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1

Angelini, Valeria. "School as a political agent: the formative and recurring role of schools in society." Form@re - Open Journal per la formazione in rete 23, no. 3 (December 31, 2023): 242–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/form-15082.

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The paper aims to explore the political role of schools and the importance of democratic education in the contemporary context. Education is a crucial factor in shaping future generations for change in societies. School, as a central institution in the educational process, plays a fundamental role in promoting democratic values and providing individuals with the necessary skills to actively participate in political life. It takes a critical and reflective perspective on the political role of schools and the importance of democratic education for the development of more inclusive, balanced and democratic societies. La scuola come agente politico: il ruolo formativo e ricorrente della scuola nella società. Il contributo si propone di esplorare il ruolo politico della scuola e l’importanza dell’educazione democratica nel contesto contemporaneo. L’educazione è un fattore cruciale nella formazione delle future generazioni per il cambiamento delle società. La scuola, come istituzione centrale nel processo educativo, svolge un ruolo fondamentale nel promuovere valori democratici e fornire agli individui le competenze necessarie per partecipare attivamente alla vita politica. Si pone come una prospettiva critica e riflessiva sul ruolo politico della scuola e sull’importanza di un’educazione democratica per lo sviluppo di società più inclusive, equilibrate e democratiche.
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Norliev, Rustam, and Oydin Ibragimova. "THE SPIRITUAL FOUNDATIONS OF A DEMOCRATIC SOCIETY." CURRENT RESEARCH JOURNAL OF PEDAGOGICS 02, no. 12 (December 1, 2021): 130–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/pedagogics-crjp-02-12-26.

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The article discusses the spiritual foundations of building a “democratic state based on the rule of law” in Uzbekistan during the years of independence, the restoration of historical heritage and its importance. It also discusses works in the restoration of historical heritage and its significance.
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Greco, Pietro. "The democratic risk society." Toxicological & Environmental Chemistry 98, no. 9 (June 29, 2015): 1119–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02772248.2015.1041957.

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Frey, Bruno S., and Iris Bohnet. "Identification in democratic society." Journal of Socio-Economics 26, no. 1 (January 1997): 25–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s1053-5357(97)90050-0.

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Arat, Yeşim. "Toward a democratic society." Women's Studies International Forum 17, no. 2-3 (March 1994): 241–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0277-5395(94)90030-2.

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Spitzberg, Irving J. "Democratic education and a democratic society: Philosophical perspectives explored." Higher Education 17, no. 4 (July 1988): 447–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf00139540.

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Davlatova, Khakima, and Ozodbek Nematov. "DEMOCRATIC CIVIL SOCIETY AND THE ESSENCE OF ITS CONTENT." Oriental Journal of History, Politics and Law 01, no. 01 (May 23, 2021): 9–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/supsci-ojhpl-01-03.

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This article discusses Democratic civil society, its legal, economic, political and spiritual foundations. The stages and features of the formation of civil society in Uzbekistan will be discussed. Citizens' self-government bodies and its types are discussed. Also in the article are Open Civil Society and the Rule of Law. The program of political construction “From a strong state - to a strong civil society” will be considered.
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8

Kang, Hwa Jung. "History Education for Democratic Society." Korean History Education Review 144 (December 31, 2017): 345–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.18622/kher.2017.12.144.345.

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9

Lundahl, Lisbeth. "Education and the Democratic Society." European Educational Research Journal 1, no. 4 (December 2002): 742–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2304/eerj.2002.1.4.10.

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Thompson, D. F. "Democratic Theory and Global Society." Journal of Political Philosophy 7, no. 2 (June 1999): 111–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9760.00069.

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Aziz, Abdul. "Democratic decentralisation and civil society." Social Change 32, no. 1-2 (March 2002): 135–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/004908570203200210.

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Petrova-Gjorgjeva, Emilija. "Democratic society and moral education." Procedia - Social and Behavioral Sciences 2, no. 2 (2010): 5635–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.sbspro.2010.03.919.

