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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Democratic society'
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1
Williams, Christopher Mark. "Democratic Rhondda : politics and society, 1885-1951." Thesis, Cardiff University, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.283877.
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Riznitska, T. I. "Freedom of speech in a democratic society." Thesis, Sumy State University, 2014. http://essuir.sumdu.edu.ua/handle/123456789/44923.
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Democracy is the most challenging form of government both for politicians and for the people. This is the form of government, where a constitution guarantees basic personal and political rights, fair and free elections, and independent courts of law. One of the main objectives of this is to develop a clear system of rights and responsibilities of people which could regulate the relationship between the state and society.
3
Baker, Gideon B. "Civil society and democratisation theory : an inter-regional comparison." Thesis, University of Leeds, 1998. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/497/.
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This thesis constitutes an inquiry into the relationship between civil society theory and democratic theory. It revolves around an investigation into, and comparison between, recent discourses on civil society originating from within diverse political contexts. This is in order to uncover what the central claims - both normative and programmatic - of civil society theory are in the contemporary era, how these relate to the political contexts within which they have originated, and why they reemerged when they did. The findings from this investigation then provided the material for a substantive critique of the overall coherence of recent civil society theory, and of the contribution of the idea of civil society to democratic theory and practice; they also enable a comparison of current ideas about civil society with classical civil society theory. The thesis presents a number of new arguments. Firstly, that all models of civil society,since their revival in the 1970s, make assumptions - though often hidden or unconscious - about what democracy is and of where it should take place. Secondly, recent notions of civil society are divided most clearly into radical and liberal-democratic models, with crucial implications for how civil society is conceived. Thirdly, civil society theory illustrates the close linkages between political ideas and the political base within which they are articulated; political discourse, despite its power to shape the political context, must itself evolve in accordance with the exigencies of the political base if it is to survive. Fourthly, contemporary civil society theory has shifted in a crucial aspect from classical civil society theory: while the latter was tied closely to liberalism, today's civil society theory is connected almost exclusively to democratic theory. Finally, it is argued that recent civil society theory adds little that is original to the lexicon of political theory. For despite the novelty of radical models of civil society from the 1970s and early 1980s (which, it is argued, have not retained their initial force), the idea of civil society figures increasingly as a rubric for already established liberal democratic orthodoxies about the desired relationship between the state and society.
4
Nash, Sarah. "Social diversity and democratic society: A study of policing." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/9264.
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The area of police reform provides an avenue for examining social diversity and the democratic functioning of society. A review of primary and secondary documents on public policing and a case study on policing in Toronto highlight the challenges of diversity for police practitioners in liberal democratic society. The study assesses the new reform movement in policing in light of philosopher Iris Young's theory of citizenship. Congruence between the defining features of community policing and the culturally pluralist ideal espoused by Young highlights the potential of police reform in diverse society.
5
Bateson, Stephanie Lyn. "Gender and representation in students for a democratic society." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2004. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/14857/.
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This project is a detailed study of gender and representation in the foremost group of the American New Left, Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) The thesis charts the progress of the organisation, from the publication of its unofficial manifesto, the Port Huron Statement, to the group's descent into factionalism and its demise by 1970. This study is more than an organisational history, however, and reflects on broader areas where SDS was active and where gender proved particularly salient These include SDS's relations with black nationalism, the organisations' participation in the movement to resist the Vietnam War draft and the group's involvement with the counterculture. It also charts the rise of feminist thought within the New Left and considers the emergence of women's liberation groups. The thesis takes a gender history approach, moving away from the narrow confines of women's history, which considers women in isolation. Thus, by focusing on social constructions of masculinity and femininity and by considering the ways in which men and women in this highly influential group related to each other, allocated sex roles and used sexual symbolism, this study aims to be a more inclusive history of SDS than has previously been written. The thesis finds that gender relations were of great significance within SOS. The study accepts the generally held view that the New Left marginalised women, but also gave them opportunities to develop key skills and confidence, This ultimately resulted in women articulating their grievances at the sexism within the Movement, which saw the creation of women's liberation groups. However, ~his study advances the historiography ofSDS in a number of ways. It reveals the i.npOItant effect that elitism and intellectualism had on men and women throughout the group's existence and finds that the impact of sexual liberation had both an emancipating and repressive effect on gender relations. The study discusses the constructions of identities within the organisation and pays close attention to representations of machismo and within SDS. It looks at the violent and aggressive rhetoric at play in SDS as the decade progressed, discusses the creation of alternative masculinities in the anti-draft movement and considers the fashioning of macho personas and alternative approaches to femininities in the SDS faction, Weatherman and in certain black nationalist groups.
6
Bienvenu, Fiacre. "Making African Civil Society Work: Assessing Conditions for Democratic State-Society Relations in Rwanda." FIU Digital Commons, 2018. https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3822.
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This dissertation offers a single case in-depth analysis of factors precluding civil society from democratizing African polities. Synthesizing existing literature on Rwanda, I first undertake an historical search to trace the origins and qualities of civil society in the colonial era. This effort shows, however, that the central authority—commencing before the inception of the Republic in 1962—consistently organized civil society to buttress its activities, not to challenge them. Next, using ethnographic research, I challenge conventional economic and institutional accounts of civil society’s role in democratization. I show that institutional change and the economic clout of organized groups are marginal and transient in effect, and hence possess considerable limitations to democratize state and non-state-groups relations. I argue that the Genocide and its historical materials, social and economic precariousness, and neo-patrimonial power configurations have erected a prevailing political culture that still conditions how Rwanda’s state-society relations are imagined, realized, and challenged. Conversely, just as that political culture has lengthened the reach of the state into society, limiting the potential autonomy of civil society, it has also been the basis for rebuilding the society, restoring the state’s authority, and enacting major state-building oriented reforms. Consequently, for CSOs to induce a liberal democratic order in domestic politics, subsequent activism will require long-term strategic and organic investment of actors into the dispersed, parochial strands of democracy first, not into ongoing confrontational, yet fruitless, political warfare that hinders social capital formation and that civil society is not yet equipped to win.
7
McConaughey, Meghan Sue. "Building democratic habits civil society and local government in comparison /." Connect to Electronic Thesis (CONTENTdm), 2008. http://worldcat.org/oclc/450947713/viewonline.
