-directed and may compromise overall innovation performance. Various studies carried out in different parts of the world raise questions about the effectiveness of government funding for innovations that are pursued by startups and suggest that the distribution of public funds does often not benefit innovation performance generally: Following an investigation of public fund distribution in China, Hong et al. (2015) claim that ‘government grants negatively impact the overall innovation efficiency in the high-tech sector.’ Other studies (Liu and Rammer, 2016) point towards the possibility that government grants are often used as substitute for private innovation investment by established businesses who, in the absence of public funding, would be able to afford R&D financing internally, whilst early-stage startups that are in greater need of funding, often miss out on support due to requirements related to match funding or trading history. This means that early-stage startups are often disadvantaged, in particular bootstrap initiatives, whilst established SMEs and large businesses do not enhance their innovation performance through subsidies. It is also thought that there is a prioritisation of incremental innovations and a lack in funding for potentially disruptive innovations because the latter are at higher risk of economic failure. As a result, firms tend to prioritise incremental innovation, in conjunction with which it is easier to predict viability.This paper, which primarily focuses on the distribution processes used by Enterprise Singapore (ESG) and other public institutions in Singapore, raises questions about the effectiveness of public spending in relation to innovation. Bootstrap ventures that might benefit from smart-fund injections, are not captured by the Singapore authorities, and there is currently no reliable progress tracking to objectively monitor startup performance. Instead, various funding organisations including universities, VC firms, as well as the ESG, rely on each other’s recommendations in their decision-making. There is a likelihood that the selection process is subject to bias which may have compromising macro-economic implications in the long term.To summarise the above, the proposed paper raises questions about the tracking of government funded startups, and it explores the consequences of startup funding from an economic and a sociopolitical point of view. The paper discusses possibilities of reversing this trend by empowering independent startups through accessible support frameworks that operate autonomously and independent from profit-oriented incubators, VC firms and angel investment networks.Sample Sources:Hong, J. et al. (2015): Government Grants, Private R&D Funding and Innovation Efficiency in Transition Economy, Abingdon-on-Thames, UK: RoutledgeLiu, R., Rammer, C. (2016): The Contribution of Different Public Innovation Funding Programs to SMEs’ Export Performance, ZEW Discussion PapersSoetanto, D. P., van Geenhuizen, M. (2015): Getting the right balance: University networks’ influence on spin-offs’ attraction of funding for innovation, in: Technovation, Volumes 36–37, February–March 2015, Pages 26-38, Amsterdam, Netherlands: Elsevier Teece, D. (2009): Business Models, Business Strategy and Innovation, Amsterdam, Netherlands: Elsevier
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Üskül Engin, Zeynep. "The hardships faced in the path of democratisation: Democratisation against conservatism and Turkish experience." In XXVI World Congress of Philosophy of Law and Social Philosophy. Initia Via, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.17931/ivr2013_wg126_03.

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Tilt, Christian, Stephanie Moran, and Alexander L. Hogan. "Visual Democratisation: AR and the Underpass Festival." In Proceedings of EVA London 2019. BCS Learning & Development, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.14236/ewic/eva2019.38.

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Morelli, Nicola, Amalia de Götzen, Ingrid Mulder, and Grazia Concilio. "Editorial: Designing with Data, Democratisation Through Data." In Design Research Society Conference 2018. Design Research Society, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.21606/drs.2018.001.

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Mandra, Galyna. "GLOBAL PERSPECTIVE ON DEMOCRATISATION: COMPARATIVE VERSUS INTERNATIONAL POLITICS." In PARADIGMATIC VIEW ON THE CONCEPT OF WORLD SCIENCE. European Scientific Platform, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.36074/21.08.2020.v1.62.

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"Keynote 2: Exascale computing and the democratisation of HPC." In 2012 IEEE 18th International Conference on Parallel and Distributed Systems (ICPADS). IEEE, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/icpads.2012.160.