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Arblaster, Anthony. "Democratic society and its enemies." Democratization 6, no. 1 (March 1999): 33–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510349908403595.

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Schmidt, Thomas M. "Religious pluralism and democratic society." Philosophy & Social Criticism 25, no. 4 (July 1999): 43–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019145379902500403.

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15

Brown, Douglas M. "Democratic Theory and Technological Society." Journal of Economic Issues 23, no. 3 (September 1989): 926–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00213624.1989.11504958.

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16

Damron, Danny. "Democratic Reform and Civil Society." Journal of Asian and African Studies 42, no. 2 (April 2007): 143–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909607074865.

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17

Gozutok, Mahmut Ulas. "NGOs, Political Protest and Civil Society: Book Review." Indonesian Perspective 1, no. 1 (June 2, 2016): 95–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/ip.v1i1.10431.

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Non‐governmental organizations (NGOs) play a key role for providing a platform for citizens to raise their discontents in democratic settings. NGO activities for encouraging democratic public engagement pose no threats against stability in consolidated democratic regimes with effectively functioning political parties. On the other hand, they can be acontentious issue in countries with shaky foundations of democracy. In fact, Huntington mainly champions in one of his most widely cited works by the civil society literature the idea that associations of social capital such as civil society can have detrimental repercussions on stability and order in infantile democratic regimes since political parties in such contexts are argued to be ill‐equipped to handle challenges brought bymodernization. On the other hand, primary elements of social capital (i.e.civil society) are acknowledged to be the prerequisites for effectivefunctioning of democracies.Keywords: NGOs, democracy, civil society, social capital
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18

Akhrarov, B. D., and Sh X. Alirizaev. "Uzbek Laws Provide Responsibility For Violation Of Democratic Election Principles." American Journal of Political Science Law and Criminology 3, no. 05 (May 30, 2021): 72–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/tajpslc/volume03issue05-12.

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Building a democratic state governed by the rule of law and a free civil society is unimaginable without elections. After all, in the election process, the diversity of opinions in society, the will, aspirations, social moods of the people are clearly reflected. Democratic elections, which reflect the diversity of views in society, the aspirations and aspirations of the people, must be legally protected. Liability for violation of the principles of democratic elections has been established. Building a democratic state governed by the rule of law and a free civil society is unimaginable without elections. After all, in the election process, the diversity of opinions in society, the will, aspirations, social moods of the people are clearly reflected. Democratic elections, which reflect the diversity of views in society, the aspirations and aspirations of the people, must be legally protected. Liability for violation of the principles of democratic elections has been established.
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Elliott, Carolyn. "Political Society, Civil Society, and the State in India." Asian Survey 52, no. 2 (March 2012): 348–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2012.52.2.348.

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Abstract This article is an ethnography portraying the processual and performative dimensions of the 2009 state assembly election in Andhra Pradesh. It shows how upper castes have persisted in power in a multicaste and increasingly democratic society through the distribution of welfare and patronage benefits to more marginalized segments of society. Conceptually, it argues for the importance of “political society” over “civil society,” when examining state-society relations in neoliberal, democratic India.
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Cloarec, Pierre. "Social Equality and the Global Society." Journal of Moral Philosophy 14, no. 5 (November 6, 2017): 535–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17455243-46810061.

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Are democratic egalitarians bound to endorse statism? It seems so, since they insist on democratic reciprocity, and no such relation exists in the global realm. Would it not, then, be inconsistent to endorse both cosmopolitanism and democratic egalitarianism? Democratic egalitarians seemingly face a dilemma: either they accept statism, or they must explain why not. Luck egalitarianism, by contrast, seemingly grounds more straightforwardly the claim that justice is global in scope. My thesis is twofold: first, I show that democratic egalitarians can escape the dilemma, to the effect that, as such, they need be committed neither to statism nor to cosmopolitanism, and that luck egalitarians are not as shielded from the dilemma as it might seem. Second, I defend the plausibility of global social egalitarianism against both statist variants of democratic egalitarianism and luck egalitarianism, and suggest a form of division of labor between domestic and global justice.
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김한규. "Korean Society and Democratic Civil Education." 한국학논집 ll, no. 38 (June 2009): 291–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.18399/actako.2009..38.011.