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Thompson, Simon. "Political theory in a democratic society : a critique of political liberalism." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.239381.
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Patton, Leslie. "The students for a democratic society : revolution and vanguardism 1960 - 1970." Thesis, University of Ulster, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.329497.
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Anosike, Philemon O. Sr. "Praxialism: A Philosophical Foundation of Multicultural Education in a Democratic Society." University of Toledo / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=toledo1365124962.
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Kronberg, Ida. ""We just want a constitution": Gambian Civil Society in Democratic Consolidation." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-446796.
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In recent years, Gambia is one of the few countries having experienced development in a more democratic direction. As part of democratic consolidation, the process of reviewing the constitution was started in 2017 with an aim to be participatory and inclusive. This thesis seeks to investigate how the Gambian civil society organization TANGO has tried to impact the constitutional review process, to further contribute to the understanding of civil society in democratic consolidation. This is achieved through an explorative and descriptive case study focusing on TANGO’s practice of advocacy and accountability. The method used is mainly semi-structured informant interviews with persons central to civil society in the constitutional review process together with secondary sources such as legal documents and news articles. The results show that TANGO has exercised advocacy mainly in terms of position papers to the Constitutional Review Commission, whereas accountability has primarily been exercised through press conferences and lobbying. However, statements on their efforts as lacking and too late have been persistent in the study, meaning that even if efforts were done, they could have been improved or have other focal points for leveraged impact in the constitutional review process.
12
Monaghan, Elizabeth. "Civil society, democratic legitimacy and the European Union : democratic linkage and the debate on the future of the EU." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2007. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/10558/.
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Recent reform agendas have emphasised a perceived need to bring the European Union (EU) institutions and the citizens of the member states and closer together, as a means of enhancing the legitimacy of EU governance. The debate on the future of the EU, the initiative which led to the signing of the constitutional treaty in October 2004, addressed the challenge of 'bringing closer' by incorporating civil society in to the treaty reform process. In this thesis I investigate the role played by transnational civil society organisations in helping to bring citizens and institutions closer together. I employ the notion of democratic linkage to describe and explain the downward-facing interactions between civil society organisations and ordinary citizens, which have sometimes been neglected, as well as their upward-facing interactions with elite decision-makers. Drawing upon data from qualitative interviews with 25 civil society organisations and six officials from various EU institutions I find serious discrepancies between the rhetoric of the EU institutions on bringing citizens closer, and the capacities and willingness of the civil society actors involved as well as the opportunities for doing so.
13
Monaghan, Elizabeth. "Civil society, democratic legitimacy and the European Union democratic linkage and the debate on the future of the EU /." Nottingham : Univ. of Nottingham, 2008. http://etheses.nottingham.ac.uk/archive/00000558/.
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Mason, Howard. "Agents, constraints and control : the idea of freedom in a democratic society." Thesis, University of Salford, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.238861.
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Knappe, Henrike [Verfasser], and Dawid [Akademischer Betreuer] Friedrich. "Democratic Practices in Transnational Civil Society Networks / Henrike Knappe. Betreuer: Dawid Friedrich." Lüneburg : Universitätsbibliothek der Leuphana Universität Lüneburg, 2015. http://d-nb.info/1080361332/34.
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Stocek, Charlotte Hough 1939. "Marie Morrison Hughes and her model of education for a democratic society." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/282360.
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This qualitative historical research study documents the life of early childhood educator Marie Morrison Hughes (1900-1981) and the evolution and fruition of her model of early childhood education. In-depth interviews with six women educators who worked directly with Dr. Hughes in the implementation of the Tucson Early Education Model (TEEM) provide data for the study. TEEM became a Follow Through Program Sponsor at twenty-two sites all across the United States and served communities from 1968 to 1995. Profiles of each woman educator written in the first-person constitute a large part of the work. A profile of Dr. Hughes gained from transcribed speeches and interviews is included with the Voices of the Women. The model of education founded by Dr. Hughes was based on the definition of teaching as interaction and collaboration. Opening the world to children was the educational goal of Dr. Hughes. Curriculum was built from the lives and experiences of the children in the classroom with an emphasis on 'learning to learn.' Dr. Hughes believed the most important element in the educative process was the relationship between the teacher and the child. An essential part of the model was termed professional response, the rapport between children and the teacher. Children learned from the teacher's flexibility to allow personal response to the ongoing experience and the response was the source of the teacher's constructive and significant influence on children. Dr. Hughes referred to her model as an education program for children in a democratic society. The model's commitment to the whole person and the uniqueness of each person along with the established caring rapport with each individual child exemplifies the ethics of caring and justice in education.
17
Taylor, Justin W. "A Philosophical Inquiry into the Role of Universities in American Democratic Society." FIU Digital Commons, 2018. https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3738.
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The infusion of market-logic has undermined American universities as democratic institutions. This issue was examined through an analysis of what role universities play in democratic governance. As a philosophical inquiry, the data were seminal texts from political science, education, and philosophy, such as those by Alexis de Tocqueville, John Dewey, and Henry Giroux. The most salient theme unveiled by this study was how central universities are to functional democracy, both as key fixtures and critics. However, universities have adopted market-logic ideologies, which inhibit universities’ abilities to function as democratic institutions. The study concludes by calling for a reinvigoration of the public, requiring universities to maintain a public nature. Such transparency lives in tension with neoliberal efforts to privatize public institutions, so universities must provide spaces for debates on that tension. In this way, universities will be able to embody the democratic dispositions necessary for supporting and defending democratic values.
18
Malmgren, Oskar. "The Fading of the Rainbow Nation? : A Study about Democratic Consolidation in Post-Apartheid South Africa." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-100665.
