Journal articles on the topic 'Democratic Socialist Movement (Nigeria)'
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1
Paszkiewicz, Lilla Barbara. "Karol Marks i marksizm w refleksjach Adama Ciołkosza — emigracyjnego socjalisty demokratycznego." Wrocławskie Studia Politologiczne 25 (October 31, 2018): 180–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/1643-0328.25.12.
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Karl Marx and Marxism in the refl ections of Adam Ciołkosz — emigratory democratic socialistAdam Ciołkosz belongs to the most significant figures of the socialist movement. His political and journalistic activity in the interwar period is only known partially. Only his emigration stay in the United Kingdom in the years 1940–1978 resulted in dynamic development and political activity.Because he was an authentic democratic socialist, he used to protest against communistic ideology. The analysis of his rich work permits to notice some innovative changes, which took place in the last halfcentury in the European and Polish socialist movement.Since A. Ciołkosz was inspired by those changes, he dwelled on the authentic role of Carl Marx in the labour movement as well as his influence on the development of socialist and communistic ideology.
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Paszkiewicz, Lilla Barbara. "The Opposition to Communism in the Political Thought of The Exiled Democratic Socialist Adam Ciołkosz." Polish Political Science Review 6, no. 1 (December 1, 2018): 92–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ppsr-2018-0007.
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AbstractThe Polish socialist movement has undergone various stages of development over more than 100 years of history. In the first half of the 20th century it was, to a large extent, identified with European Social Democracy. After the Second World War and the seizure of power in Poland by the communists, the socialist movement was replaced by a communist ideology that completely distorted the authentic democratic socialism and appropriated the values it represented. The unmasking of communist counterfeits was dealt with by the Polish émigré activist – Adam Ciołkosz, who as active politician and theoretician of socialism, showed a special activity in the contestation of communism. His views as an authentic Social Democrat had a significant impact on the political thought of the Polish socialist movement outside Poland. Ciołkosz, as an anti-Communist, represented such values as: respect for human rights and social justice, humanistic sensitivity, Christianity and above all socialism. At the same time, he promoted the need to fight communism and expose the criminal ideology. He pointed to the need to introduce a system of social justice (i.e. democratic socialism).
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Einhorn, Barbara. "Socialist Emancipation: the Women's Movement in the German Democratic Republic." East Central Europe 14, no. 1 (1987): 211–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633087x00098.
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Haydanka, Ye I. "State Regime Liberalization in Conditions of Crisis of Socialism: Slovak Context (mid-1980s—1992)." Nauchnyi dialog 1, no. 8 (August 31, 2020): 367–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2020-8-367-382.
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The article deals with the transformation of the Slovak state regime in the period of changes in the system of socialist governance in the mid-1980s — 1992. It is determined that the historical period of liberalization of the Communist regime had a significant impact on the further success of democratic transformations. The subject of the analysis was the public and Church opposition in socialist Slovakia. The fact of the ideological evolution of the opposition movement “Public against violence” has been established. It is noted that the movement for independence in Slovakia in 1989—1992, which was initiated by the Slovak elite led by Vladimir Mechiyar, significantly reduced the intensity of the democratic transition. It is claimed that in the first half of the 1990s Vladimir Mechiyar built a strong vertical of Executive power, supported by the dominance of the Movement for a democratic Slovakia in the Parliament. It is emphasized that the first competitive parliamentary elections in Slovakia in 1990 and 1992 failed to stabilize the socio-political situation in the country, despite the intensive development of multiparty systems.
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Sesay, Amadu, and Charles Ukeje. "The West and Elections in Nigeria." Issue 27, no. 1 (1999): 34–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700503096.
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The end of the cold war has made democratization, and its barest essential component elections, imperative for all nondemocratic forms of government. This is to be expected, given the dismal failure of the socialist alternative even in the first socialist country, the former Soviet Union. The United States, which is not only the foremost democracy in the world but also the only superpower, has been in the vanguard of democracy salesmanship. Africa, the continent with the least democratic space, has not been left out, as witnessed by President Bill Clinton’s unprecedented tour of the continent in March 1998.Understandably, Nigeria, arguably the most important country in Africa, was left out of the tour, since it was then under the obnoxious, undemocratic, and oppressive military regime of the late General Sani Abacha.
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Sesay, Amadu, and Charles Ukeje. "The West and Elections in Nigeria." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 27, no. 1 (1999): 34–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1548450500005874.
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The end of the cold war has made democratization, and its barest essential component elections, imperative for all nondemocratic forms of government. This is to be expected, given the dismal failure of the socialist alternative even in the first socialist country, the former Soviet Union. The United States, which is not only the foremost democracy in the world but also the only superpower, has been in the vanguard of democracy salesmanship. Africa, the continent with the least democratic space, has not been left out, as witnessed by President Bill Clinton’s unprecedented tour of the continent in March 1998. Understandably, Nigeria, arguably the most important country in Africa, was left out of the tour, since it was then under the obnoxious, undemocratic, and oppressive military regime of the late General Sani Abacha.