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22

Inoue, Masatoshi. "Secret bombs in a democratic society." Metascience 31, no. 1 (November 18, 2021): 97–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11016-021-00713-5.

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Tuanku Muhriz, HRH Tunku Zain al-Abidin ibni. "Malaysia: Roof of a Democratic Society." ICR Journal 9, no. 4 (October 16, 2018): 9–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.52282/icr.v9i4.92.

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In discussing democratic transitions in the Muslim world, many turn to episodes in the history of the Middle East, Andalusia, the Ottoman Empire and Mughal Empire for inspiration. By comparison, Southeast Asia is often neglected. Looking back at Malaysia’s rich history, however, evidence of democratic leanings situated within a specifically Muslim cultural and religious context are clearly evident. This paper briefly discusses six such leanings, namely: the fourteenth-century Terengganu Inscription Stone (Batu Bersurat Terengganu), which hints at notions of a social contract, rule of law and limits to a rulers authority; the Malay Annals (Sejarah Melayu’s) story of King Sangsapurba and its concept of a social contract; the unquestioned loyalty to authority demonstrated in the famous story of Hang Tuah; the 1656 text called the Laws of Melaka (Undang-undang Melaka), which reveals an understanding of legal, economic and philosophical concepts that were first expounded in Europe only during the Enlightenment; Johors Kangchu System, where Temenggong Daeng Ibrahim practiced the issuing of surat sungai, granting leases to planters to cultivate river banks; and, lastly, the key concepts of Negeri Sembilans ancient adat pepatih, which have been adapted to serve present-day Malaysia. The democratic developments that occurred in these explicitly Malay Muslim examples provide an alternative to the authoritarian modes of thinking often advocated by modern-day proponents of a supposedly more Islamic society. Without a renewed national consensus affirming these underlying principles of the nation, involving all parties and a cross-section of citizens, these centuries-old roots of democracy may yet be poisoned and eradicated in Malaysia.
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Chepurchenko, T. O. "Human rights in a democratic society." INTERPRETATION OF LAW: FROM THE THEORY TO THE PRACTICE, no. 12 (2021): 270–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.33663/2524-017x-2021-12-45.

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The basic law of our state, which has constitutionally declared itself to be legal and democratic, contains a provision according to which a person is recognized as the highest social value. In view of this, the article characterizes the understanding and content of human rights in a democratic development. It is noted that democratic values are based on human rights and freedoms, which are an integral part of law and legislation. The law must be legal. It is not so if it contradicts fundamental human rights: it does not reflect natural and legal principles; does not comply with generally accepted international legal principles and norms on human and civil rights, etc.These aspects characterize the content of human rights in a democracy. It is emphasized that democracy is first of all a system of carefully prepared and strictly observed laws that regulate all spheres of life of the state, guarantee the rights and responsibilities of citizens. Therefore, the development and strengthening of a democratic, social, legal state is impossible without the establishment of human rights and freedoms. The existence of human rights and freedoms and their guarantee are a kind of external method of limiting power, which always seeks to self-expand and strengthen its presence in all spheres of human life. Under the normal interaction of power and law, which is quite natural in a democratic society and state system, thereis their mutual enrichment. It is then that the provisions and formulas on the «rule of law», «rule of law», «rule of law» acquire real significance. A political regime will be democratic only if it represents the interests of the general population. The political elite must rule in the interests of the majority of society, not for the benefit of the privileged minority. Democracy is based on the value of every human being, so it strives to create civilized living conditions for all citizens. In conclusion, the thesis is emphasized that human rights are a universal category that originates from the very nature of man and his ability to enjoy the basic, most important benefits and conditions of safe, free existence of the individual in society. Keywords: power, democracy, democratic values, law, rule of law, human rights and freedoms.
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Netanel, Neil Weinstock. "Copyright and a Democratic Civil Society." Yale Law Journal 106, no. 2 (November 1996): 283. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/797212.