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This thesis addresses the level of democratic consolidation in South Africa. The study aimed to provide a deeper understanding of the current political situation and the general state of democracy. As a method, a single case study was used where the political situation in post-apartheid South Africa was applied upon the concept of democratic consolidation by using five distinctive consolidation arenas: civil society, political society, judiciary, bureaucratic society and economic society. The results of the analysis show a variance in the degree of democratic consolidation in the country. The judiciary is very much well-functioning and independent and can therefore be classified as consolidated. The civil society and some elements of the political society are mostly functioning and can be classified as mostly consolidated with some reservations, while the bureaucratic and economic societies are deemed to be not consolidated. However, South Africa also possesses several obstacles for genuine consolidation that applies to all arenas, namely high degrees of violence, low social trust, and institutional weakness. The democratic system in South Africa is not currently considered to be under serious existential threat and has proven itself capable of withstanding high degrees of pressure. Nevertheless, it is found to be suffering from a type of democratic fatigue and transformation stagnation, which could have the potential to result in more serious implications in the future. South Africa can therefore be classified as a partly consolidated democracy.
19
Nielsen, Claire N. "Excluded from Scotland's democratic renewal? : civil society and its limitations in Craigmillar, Edinburgh." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/2628.
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A new parliament and resulting democratically elected executive marks a symbolic point of hope for democratic renewal in Scotland. The expectations of democratic renewal are found in three forms: (1) in the formal structural changes in governance, (2) in the policy directions of a Labour government and (3) in the push for greater democratic participation from civil society generally. The concept and construct of civil society is not just central to the last of these forms, it also plays a vital role in the governance structures and policy reforms. Craigmillar – a collection of periphery housing schemes in Edinburgh – is taken as a case of an ‘excluded community’ in Scotland during the first few years of the Scottish Parliament. This research explores the extent to which the exclusion of the area is reinforced or undermined by the type of changes envisioned in the expectations of democratic renewal. Literature concerned with social exclusion often mentions ‘political exclusion’ in passing, but here the concept is developed drawing on notions of citizenship, democracy and power. Silver (1995) provides us with a means of distinguishing different paradigmatic ways of understanding exclusion and inclusion and these are used to understand different notions of political inclusion, all of which in some way have a special role for civil society. By concentrating on three local level civil society organisations in Craigmillar we explore the extent of civil society’s capacity for increasing political inclusion in the new institutional environment in Scotland. This research finds that political inclusion is ultimately hampered by unequal power relationships which are not being addressed sufficiently in most of the approaches to democratic renewal in Scotland today.
20
Bianchi, Tito. "Redistribution within a Democratic society : the 'finished business' of he Italian agrarian reform." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/29260.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Urban Studies and Planning, 2002.Includes bibliographical references (p. 219-237).
The experience of the Italian agrarian reform defies the dominant view in today's development literature that the redistribution of agricultural land to the rural poor is not feasible under democratic regimes. This pessimistic view is based on the slowness and inefficiency of many expropriation and settlement schemes in the developing world, which have fallen victim of the undue influence of the landowners and of the technical complexities of implementation. This bleak generalization ignores the case of the Italian agrarian reform of the 1950s, which took place in the context of a newly restored democracy, and yet has effectively expropriated and redistributed hundreds of thousands of hectares to the rural poor in only three years. Despite its limited geographical coverage, agrarian reform has been able to end to a decades- long rural conflict; to eliminate the backward production system based on absentee latifundia; has re-vitalized land markets and promoted family farming. The following factors explain the unexpected effectiveness of the Italian agrarian reform. First, the concessions that the government chose to make to the landowning class - necessary within a democratic power-sharing system - consisted in a reduction of the territorial area covered by the program, but not in the relaxation of the expropriation procedure, whose automatism and objectiveness left few chances to the landowners to influence the process at the implementation stage.
(cont.) Second, the mobilization of the landless against the government, that the international experience recognizes as key to the formation of a redistributive political will, in the Italian case also helped the reform's implementation, thanks to the role of an advocate for the rural poor and of a watchdog of the program's performance that the Communist party played. Third, the agronomists employed in the reform administration have protected it against the abuse of the reform benefits by the forces in power for the pursuit of rent-seeking and patronage. These agronomists' strong professional bond and shared technical values contributed to the independence of the reform administration from segments of society interested in stopping the progress of redistribution.
by Tito Bianchi.
Ph.D.
21
Hendricks, M. (Mymoena). "School governing bodies : their significance in the democratic transformation of South African society." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/51905.
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Thesis (MEd)--University of Stellenbosch, 2000.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis seeks to demonstrate the potential of school governing bodies to further the process of democratising South African society. Among the main features of the democratisation of South African education, is the decentralisation of educational governance. In this process the decision-making authority has been devolved from central government to the local school level, thus preparing school communities for self-government and autonomy. The establishment of school governing bodies at all public schools in the country brings South Africa in line with current international trends for democratic local community participation and control in education. When this aspect of the education systems of three countries, the United States of America, England and Australia, are compared with South Africa's, it shows the extent of the latter's democratisation of educational governance. The background to local community participation in South African education according to various pieces of legislation passed, their failure to reform education, and other aspects which led to the promulgation of the Schools Act (1996), places school governing bodies in South Africa in proper historical context. An examination of the Schools Act reveals its democratic nature and identifies those aspects of school governing bodies which have the potential of furthering the democratisation process. The challenges that the changes in school governance bring with them are analysed to highlight their implications and significance for school governing bodies. School governing bodies offer new and exciting opportunities for enterprising and enthusiastic communities. School governors should, therefore, be urged to seize the opportunity to participate in school governance and in this way play their role in furthering the democratic transformation of South African society.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis poog om die potensiaal wat skoolbeheerliggame het om die proses van die demokratisering van die Suid-Afrikaanse samelewing te bevorder, aan te toon. Een van die hoofeienskappe van die demokratisering van die Suid- Afrikaanse onderwys, is die desentralisasie van onderwysbestuur. In hierdie proses is besluitnemingsgesag afgewentel vanaf sentrale regeringsvlak na die plaaslike skoolvlak, waardeur skoolgemeenskappe voorberei word vir self-beheer en outonomie. Die totstandkoming van skoolbeheerliggame by alle openbare skole in die land, bring Suid-Afrika in lyn met huidige internasionale tendense rakende die demokratiese plaaslike gemeenskapsdeelname aan beheer en bestuur in die onderwys. Wanneer hierdie aspek van die onderwysstelsels van drie lande, die Verenigde State van Amerika, Engeland en Australië, met die van Suid-Afrika vergelyk word, dui dit die omvang van die demokratisering van onderwysbeheer en -bestuur in die Suid-Afrikaanse opset aan. Die agtergrond van plaaslike gemeenskapsdeelname in die Suid- Afrikaanse onderwys volgens verskeie stukke wetgewing, hulle onvermoë om die onderwys te hervorm, en ander aspekte wat tot die afkondiging van die Skole Wet (1996) gelei het, plaas skoolbeheerliggame in die regte historiese konteks. 'n Ondersoek van die Skole Wet dui aan dat dit demokraties in wese is, en daardie aspekte van skoolbeheerliggame wat die potensiaal besit om die demokratiseringsproses voort te sit, word geidentifiseer. Die uitdagings wat die veranderinge in skoolbestuur met hulle meebring, word geanaliseer om hulle implikasies en betekenisvolheid vir skOOlbeheerliggame uit te lig. Skoolbeheerliggame bied nuwe en opwindende geleenthede vir ondernemende en geesdriftige gemeenskappe aan. Skoolbeheerliggame moet dus aangespoor word om die geleentheid aan te gryp om deelname aan skoolbestuur te hê en om sodoende hulle rol te speel in die bevordering van die demokratiese transformasie van die Suid-Afrikaanse samelewing.