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Patmore, Glenn. "Law, Protest and Democratisation The Case of Occupy Melbourne." In Annual International Conference on Law, Regulations and Public Policy. Global Science & Technology Forum (GSTF), 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.5176/2251-3809_lrpp15.20.

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Haimes, Paul, Tetsuaki Baba, and Stuart Medley. "Mobile map applications and the democratisation of hazard information." In SA'15: SIGGRAPH Asia 2015. New York, NY, USA: ACM, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/2818427.2818440.

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Pitt, Jeremy, Ada Diaconescu, and Aikaterini Bourazeri. "Democratisation of the SmartGrid and the active participation of prosumers." In 2017 IEEE 26th International Symposium on Industrial Electronics (ISIE). IEEE, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/isie.2017.8001505.

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Kaspar, Jakub. "LIMITS OF DEMOCRATISATION IN UNRECOGNIZED STATES: A CASE STUDY OF ABKHAZIA." In 2nd International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conference on Social Sciences and Arts SGEM2015. Stef92 Technology, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2015/b21/s4.025.

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Reports on the topic "Democratisation"

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Idris, Iffat. Conditions for Elections to Succeed in Reducing Conflict and Instability. Institute of Development Studies, July 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.124.

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Post-conflict elections can pave the way for democratisation and peacebuilding, but can also lead to renewed conflict. Minimum conditions for ensuring that elections promote the former and reduce conflict and instability include: peace and demilitarisation; international involvement; not holding post-conflict elections too early; holding national and local elections separately – ideally, local before national; election systems (notably proportional representation) that distribute rather than concentrate power; independent, permanent and well-resourced election management bodies; and media that promote voter education, messaging by parties and candidates, and election transparency. However, it is important to stress that specific criteria needed for successful post-conflict elections will be context-dependent.Post-conflict elections have the potential to establish legitimate government and can pave the way for democratisation and sustained peace. However, because they determine the distribution of power, they can also trigger renewed conflict. The risk of this is exacerbated by the difficult circumstances in which post-conflict elections are typically held (e.g. damaged infrastructure, weak institutions). The challenge is how to achieve the potential benefits while avoiding the risks. What are the conditions or criteria needed to ensure that post-conflict elections do not lead to conflict and instability?This review looks at the conditions needed to ensure that post-conflict election reduce conflict and instability. It draws on a mixture of academic and grey literature. While there was substantial literature on the various criteria, notably international involvement and election administration, it was largely gender-blind, as well as disability-blind.
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Lenhardt, Amanda. Defining Characteristics of Democracy in the 21st Century. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), March 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.064.

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This report offers a brief overview of the literature on the defining characteristics of democracy in the 21st century. This report seeks to map out a range of conceptual approaches to understanding democracy, evidence on emerging trends in democratisation, and challenges to realising democracy in its varied forms. The report begins with a discussion on definitions of democracy that have emerged in recent decades (Section 2), highlighting a range of qualifiers that are widely used to differentiate and analyse different democratic regime types. Section 3 summarises trends in key indicators of democracy from widely cited observers – The Economist Intelligence Unit and the V-Dem Institute - and recent trends in public opinion towards democracy, according to World Values and Pew Centre surveys. Section 4 gives a very brief overview of three leading challenges to democracy discussed widely in the literature – gender inequality; the role of media and social media; and declining quality of elections, freedom of expression and civic space.
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Khan, Mahreen. The Role of Clans in Moldova in Politics and Economics. Institute of Development Studies, May 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.116.

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Moldova’s politics, economy, justice system and media are increasingly dominated by a powerful group of elites, led by oligarchs - a new breed of businessmen-politicians who have emerged in the past decade - controlling strategic sectors of the economy and finance, hijacking the political system, taming the judiciary and acquiring monopolistic control of mass media, to promote and protect their vast business empires. Alongside traditional clan, kinship and patronage networks these elites exert influence through informal politics , shaping Moldova’s politics and economy, often hindering reforms for democratisation, rule of law, meritocracy and transparency. This helpdesk report looks at the nature and role of clans in Moldova in the country’s politics and economy. This literature review utilises academic as well as grey sources, research papers, media and blogs published mainly in the past ten years. The sources reveal a paucity of Moldova centric material, especially on the sub-issue of clans, but much more literature is available on the role of informal politics and state capture by elites, especially oligarchs, in Moldova. The evidence found did not address gender and disability issues.
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Herbert, George. The Unintended Consequences of Economic Sanctions. Institute of Development Studies, March 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.100.