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Árnason, Vilhjálmur. "Scientific citizenship in a democratic society." Public Understanding of Science 22, no. 8 (July 24, 2012): 927–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0963662512449598.

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Drale, Christina S. "Communication Media In A Democratic Society." Communication Law and Policy 9, no. 2 (April 2004): 213–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1207/s15326926clp0902_3.

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28

Conboy, Martin. "Journalism and the Democratic Market Society." Journalism Studies 18, no. 10 (June 23, 2017): 1263–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1461670x.2017.1336935.

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LAKEMAN, RICHARD. "Asylum: The Magazine for Democratic Society." Journal of Psychiatric and Mental Health Nursing 17, no. 9 (October 6, 2010): 855. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1365-2850.2010.01576.x.

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30

Seidl, Christian. "Public finance in a democratic society." Weltwirtschaftliches Archiv 124, no. 4 (December 1988): 775–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02707776.

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Balakireva, O. M. "Democratic values in the Ukrainian society." Ukrainian society 20, no. 3 (June 9, 2007): 7–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/socium2007.03.007.

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Jacobsen, Rebecca, Erica Frankenberg, and Sarah Winchell Lenhoff. "Diverse Schools in a Democratic Society." American Educational Research Journal 49, no. 5 (October 2012): 812–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3102/0002831211430352.

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Hegre, Håvard, Michael Bernhard, and Jan Teorell. "Civil Society and the Democratic Peace." Journal of Conflict Resolution 64, no. 1 (May 30, 2019): 32–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002719850620.

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We theorize that three distinct structures of democratic constraint explain why more democratic dyads do not engage in military conflict with each other. We build on earlier theories that focused on electoral and horizontal accountability. We add a new dimension—the social accountability provided by an active civil society. Using several new measures from the Varieties of Democracy (V-Dem) data set, we stringently test these explanations. We find social accountability to be the strongest and most consistent predictor of nonbelligerence in dyads, that horizontal accountability is still important, but that the independent role of electoral accountability has been somewhat overstated. However, we do find that social and electoral accountability work strongly together, to make for an even greater effect. The finding is robust to a range of specifications and in the face of controls for contending theories that challenge the democratic peace (e.g., the capitalist and territorial peace theories).
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Haydon, Graham. "Values education in a democratic society." Studies in Philosophy and Education 12, no. 1 (March 1993): 33–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf01235471.

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Noonan, Jeff. "Modernization, Rights, and Democratic Society: The Limits of Habermas’s Democratic Theory." Res Publica 11, no. 2 (June 2005): 101–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11158-005-1478-3.

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Yevdokimova, Tetyana, and Andrey Sharypin. "DEMOCRATIC VALUES AND CHRISTIANITY." Spatial development, no. 5 (November 24, 2023): 352–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.32347/2786-7269.2023.5.352-369.

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The system of democratic rights and freedoms is most often associated with secularization, the liberation of society and the state from the influence of the church, but the valuable basis of democracy, fundamental freedoms, including freedom of conscience and religion, have their foundation in religion, in particular, Christianity. The main directions of modern democracy emphasize the spiritual basis of their ideologies. The famous German philosopher and sociologist Y. Habermas emphasizes that such ideas as the protection of human rights, democracy, and freedom come from the Jewish ethics of justice and the Christian ethics of love. At the same time, secularization has not completely coped with the task of legitimizing the social order and needs help from religious spirituality, which has become clear in the post-secular era of modernity. On the other hand, the realization of the rights and freedoms of believers is ensured by the legal basis of democracy. The state of democracy in modern society is also connected with the representation of systems of independent associations of sovereign individuals and freely established connections between them - civil society. Church communities and various social and church associations have a significant presence in this society. The problems of civil society formation are echoed in the doctrine of subsidiarity and solidarity of Christian social teaching. Liberalism, liberal democracy, is primarily a question of freedom. The impetus for freedom of religion, as proven by many researchers, came from Protestant sects. M. Weber determined that religion can act as one of the factors of social dynamics, and that the Reformation and Protestantism contributed to the awakening of the spirit of entrepreneurship and laid the foundations of a market economy. The article is devoted the influence of Christianity on the formation of the value foundations of democracy, the formation of a system of democratic rights, freedoms and civil society. The theoretical justification of Christian and liberal democracy is analyzed, as well as the influence of the established norms and freedoms of a democratic society on the emergence of Christian social teaching, changing the image of the church in the modern world, and on the spiritual definition of citizens as a whole.
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Hanberger, Anders. "Rethinking democratic evaluation for a polarised and mediatised society." Evaluation 24, no. 4 (October 2018): 382–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1356389018802133.