22
Ferguson, James Michael. "Philosophical perspectives on lesbian and gay issues in education in a democratic society." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1995. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/10021563/.
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The three central assertions of this thesis are: (1) that there are no moral grounds for the belief that lesbian and gay sexualities are inferior to heterosexualities, (2) that lesbians, gays, bi-sexuals and heterosexuals are equally valuable and worthy of respect as autonomous human beings with life plans of their own which they have the right to pursue, as long as they do not harm others, (3) that a philosophically informed rationale for arguing for lesbian and gay equality is required in today's aspiring democracies. The concepts of personal autonomy, participatory democracy and the democratic virtues are familiar themes within the Philosophy of Education. This thesis brings these themes to bear on the question of the place of lesbian and gay issues within a democratic education system. In doing so, it places the oppression of lesbians and gays within the broader context of the oppression of other members of the democratic community. It examines these complex and diverse powers of oppression with the aid of philosophical literature and with reference to the philosophical concepts of personal autonomy and participatory democracy. In the light of the previous discussions, philosophical skills, concepts and literature are employed to develop a critique of the educational policies of the British government in the 1980s and 90s and offer alternative policy suggestions based on more adequate accounts of human nature and social values. Finally, both the manner in which education should be controlled, and the form and content of education within a democratic state are critically examined.
23
Iurynets, J. L., and G. V. Grabovsky. "CIVIL SOCIETY AS A PREREQUISITE FOR THE CREATION OF A DEMOCRATIC POLITICAL SYSTEM." Thesis, Молодіжний науковий юридичний форум: [Матеріали міжн. наук.-практ. конф. До дня науки, м. Киїів, НАУ, 18 травня 2018р.] Том 1.- Тернопіль: Вектор, 2018. С. 158-160, 2018. http://er.nau.edu.ua/handle/NAU/34623.
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Molnar, Ferenc. "The horizontal aspect of democratic civil-military relations : the case of Hungary." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2002. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/02Jun%5FMolnar.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2002.Thesis advisor(s): Thomas Bruneau, Jeffrey W. Knopf. Includes bibliographical references (p. 67-71). Also available online.
25
Chiang, Jamie Lynn. "Civil society in Shanghai market economy transition, new residential neighbourhoods and the potential for democratic participation /." online access from Digital Dissertation Consortium access full-text, 2006. http://libweb.cityu.edu.hk/cgi-bin/er/db/ddcdiss.pl?MR21110.
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Houle, Elizabeth Anne. "Women and the public sphere, exploring women's access to participation in a democratic society." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape4/PQDD_0016/MQ54458.pdf.
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Mulkerrins, Pearl. "Is the Democratic Space Shrinking? - Human Rights Implementation in Viet Nam : A Case Study of the Democratic Space for Civil Society in Viet Nam." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-351913.
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The democratic space for civil society has become a topic of significant international debate. Particular concern has been raised toward a worsened situation for human rights defenders and civil society organisations. This thesis aims to gain further understanding of the phenomenon democratic space by examining the situation for human rights defenders and civil society organisations in Viet Nam. This qualitative case study examines the freedom of speech, freedom of expression and opinion, and the freedom of peaceful assembly and association for human rights defenders and civil society organisations through the method of semi-structured interviews. To gain deeper understanding of the current situation in Viet Nam, this study puts forward the question of whether the democratic space can be said to be expanding or shrinking in this contextand if this has an effect on human rights implementation. The collected material revealed an opinion amongst interview respondents that human rights and economic growth have developed at different paces in Viet Nam. The democratic space for civil society has in large expanded during the past twenty years, but is of late revealing restrictions for human rights defenders and civil society organisations working to protect and promote human rights. Respondents expressed optimism toward the widening of democratic space in the long-term, but remained uncertain of the development of human rights implementation in the near future.
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Gursoy, Ege Hazar. "The Role Of Civil Society In Democratic Consolidation Process Of Georgia Between 2003 And 2011." Master's thesis, METU, 2011. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12613647/index.pdf.
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The aim of this thesis is to analyze the last phrase of democratization process in Georgia that refers to democratic consolidation period, while focusing on the role of civil society organizations. The main focus area will be post-Rose Revolution period hence, the Rose Revolution that occurred in 2003 is considered as an example of democratic transition and as a nature of successful democratization development, the transition period must be followed by the democratic consolidation process. In order to examine the consolidation of democracy in Georgia, the study sheds light on the development of civil society, the aims of activities of civil societal actors and their relations with state, society, international actors and media. This thesis argues that in order to consolidate democracy, the civil society&rsquos interaction with state and society must be effectual however, the Georgian civil society organizations are unable to mediate the relations with state and society, especially after the Rose Revolution. As a result of the problematic relations, Georgian democratic consolidation process is failing. This thesis is based on the qualitative data which is collected during a fieldwork in Georgia.
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Hauck, Byron Rigel. "Network power : the Carrefour event, civil society and the lack of democratic development in China." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/37061.