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Barnes, Christopher C. "Democratic Socialists on Social Media: Cohesion, Fragmentation, and Normative Strategies." tripleC: Communication, Capitalism & Critique. Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society 18, no. 1 (January 13, 2020): 32–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.31269/triplec.v18i1.1136.
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This essay focuses on members of the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) political organisation in the US and the ambivalence of using social media as a primary means of communication for socialist information and culture. Relying on in-depth interviews with fifteen active members and leaders in DSA, this essay asks: How does socialist communication on social media encourage both cohesion and fragmentation for activists within the DSA? Locating and analysing key tensions felt by DSA members in response to their use of Facebook and Twitter, this project sheds light on the ways in which socialism is presently communicated to publics and counterpublics and identifies important challenges for the expansion of the socialist movement.
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Enkhtur, Munkh-Uchral. "The Making and Remaking of a National People’s Hero and Exemplar in Mongolia’s Socialist, Nationalist and Democratic Mobilisations." Inner Asia 23, no. 2 (November 18, 2021): 190–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22105018-12340171.
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Abstract This paper examines the case of Ard Ayush [the commoner Ayush], a widely recognised national hero constructed in the socialist movement and an exemplar who survived the post-socialist rejection of socialist heroes and was reconstructed within the post-socialist democratic and nationalist movements. The paper’s title borrows the notion of a ‘national people’ from David Sneath and the notion of the ‘exemplar’ from Caroline Humphrey. Extending Sneath’s discussion of ard [commoner and/or people] and ard tümen [national people], this paper shows how the concept of ard that was constructed through the use of exemplars has become ard tümen. Then, extending Humphrey’s discussion of the moral influence of exemplars, this paper shows how some exemplars constructed during socialism helped the socialist government shape and govern a national people.
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Marks, Gary, Heather A. D. Mbaye, and Hyung Min Kim. "Radicalism or Reformism? Socialist Parties before World War I." American Sociological Review 74, no. 4 (August 2009): 615–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000312240907400406.
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This article builds on social movement theory to explain ideological variation among socialist, social democratic, and labor parties across 18 countries in the early twentieth century. We propose a causal argument connecting (1) the political emergence of the bourgeoisie and its middle-class allies to (2) the political space for labor unions and working-class parties, which (3) provided a setting for internal pressures and external opportunities that shaped socialist party ideology. Combining quantitative analysis and case studies, we find that the timing of civil liberties and the strength of socialist links with labor unions were decisive for reformism or radicalism. Refining Lipset's prior analysis, we qualify his claim that male suffrage provides a key to socialist orientation.
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Tsalikis, George. "Evaluation of the Socialist Health Policy in Greece." International Journal of Health Services 18, no. 4 (October 1988): 543–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/m3te-l30h-tyhw-hkqh.
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Following seven years of military rule and seven years of “democratic restoration” under the Right, Greece is now sailing under the flag of the Panhellenic Socialist Movement (PASOK). The Movement was inspired by the ideals of participatory democracy and socialization of the economy and of social services. A central part of socialist planning brought about the National Health System Act (1983) and related legislation intended to universalize health care, remove disparities, and restrict the private sector. It is argued here that the implementation of PASOK's statutory reforms in this field, as in others, will be subject to its ability to transform traditional patterns of production and consumption. As is now increasingly understood, it is hard to plan for socialism on the basis of wants provisions and patterns of consumption established under capitalism.
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Mujal-Leon, Eusebio. "The West German Social Democratic Party and The Politics of Internationalism in Central America." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 29, no. 4 (1987): 89–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165819.
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One of the Most Notable Aspects of the Crisis in Central America has been the opportunity it has offered a number of actors, both within and without the region, to become involved in an area long considered a traditional reserve and zone of influence of the United States. Over the last decade, no European Socialist or Social Democratic party has been more important or influential with respect to Central American issues than the West German Social Democratic Party (SPD or Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands). Despite being in the opposition since 1982, the West German Social Democrats have retained their prominence on international issues—particularly on Central American ones—for a number of reasons, such as: (1) having a solid electoral base (37% of the votes in the 1987 Bundestag elections); (2) having leaders who are internationally prominent; (3) having a well-organized foreign policy apparatus at their disposal (the well-financed Friedrich Ebert Stiftung foundation); (4) having connections to a similarly endowed trade union movement, organized around the Deutsche Gewerkschaftsbund(DGB); as well as (5) having persisted in their efforts to coordinate joint initiatives with other Socialist and Social Democratic parties, both within the European Economic Community (EEC) and through the Socialist International (SI).