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This article discusses how democratic evaluation can manage threats to democracy, democratic renewal, and the mediatisation of public policy and governance. It considers the readiness of five democratic evaluation orientations to deal with current threats and discusses how to develop them. It demonstrates that democratic evaluation is poorly prepared to manage current threats to democracy or the mediatisation of public policy. Progressive evaluation is the only approach offering some new keys to addressing certain current threats and challenges. The other orientations have some capacity to manage threats to democracy and support democratic renewal, but need further development. The article suggests that democratic evaluation could be a constructive tool for maintaining and developing democracy in an increasingly polarised and mediatised society if evaluators gain knowledge of threats to democracy, democratic transition, and democratic renewal and, informed by mediatisation and democracy research, develop the necessary awareness and competence to deal with these challenges.
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Sundqvist, Gustav Johan. "Diffusion of Democracy among Civil Society Actors in Guangdong Province." Studia Orientalia Electronica 7 (March 15, 2019): 30–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.23993/store.64139.

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In recent years, a great number of studies have convincingly shown that diffusion influences states’ probability to democratise. The primary interest of most of these studies has been on how diffusion influences democracy at the national level. The effect of democratic diffusion on the local level has largely been neglected. This paper thus investigates how and to what extent diffusion influences the density and conflict orientation of non-governmental labour organisations (LNGOs), comprising a typical case of civil society groups channelling democratic freedoms, in China’s Guangdong province. Since the province is close to the relatively liberal city of Hong Kong, there is reason to believe that support from international civil society groups based in Hong Kong may be critical for the survival and growth of conflict-oriented LNGOs in Guangdong. In the article, the research question is studied by both comparative analysis of cross-regional data and qualitative analysis of interview data. Both methods confirm that diffusion – or, more precisely, diffusion through international civil society networks – is a prominent factor for explaining the density and conflict orientation of LNGOs in Guangdong. The study demonstrates that democratic diffusion not only has an impact at the state level but also on the regional, intrastate level.
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Patterson, Amy S. "A reappraisal of democracy in civil society: evidence from rural Senegal." Journal of Modern African Studies 36, no. 3 (September 1998): 423–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x98002754.

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Civil society is the space of uncoerced human association and relational networks formed for the sake of family, faith, interests and ideology. Supporters of civil society have argued that this conglomeration of networks and organisations has helped to fuel democratic aspirations and channel democratic demands in Africa. Proponents maintain that civil society serves as a counter to the actions of the predatory African state, which seeks to limit individual freedoms and to encroach on societal resources. By questioning the actions of state officials and by challenging state policies, civil society organisations can cause the state to be more accountable and transparent, and can facilitate a positive deconcentration of political power. A plural, vibrant civil society encourages political liberalisation and the development of a democratic and legitimate state. It is because the organisations of civil society promote democratic values among their members that they are able to challenge repressive state actions and facilitate democratic development. Since their members trust each other and feel that they have a say in group activities, democratic organisations are more unified and effective at achieving their political objectives.This article challenges these assumptions about civil society through an examination of rural Senegalese organisations. I argue that groups in civil society rarely teach their members democratic values because most associations do not practice legitimate, inclusive and accountable decision making. More often than not, social hierarchies and power relations that define how individuals of different genders and classes are to interact in the public realm limit democracy. As a result, civil society groups often become ineffective and disorganised, and cannot achieve their political, economic or social goals. The inefficiency and undemocratic nature of civil society have larger implications for democratic transitions in Africa.
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Farzaneh, Hamideh. " The Challenging Facing City Council, as a Democratic Institution, in Iran towards Sustainability: a Case Study of Mahmoodabad, Mazandaran." Tuijin Jishu/Journal of Propulsion Technology 44, no. 4 (October 16, 2023): 4397–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.52783/tjjpt.v44.i4.1675.