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The Chinese Communist Party regularly instructs owners and purveyors of mass media in China on topics it views as sensitive. In a recent general notice, media were notified that they were not to use the term „civil society‟ as it was unacceptable for people to stand in opposition to the government. At the same time American sociologists, such as Yang Guobin, have identified the development of civil society movements as a consequence of the wide-spread use of information communication technology (ICT) in China. The identified civil society is argued to be part of a teleological socio-political movement towards democracy as it represents plurality in public political discourse and rights defense. By documenting the general content and implications of the high public presence during the 2008 patriotic debate over the boycott of Carrefour the social role of civil society in China will be brought into question. This argument adds to the current debate over Internet enabled civil society in China by rejecting the claim that the Internet has helped to establish new practices; the Internet merely eases and speeds up what people do in daily life. Rather than investigating a single association (of boycotters) and its one-on-one relationship with the state, this research focuses on the public environment that enables citizen mobilizations to occur, inter-public relations during the formation of new associations (such as the boycotters), and the result of civil society goal seeking when it runs counter to the government‟s publicity. The presented evidence indicates that the political importance of civil society practice in China is not a social trajectory towards the establishment of democratic practices, but rather a more general shift in the struggle between empowered groups in the public and the state to dictate social norms.
30
Holland, Jeremy. "Mental models in manifesto texts : the case of students for a democratic society and weatherman." Thesis, Lancaster University, 2018. http://eprints.lancs.ac.uk/125853/.
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The focus of this thesis is the study of manifesto texts and the way they offer collective audiences geopolitical worldviews grounded in mental models. I investigate both propositional and imagistic approaches to conceptual structure suggested in sociological, psychological and linguistic literatures. By reviewing contemporary representational formats for the internal structure of mental models, my aim is to develop a framework for demonstrating conceptual structures encoded in manifesto texts. In different research fields the mental model construct is recognized by multiple terms and is variously referred to as ‘collective action frames’ in social movement theory, ‘situation’ and ‘context models’ in socio-cognitive discourse studies, ‘case frames’ in frame semantics, ‘idealized cognitive models’ in cognitive linguistics and ‘deictic space models’ in cognitive discourse studies. Building on these recent approaches to mental models, conceptual operations such as schematization, categorization, metaphorical projection and mental space construction will be integrated into my suggested theoretical framework. Using two 1960s social movement manifestos as data, I explore the potential for a scenes-and-episodes framework for reconstructing conceptual structures within models. Following other cognitive discourse approaches, this framework assumes that conceptual structures active in both short term memory (STM) and long term memory (LTM) models are embodied. Analysing language from an embodied perspective means that lexical and grammatical constructions are thought to be cuing imagistic simulations that bring internal structure to a mental model. These imagistic simulations are employed by the reader during the construal of situations encoded in the text. In this framework, the sum of these lexical and grammatical constructions are considered to make up a cognitive discourse grammar. Moving toward a more complete understanding of the conceptualisation process, I also explore how online construal operations active during model creation may be interacting with offline categorical structures in LTM. Overall, the aim of this thesis is to provide a framework for modelling meaning construction as it takes place in the minds of text consumers.
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Dunn, Jeffery W. "Neoliberalism and the `Religious' Work of Schools: The Teacher as Prophet in Dewey's Democratic Society." The Ohio State University, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1491497413183457.
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Панченко, Юлія Валеріївна, Юлия Валериевна Панченко, and Yuliia Valeriivna Panchenko. "Економічні засади демократичного суспільства." Thesis, Видавництво СумДУ, 2006. http://essuir.sumdu.edu.ua/handle/123456789/21694.
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Панченко, А. І. "Умови розбудови демократичного суспільства." Thesis, Видавництво СумДУ, 2006. http://essuir.sumdu.edu.ua/handle/123456789/21693.
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Dawuni, Josephine J. "Beyond Transition: Democracy and the Development of Civil Society in Ghana." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2010. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/political_science_diss/12.
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This research examines the impact of formal democracy on the construction of an effective civil society in Ghana. The theoretical and policy role of civil society has received a great deal of attention in the literature. Especially for democratization theorists, the focus has been on the democracy enhancing qualities of civil society—qualities often credited with playing key roles in democratic transitions in Africa. However, the question of what happens to civil society after a democratic transition has not received much attention in the literature. Using a historical institutionalist approach, the study examines how democratic institutions and institutional arrangements affect the development of civil society. After Ghana’s return to formal democracy in 1992, democratic openings, though not immediately transformative, created an expansion in civil liberties and political rights necessary for the emergence of civil society. Paradoxically, state institutions remained weak and it was such weakness—not the strength, as some of the literature suggests, that allowed civil society to develop. Within the legislative and bureaucratic arenas, persistent institutional weakness became an opportunity for civil society to mobilize resources from foreign donors to strengthen the capacity of state institutions. Through programs aimed at enhancing the capacity of state institutions, foreign donors played a critical role in framing the relationship between civil society and the state. A major finding from this research is the symbiotic relationship between civil society and the state. As the case of Ghana demonstrates, where the state provides opportunities for civil society to develop, an effective civil society in turn contributes to building the democratic state. Findings from this research provide theoretical implications for the literature on civil society and democracy by highlighting the role of democratic institutions in strengthening civil society.
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Satyal, Bhuwan Purna. "The role of civil society in shaping democratic Civil-Military Relations during political transition in Nepal." Thesis, Monterey, California: Naval Postgraduate School, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/45251.
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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimitedThis thesis examines the role of civil society in shaping democratic Civil-Military Relations (CMR) through several political transitions in Nepal, with an emphasis on the current period. Since its first experience with democracy in 1950, the king interrupted Nepal’s pursuit of consolidation until the political revolution of 2006; afterwards, democratic consolidation at the official level has revolved around seeking consensus among the political leaders. This over-focus has led to incomplete consolidation and weakened the formal democratic institutions of control. Civil society, on the other hand, has played a variety of roles to greater effect during consolidation, including military affairs and CMR. This thesis analyzes the contributions of three selected civil society groups—the media, Nagarik Samaj, and human rights organizations—to democratic civilian control of the security forces. This thesis finds that despite civil society’s focus on political activities, it has significantly influenced and helped in shaping effective democratic CMR during Nepal’s transition to democracy. However, civil society’s further assistance is required in writing the constitution to drive the country toward the completion of the consolidation, which will ultimately shape strong democratic CMR.