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LASKA, Vasilika. "The role of political parties in the constitutional order in Albania." Jus & Justicia 17, no. 2 (2023): 75–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.58944/xhuc6885.
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One of the main problems of Albania since the overthrow of the communist dictatorship and the beginning of the transition in 1991 has been the consolidation of a functional constitutional democracy. Having a functional and applicable constitutional order by all institutions and mechanisms has been a significant challenge for Albania. Political parties are one of these mechanisms or vital elements in maintaining and improving the constitutional order in Albania. In democratic regimes, political parties continue to be the most important bridge between the state and the mass of society. Political parties are the institutions that hold the position of a political leader in society, and democratic states cannot survive if they do not have political parties that fulfill their functions in consolidating, preserving, and improving democracy. The object of this study will be political parties in Albania and their role in the consolidation or not of the constitutional order during the period of democratic transition. In this study, the three main parties in Albania are taken as case studies, namely the Socialist Party of Albania, the Democratic Party of Albania, and the Socialist Movement for Integration.
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Malets, O., and N. Malets. "Organizational and Ideological and Political Changes in the International Labour Movement Before and During the First World War." Problems of World History, no. 9 (November 26, 2019): 90–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2019-9-4.
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The features of the creation and activities of international left associations in the first third of the XXth century are analyzed, the features of the activities of the Second International on the eve andduring the First World War are clarified, the ideological contradictions between the Social Democratic parties in this period are characterized. The reasons for the splits in the Second International are highlighted; the processes that preceded the formation of the Third International (Communist International) and the Workers’ Socialist International are characterized. The reasons for the separation in the Second International, the processes of the formation of the Third International (Communist International) and the Workers’ Socialist International are investigated, and the organizational structures of the Comintern and the Workers’ Socialist International are compared. It is noted that after the October Revolution in Russia, the Bolsheviks increasingly influenced the world left movement. Promoting the ideas of the socialist revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat, at the initiative of V. Lenin, they formed the Third International, uniting the communist parties. After the formation of the Comintern, a number of left-wing socialist parties severed relations with the International. The centrist parties rejected the conditions of the Bolsheviks, since the mid-1920s. They united around two centers: the Second International (London) and the Vienna 2½ International.
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Hoffrogge, Ralf. ""Die wirkliche Bewegung, welche den jetztigen Zustand aufhebt"." PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 39, no. 155 (June 1, 2009): 287–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v39i155.434.
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This article gives a short overview on the German labour movement from its beginnings to the 1920ies and shortly portraits the different concepts of socialism within the German social democratic party, Against the common misperception of a hegemonial, coherent and powerful concept of socialist politics in the past the article argues that even in their heyday the German labour movement did not have a clear concept of socialist politics, that the term socialism itself was an object of permanent discussions, Both the Marxist critique of utopian socialism and the overwhelming domination of the Prussian state often constrained these discussions about the political form of a postcapitalist society, The most interesting concept of socialism was not created by theoretical discussions among leftist intellectuals, but by political actions against the first world war, which ended with the German Revolution of 1918 and the rise of a powerful council movement This movement not only insisted on the principles of class war but practically overturned many authoritarian and state-dominated ideas of socialism which were common at that time,
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Aray, Başak. "Sylvia Pankhurst and the international auxiliary language." Język. Komunikacja. Informacja, no. 12 (March 28, 2019): 103–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/jki.2017.12.7.
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Sylvia Pankhurst was a pioneering figure of socialist feminism who advocated for universal suffrage and against war. Less well-known is her involvement in the movement for an international auxiliary language. In 1927, Pankhurst published a booklet, Delphos. The Future of International Language, where she described the growing need for a world auxiliary language and her support for Interlingua (Latino sine flexione). A biographically informed study of Delphos shows the modernist, cosmopolitan and democratic vocation of the international auxiliary language movement in the early 20th century. Pankhurst’s views on the motivation and principles of an interlanguage-to-come were widely shared by the international auxiliary language community. We present her support for Interlingua as an example of the scientific humanism that dominated the beginnings of interlinguistics, and relate her language activism to her socialist and pacifist stands.
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Mckibben, David. "Who Were the German Independent Socialists? The Leipzig City Council Election of 6 December 1917." Central European History 25, no. 4 (December 1992): 425–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900021452.
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The emergence of the Independent Socialist party (USPD) in Germany during World War I had momentous and long-reaching consequences. Organized as a group of dissenters within the established German Social Democratic party (SPD), independent socialism grew into a movement that split Germany's working class into two, then three, warring factions. The result was a struggle for supremacy among socialist party factions to which subsequent writers have attributed the “failed” revolution of November 1918, a Weimar Constitution that alienated rather than satisfied German workers, and ultimately the inability of German Socialists to present a unified front against the ultimate threat to German democracy: Adolf Hitler and the Third Reich.