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Introduction: This study focuses on city councils as public, democratic, and participatory institutions to identify the key challenges and barriers faced by democratic organizations towards full democracy. It also discusses the role of democratic institutions in fostering societal movement toward democracy and building a more sustainable society and city. Methods: It is a qualitative study with semi-structured interviews with council members from different cities in Iran, focusing on council challenges, local management, participation, the role of citizens; and exploring selected documents from Mahmoodabad City Council. Results and Conclusions: The results highlight the serious and complex problems that city councils in Iran face, particularly concerning the application of democratic principles and values. Iran has a long path ahead to establish democratic institutions and internalize democratic principles among citizens. It appears that Iran, like other developing societies, require non-political mechanisms and a committed atmosphere to guide society toward a democratic direction. Society must focus on guidelines to introduce strategies for individual and collective citizen actions to embrace democratic values and build a more sustainable society.
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Belcastro, Amy T. "Rebalancing Quality Education in a Democratic Society." Creative Education 06, no. 04 (2015): 428–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/ce.2015.64043.

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Denton, Peter H. "Review of "Science in a Democratic Society"." Essays in Philosophy 14, no. 1 (2013): 72–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.7710/1526-0569.1457.

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Bluhm, Robyn. "Philip Kitcher’s “Science in a Democratic Society”." Journal of Philosophy, Science & Law 12, no. 2 (2012): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jpsl20121222.

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Araucz-Boruc, Agnieszka. "Specification of social conflicts in democratic society." Scientific Journal of the Military University of Land Forces 200, no. 2 (June 15, 2021): 225–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.9777.

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Man is a social being, therefore, he has a group life that results in close and distant contact between diverse individuals. These contacts concern culturally disparate people holding values, desires, views or habits of variable acceptability. Therefore, we are witnessing that what some find good, others consider strange or wrong. Disputes, controversies and conflicts are characteristic of the democratic system, and pluralism is one of the constitutional foundations of democracy. The existence and clashing of differences are often the source of conflicts in democratic societies. Social conflicts have been, are, and will continue to accompany us every day, because their scale is very wide, from ordinary quarrels, even to wars. We just need to learn to deal with them, primarily through recognition, action and elimination of effects.
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Horowitz, Irving Louis. "A Democratic Society in the New World." European Legacy 17, no. 6 (October 2012): 823–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10848770.2012.715812.

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Hill, Leslie I. "Power and Citizenship in a Democratic Society." PS: Political Science and Politics 24, no. 3 (September 1991): 495. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/420096.

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Cho, Wendy K. Tam. "Algorithms can foster a more democratic society." Nature 558, no. 7711 (June 2018): 487. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/d41586-018-05498-y.

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Pitidol, Thorn. "Redefining Democratic Discourse in Thailand’s Civil Society." Journal of Contemporary Asia 46, no. 3 (March 21, 2016): 520–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00472336.2016.1164229.

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Abraham, Henry J. "Contemporary Judicial Processes and a Democratic Society." Political Science Quarterly 101, no. 2 (1986): 277. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2151392.

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Novak, David R. "Democratic Work at an Organization-Society Boundary." Management Communication Quarterly 30, no. 2 (December 27, 2015): 218–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0893318915622455.

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