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Economic sanctions are associated with a range of adverse effects, with variable levels of supporting evidence for different kinds of negative consequences. It is frequently challenging to demarcate the boundary between the intended and unintended consequences of sanctions. This rapid review is based on an assessment of 75 separate articles or reports. It found that sanctions apply pressure on targeted states by inflicting economic damage, but the economic disruption is frequently broader than intended with economic damage not being restricted to targeted states. With sections possibly having a negative humanitarian impact, declining health outcomes, increasing the possibility of conflict, terrorism, and undermine the rule of law in targeted states. It also finds that the impact of sanctions on democratisation and respect for human and economic rights remains disputed. Despite the volume of studies published on this topic, there are weaknesses in the evidence base. Many – though not all – econometric studies do not distinguish sufficiently between different kinds of sanctions. As a result, sanctions regimes that may have quite different effects often lumped together, making it challenging to assess whether sanctions can be designed in a way that is likely to avoid specific kinds of adverse effects. In addition, on some important issues, there are major inconsistencies between the findings of different econometric studies. In some cases these inconsistencies are paired with technical debates around whether the methodologies employed on different studies adequately address issues related to the potential endogeneity between the decision to impose sanctions and trends in variables of interest.
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Dopfer, Jaqui. Öffentlichkeitsbeteiligung bei diskursiven Konfliktlösungsverfahren auf regionaler Ebene. Potentielle Ansätze zur Nutzung von Risikokommunikation im Rahmen von e-Government. Sonderforschungsgruppe Institutionenanalyse, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.46850/sofia.3933795605.

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Whereas at the end of the 20th century there were still high expectations associated with the use of new media in terms of a democratisation of social discourse and new potential for citizens to participate in political decision-making, disillusionment is now spreading. Even today, the internet is often seen only as a technical tool for the transmission of information and communication, which serves as a structural supplement to "real" discourse and decision-making processes. In fact, however, the use of new media can open up additional, previously non-existent possibilities for well-founded and substantial citizen participation, especially at regional and supra-regional level. According to the results of this study, the informal, mediative procedures for conflict resolution in the context of high-risk planning decisions, which are now also increasingly used at the regional level, have two main problem areas. Firstly, in the conception and design chosen so far, they do not offer citizens direct access to the procedure. Citizens are given almost no opportunities to exert substantial influence on the content and procedure of the process, or on the solutions found in the process. So far, this has not been remedied by the use of new media. On the other hand, it is becoming apparent that the results negotiated in the procedure are not, or only inadequately, reflected in the subsequent sovereign decision. This means that not only valuable resources for identifying the problem situation and for integrative problem-solving remain unused, but it is also not possible to realise the effects anticipated with the participation procedures within the framework of context or reflexive self-management. With the aim of advancing the development of institutionally oriented approaches at the practice level, this study discusses potential solutions at the procedural level. This takes into account legal implications as well as the action logics, motives and intentions of the actors involved and aims to improve e-government structures. It becomes evident that opening up informal participation procedures for citizen participation at the regional level can only be realised through the (targeted) use of new media. However, this requires a fundamentally new approach not only in the participation procedures carried out but also, for example, in the conception of information or communication offerings. Opportunities for improving the use of the results obtained from the informal procedures in the (sovereign) decision-making process as well as the development of potentials in the sense of stronger self-control of social subsystems are identified in a stronger interlinking of informal and sovereign procedures. The prerequisite for this is not only the establishment of suitable structures, but above all the willingness of decision-makers to allow citizens to participate in decision-making, as well as the granting of participation opportunities and rights that go beyond those previously granted in sovereign procedures.
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