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Mohamed, Ifrah-Degmo. "Civil Society and Democratic Ideas : A Case Study Based on Sweden’s Young-Muslims, A Court-Verdict." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Sociologiska institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-157183.
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Abstract This thesis explores the role of civil society organizations and the democratic participation of minority groups in Sweden. It is based on an analysis and interpretation of a major court decision that denied government support (MUCF) for a Muslim Youth organization (SUM) in 2016. Based on case study methodology and a close reading of court documents and related reports, the analysis of the empirical material identified nine themes of democratic participation and democratic principles, including: integration, discrimination, multicultural society/diversity, Muslims, Islamism/Muslim brotherhoods in Sweden, human rights. The analysis shows, how the Muslim Youth organization was both included in the democratic process but also excluded. I argue that their exclusion is based on ethnic boundary making processes which construct Muslims as essentially different from the rest of society. The thesis suggests that this exclusion could damage the integration processes of ethnic and religious minorities in Sweden.
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Chung, Da Woon. "Peace and conflict resolution activities in support of strengthening civil society's democratic capacity in South Korea : case studies on three civil society organisations working on peace and conflict resolution in South Korea." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/5488.
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In the last fifteen years, conflict resolution, a collaborative, problem-solving approach to social conflicts, was introduced to new democracies in an attempt to develop civil society's capacity for conflict management (Mayer, 2000). Conflict resolution provides people with an opportunity to advocate effectively for their own interests in a non-violent, constructive manner through systematic educational efforts, skills trainings, dialogue initiatives, and mediation practices (Mayer, 2000). It empowers people to address, manage, and transform difficulties and antagonism into a source of positive social change and, thus, change people's negative psychological responses to conflicts (Bush & Folger, 1994). In this view, conflict resolution in new democracies' civil society provides citizens as well NGO practitioners with the skills and opportunities to practice how to express and resolve differences in a safe and constructive environment (Shonholtz, 1997). In an effort to provide additional information about civil society's conflict resolution practices and their affect in new democracies, this dissertation examines the existing efforts of South Korean civil society organisations to promote conflict resolution methodologies. Specifically, three organisations are examined to understand better South Korean civil society's response to PCR issues. Furthermore, by closely examining these three civil society organisations, this dissertation aims to explore what affect increased awareness and engagement in conflict resolution methodologies have on the democratic quality of civil society.
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Rosenquist, Joachim. "Pluralism and unity in education : on education for democratic citizenship and personal autonomy in a pluralist society." Doctoral thesis, Örebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-15487.
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The overarching theme of this thesis concerns the possibility of balancing the values of unity and pluralism in education in developed nation states characterized by an increasing pluralism when it comes to the beliefs and values of its citizens. The author suggests that democracy has a normative basis in the principle of reciprocity which can be supported in an overlapping consensus by reasonable persons who differ in their moral, religious and philosophical beliefs. It is argued that this basis mandates a deliberative kind of democracy and that certain implications follow for how to understand the relation between democracy and individual rights, between democracy and religious belief and speech, and between rationality and deliberation, among other things. The author proceeds to discuss three educational issues in relation to the principle of reciprocity and its implications: 1. The legitimacy and content of a mandatory citizenship education, 2. Children’s rights to develop personal autonomy, 3. The opportunity for parents and children to choose which school children attend. These issues are important in relation to the question of how to balance unity and pluralism in education in that they concern the promotion of certain common beliefs, values and dispositions among citizens or the creation of a system of choice between schools with different profiles. The purpose of the discussion is to construct a theoretical position which balances the values of unity and pluralism in education, by giving diversity its due (contra communitarianism) while upholding a measure of unity (contra libertarianism and radical multiculturalism) which is located in the democratic and autonomy- promoting purposes of education rather than (exclusively) in its economic/vocational purposes (contra neo-liberalism). The discussions make use of political philosophy, educational philosophy and empirical research carried out by other researchers.
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Racine, David P. "People and Their Problems: An Exploratory Study of the Quest for Democratic Citizenship in the Administered Society." Diss., Virginia Tech, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/28115.
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What does informal problem solving in neighborhoods -- when people act collectively, but without much formal organizing -- look like? Does or can problem solving at this level contribute to the democratic capabilities of citizens? If so, how, and does public administration, as the part of government most involved in the daily life of citizens, have a role to play in building this informal capacity for self-government? The communitarian agenda in the United States assumes the importance of indigenous action, but on the basis of little evidence. To find out more about the existence and value of this mode of community problem solving, I conducted an ethnographic field study of problem solving in and around mostly black, inner city neighborhoods in Roanoke, Virginia in the mid 1990s. I found that while informal action appeared to have once been the main form taken by problem solving in the African American community, it had fallen on hard times. Three sets of factors seemed most to account for this decline: the aging of the population in these inner city neighborhoods, aided by the influence of both urban renewal and desegregation; the increasing professionalization of community problem solving through formal organizations; and a habitual use of civility in public affairs that reinforced professional dominance and reduced the motivation of inner city residents to act on their interests. I use these findings to set forth a novel conceptualization of both informal and formal community problem solving. This conceptual scheme draws on the psychological theory of self-determination and the pragmatic philosophy of John Dewey to show how the informal and formal play different roles in the formation of individual and group identities and
how both are needed in human development. I conclude by suggesting that, although the informal domain has atrophied in places like Roanoke, it might have an opportunity to reassert itself if public administration, as the engine of formal problem solving in communities, were to focus more on its own performance. A more effective public sector, achieved by replicating proven programs and practices, would increase the legitimacy of public administrators, making their example influential in inspiring citizens to undertake complementary efforts in their neighborhoods.Ph. D.
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Pratt, Nicola Christine. "Globalization and post-colonial state : human rights NGOs and the prospects for democratic governance in Egypt." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.369978.
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Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, there exists a near total consensus regarding the desirability of democracy. Many see the push towards democracy as encouraged by the increasing interconnectednessusually referred to as 'globalization'-between countries and peoples. Civil societies around the world are often regarded as the primary beneficiaries of globalization. Simultaneously, they are frequently represented by policy-makers, academics and development practitioners, as the new agents of democratization, particularly in the struggle against authoritarian regimes. This thesis seeks to answer two sets of questions: 1. Does civil society contribute to democratization? If so, how? And if not, why not? 2. Does globalization help or hinder the democratization process? In response, this thesis argues that civil society plays a key role in contributing to democratization, but it does not necessarily do so. Indeed, certain sections of civil society playa role in maintaining authoritarianism. Secondly, globalization both helps and hinders democratization. This is nothing to do with globalization's intrinsic qualities, but rather due to the way that actors within civil society perceive glo baliza tion. I present here a case study of Egyptian human rights NGOs, as a sector of Egyptian civil society struggling for democratic governance. Following a survey of the current literature on globalization, democratization and civil society, Chapter 1 introduces the theoretical and conceptual elements of the thesis, which are based on Gramscian notions of hegemony and civil society. Chapter 2 locates the historical problem of democracy in Egypt within the hegemonic power relations that have developed in the post-colonial era. This chapter represents the emergence of Egypt's first human rights organization as pushing the boundaries of the hegemonic consensus. Chapter 3 demonstrates that, despite the shared origins and objectives of the Egyptian human rights NGO community, different human rights NGOs pursue different strategies in attempting to bring about democratization. These different strategies depend upon the positions of human rights activists vis-a-vis the post-colonial hegemonic consensus. Chapter 4 examines the way in which human rights NGOs conflict with other sections of civil society because of the former's resistance to the hegemonic consensus. Furthermore, civil society opposition to human rights NGOs leads to calls for their control and, consequently, the strengthening of authoritarianism. Chapter 5 examines further how authoritarianism may be strengthened as a result of globalization. It also considers the problems faced by human rights NGOs and other civil society actors in building a wide-based coalition for democratization that challenges the bases of the hegemonic consensus underpinning authoritarianism. In the final chapter, I suggest some implications for this research inrelation to how we conceive politics and political strategies in the struggles of non-state groups for democratization
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Nilsson, Truls. "Institutionella komplikationer för att uppnå en stabil demokratisering : En kvalitativ fallstudie om Libyens demokratiseringsprocess i en institutionell avsaknad." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-155535.
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This research study is about the process of democratization currently taking place in Libya. For decades, the now dead dictator Muammar Gaddafi has ruled Libya, himself as the central power. Under his rule, he led a policy that deinstitutionalized the country. When the dictatorship was overthrown, there were hopes that the country would begin its democratization. Now when democratization has started, free and known elections have taken place and a constitution has been formed. The constitution guarantees the most basic human rights and that the country will eventually become a democracy. New data show that the civil war and the absence of institutions makes it impossible to achieve the goal of democracy. This study aims to problematize the absence of institutions in order to achieve consolidated democratization. The starting point for the study is to assume the basis of the theoretical framework's criteria on what a consolidated democratization is. One assumption in the study is that public institutions are absolutely necessary in order for a consolidated democratization to be achieved.
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Edwertz, Gunilla. "Democratic development in Belarus and Cuba : Is it possible?" Thesis, Jönköping University, JIBS, Political Science, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-9912.
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This is a study of whether it is possible for the governmental form of democracy to be ap-plicable in states that have not had democracy as their governmental form earlier in their political history. In this thesis the concept of liberal democracy is the major theory used as well as the concepts of rule of law and civil society. After giving a description of the con-cepts the thesis continues with two chapters that respectively describe and explain the states of Belarus and Cuba. The two states are going to be used in the analysis at the end of this thesis.
The analysis includes several conditions to asses if democracy exists. These conditions are derived from the chapters on democracy and rule of law. In the analysis the states of Bela-rus and Cuba are analyzed based on the conditions derived from the chapters on democra-cy and rule of law. The results of the concluding discussion are that the probability for de-mocracy to survive in Cuba is higher than in Belarus because Cuba seems to be transition from an authoritarian form of regime to a form o f democracy. In contrast to Belarus, Cu-ba seems to be willing to open up from seclusion and isolation, as well as listen to its people than what the state of Belarus is willing to do.
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Lidén, Elias. "The young adult and “värdegrund”:A study of the English subject’s possibilities to educate the society of tomorrow." Thesis, Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-76666.
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In 1993, the Swedish National Agency for Education, Skolverket, coined and implemented the so-called collective morals mission, or “värdegrundsuppdraget,” which subsequently led up to the publication of a new national syllabus for upper-secondary school, LPF94. The collective morals mission constituted the values to be taught in Swedish schools and also positioned the Swedish school system ideologically. However, following its publication, teachers found it difficult to understand how they are to carry out and understand said mission, difficulties that seem to still be present today. Therefore, this project presents a qualitative study on how English teachers reflect upon, and relate their teaching to, the collective morals mission, how they do it, along with the possibilities the English subject has in conveying these aspects of fostering, through explicit education on the subject. Based on prior, personal observations the initial hypothesis was that the English subject is often forgotten, in relation to other subjects, in terms of providing students with education related to the collective morals. However, this is not due to English teachers not acknowledging opportunities for the subject to convey content, but because of the strong selective traditions of the subject, focusing education on form and not content, as it is a foreign language. To evaluate this hypothesis, semi-structured interviews with four English teachers were conducted and three separate curriculum analysis were carried out. This enabled an understanding of how the collective morals evolved over time and became what they are today. The results partly confirmed the initial hypothesis. Teachers do implement many features of the collective morals; however, they do not explicitly characterize them as such. The curricula analyses show a progression of the collective morals to be implemented in the explicit grading criterion for passing grade. These results are discussed, and conclusions regarding what that means for English teachers are presented.
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Larsson, Nalinn. "The Democratic Dream in a Multicultural Society : A minor field study about democracy and indigenous political participation in Bolivia." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-29507.
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The purpose of this paper is to investigate if the political participation has increased in practice for the former excluded indigenous people in Bolivia during the Morales administration and with the establishment of a new constitution, in order to see whether democracy has been deepened in the country or not. The thesis is carried out with a case study design and material consists mainly of qualitative interviews with different indigenous organizations and NGOs, as well as previous research on the area. The theoretical framework is based on dimensions on participation in where the three areas of inclusion, spaces for participation and influence are examined in order to investigate the purpose. The thesis argues that the political participation has not increased for all of the different indigenous groups, but for some; the smaller indigenous groups in the lowland have not experienced an increased political participation, whilst the three biggest indigenous groups, Aymara and Quechua in the highland, and Guaraní in the lowland, feel that their political participation has increased. Since some indigenous groups have experienced change and an increased political participation it is argued that the democracy has been deepened to a small degree.
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Jacobson, Anders. "Separatism and cooperation : Democratic participation, asset-building and narrative representations in The Women’s Cooperative Society Swedish Homes, 1904-1916." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Institutionen för ekonomisk historia och internationella relationer, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-193834.
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Within the context of economic history, this case study discusses “separatist cooperation” as an organizational and economic strategy for addressing multiple forms of alienation and inequality. Unique in the European cooperative movement at the time, The Women’s Cooperative Society Swedish Homes (Kvinnornas Andelsförening Svenska Hem), active in Stockholm 1905-1916, is a case in point. Using a theoretical framework drawn from social and economic reconstruction as well as critical perspectives inspired by intersectionality, the study analyzes how arguments, practices and choices of Svenska Hem are manifested in terms of three themes/strategies of de-alienation: democratic participation, asset-building and narrative representation. Cutting through each of these themes/strategies, explicit and implicit conceptions of gender, class and group solidarity are critically analyzed. The results show that the separatist strategy in combination with cooperative organizing generated considerable movement energy and capital accumulation e.g. in the face of an organized boycott from competing (male) traders. Further, the women’s cooperative constituted a space for asset-building while negotiating the changing social role of women generally and housewives in particular. The analysis shows that Svenska Hem’s organization and narrative was marked by class bias, while striving to become a cooperative relevant to “women of all classes”, invoking the housewife-as-consumer as a collective with a shared interest.
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Kim, Eunbee, and Eunbee Kim. "Road To Democratization." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/626336.
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Why do some (non)violent civil resistances in nondemocracies achieve democracy while others do not? In order to answer this question, this project examined factors that result in different outcomes and the mechanisms critical to democratization. In particular, I paid close attention to whether autocracies failing after successful (non)violent civil resistance adopted transitional justice (TJ) mechanisms such as trials, truth commissions, and amnesty, and how civil society worked in each course of democratization.
I explored the conditions of democratic consolidation (e.g., economic development, democratic neighbors, and political institution) and among them, focused on the civil culture that led citizens to participate positively and actively in politics with belief and trust. I found that in the course of democratization, implementing TJ policies is necessary in order to build inter-group trust and encourage citizens to participate critically in political reform. Because TJ mechanisms are designed to make past wrongdoers accountable and reconcile conflicting sides, these approaches can strengthen civic culture and promote reconciliation by restoring the rule of law and rebuilding victims’ dignity.
In addition, I argued that a robust civil society (CS) plays a vital role in sustaining democracy, not only by encouraging TJ adoption, but also by playing roles such as supporter, mobilizer, enforcer, monitor, and so on. In this context, I suggested that (non)violent civil resistance can contribute to building a robust CS. Particularly, nonviolent and large resistance with diverse participants can increase the capacity, legitimacy, and representativeness of a CS so that it can play its role(s) properly.
Statistical analysis with large-n data supported these arguments. Despite the controversy in the literature, adoption of TJ policies turned out to be a positively significant factor for achieving democratic consolidation; and, the robustness of CS, which can be developed through (non)violent civil resistance, was significant as well, particularly at the early phase of the democratization process. The application to the 2011 Arab Uprising cases (Tunisia and Egypt) that focused on TJ adoption and the role of CS revealed consistent conclusions as well.
Although there are several limitations to this study, I attempted to reveal the importance of the linkages among steps to democratization and increase understanding of the “process” rather than simply the “cause” or “result.” In addition, the findings can be implemented in policies for proliferating democracy by supporting/encouraging democratization from the ground up (i.e., below), CS growth, and TJ adoption after transition.
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Панченко, Алла Ісаківна, Алла Исаковна Панченко, and Alla Isakivna Panchenko. "Глобалізація і демократичні орієнтири України." Thesis, Видавництво СумДУ, 2004. http://essuir.sumdu.edu.ua/handle/123456789/23331.
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McCoy, Matthew William. "Political parties and economic policy alternatives in a democratic society the connection between electoral incentives, economic ideology, and labor policy /." Diss., Online access via UMI:, 2004. http://wwwlib.umi.com/dissertations/fullcit/3150490.
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Tumay, Murat. "The European Convention on Human Rights : restricting rights in a democratic society with special reference to Turkish political party cases." Thesis, University of Leicester, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/31089.
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The main concern of this thesis is the dissolution of political parties by the Turkish Constitution Court and the response of the European Court of Human Rights. This study will analyse and compare the approaches to restrictions of fundamental rights under the European Convention on Human Rights by both national courts and the Strasbourg Court. The protection of human rights has to be balanced by accommodations in favour of the reasonable needs of the State to perform its duties for the common good. Ensuring that State does not take improper advantage of such accommodations requires a measure of international control. National restrictions, which are necessary in a democratic society, are allowed subject to the supervision of the Court of Human Rights. Political parties are a form of association essential to the proper functioning of democracy, and restrictions on freedom of association should be construed strictly. Only the most compelling reasons can justify dissolution of political parties. This thesis aims to identify the democratic values set out in the case law of the Strasbourg organs, and to explore the cases concerning the dissolution of political parties in the light of those values. The approach of the national courts will be contrasted with that of the Strasbourg court in those cases, which have resulted in applications under the European Convention. The thesis draws a distinction between an ideology-based paradigm and a rights-based paradigm in such cases. The national court has adopted an ideology-based approach, whereas the Strasbourg court has adopted a rights-based approach. However, in the Refah Partisi case, the Strasbourg court appears to have adopted an ideology-based approach. This was unfortunate as this resulted in a decision that is in conflict with the approach it had adopted in earlier cases those previous cases had contributed significantly to the development of democratic values in Turkey.
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Segade, Olalla Linares. "A Viable Democratic Alternative to the Traditional Corporate Models in Capitalist Society : A Normative and Empirical Case for Emoloyee Participation." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.521851.
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