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Massie, Alicia, and Yi Chien Jade Ho. "“Working Women Unite”: Exploring a Socialist Feminist, Nonhierarchical Teachers Union." Labor Studies Journal 45, no. 1 (March 2020): 32–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160449x20909935.
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In this paper, we present and explore the case of the Teaching Support Staff Union (TSSU), an independent, directly democratic, and feminist labor union at Simon Fraser University in British Columbia, Canada. Operating continuously since the 1970s, we argue that TSSU is an important example of the ways in which gender and class have intersected within the history of the Canadian labor movement, and a fascinating case of a longstanding socialist feminist union. We also argue that alongside the historical relevance, exploring the constraints and possibilities of a feminist nonhierarchical organizational structure can offer important lessons for organizing in the twenty-first century. Adopting a socialist feminist framework, we speak from our experiences serving as TSSU executives, as graduate students, and as teachers within the larger academic machine. Marking its fortieth year in 2018, this active, young, and angry labor union can provide the labor movement and academics with a case study to reflect on how we can conceptualize social movement unionism; organize around and toward equity, diversity, and justice; and maintain a deep commitment to both feminist and class struggle.
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Cvejic, Slobodan. "Civic movement, social capital and institutional transformation in post-socialist Serbia." Sociologija 46, no. 3 (2004): 269–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc0403269c.
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The problem of institutional change is one of the focal points of post-socialist transformation and the major axes of it's sustainability. In Serbia this problem was expressed through the question of how to use the social energy that was concentrated in civic movement throughout the 90's for (re)building of stable social institutions. In this paper, my intention is to test whether the social capital that was apparently accumulated in Serbia in the civic protests can persist in the form of positive value orientation towards building of democratic and market oriented society. Out of many ways to understand social capital I am referring to the most wide one, the one that assumes collective trait of the social capital (Stulhofer 2000). Data from couple of surveys conducted in Serbia, during civic protests and after political change of 2000, are used to test the relation from the title empirically.
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Lane, Fintan. "William Thompson, bankruptcy and the west Cork estate, 1808–34." Irish Historical Studies 39, no. 153 (May 2014): 24–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400003606.
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Historians of socialist thought have rated the Irish political philosopher and radical economist William Thompson (1778–1833) as the most influential theorist to emerge from the Owenite movement in early nineteenth-century Britain. Indeed, Gregory Claeys has judged him to be that movement's ‘most analytical and original thinker ... and a writer whose subsequent influence upon the history of socialist economic thought has been long established’. Furthermore, stressing Thompson's democratic values, Claeys insists that the Irishman ‘may rightfully be considered the founder of a more traditionally republican form of British democratic socialism’. While Robert Owen is remembered for his ambitious co-operative experiments, he was not a theoretical or deeply reflective writer and his intellectual legacy was minimal. The Corkborn Thompson, on the other hand, wrote assiduously on the theory and practice of early socialism, reputedly influenced Karl Marx and became a key figure in the history of feminism; nonetheless, our knowledge of this important Irish intellectual remains deficient.
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Dahlquist, Karl. "The Young Macpherson on the Transition into Socialism and the Rise of Fascism." Canadian Journal of Political Science 51, no. 2 (January 23, 2018): 405–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423917001123.
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AbstractGiven the renewed interest in C. B. Macpherson's political theory in a time of late neo-liberalism, the aim of this article is to complement existing scholarship with a detailed account of his early thought on the transition into socialism. Against the prevailing view, I suggest that the young Macpherson outlined a theory of transition, on which the actualization of his democratic vision depended. I trace how he investigated the nature of the state in the 1930s and early 1940s and asked whether a socialist movement could gain control of state institutions and shape their policies to establish an economic democracy that could serve as a defence against fascism. As a democratic socialist, he agonized over the idea that a forcible revolution and unconstitutional measures were likely required to establish socialism. To paint my intellectual portrait, I make use of archival material from the time that has yet to be commented on.
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Väänänen, Pentti. "Fostering peace through dialogue The international social democratic movement and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict." Regions and Cohesion 2, no. 3 (December 1, 2012): 166–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/reco.2012.020310.
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The Socialist International (SI), the worldwide forum of the socialist, social democratic, and labor parties, actively looked for a solution to the Jewish-Palestinian conflict in the 1980s. At that time, the Israeli Labour Party still was the leading political force in Israel, as it had been historically since the foundation of the country. The Labour Party was also an active member of the SI. The Party’s leader, Shimon Peres, was one of its vice-presidents. At the same time, the social democratic parties were the leading political force in Western Europe. Several important European leaders, many of them presidents and prime ministers, were involved in the SI’s work. They included personalities such as Willy Brandt of Germany; former president of the SI, Francois Mitterrand of France; James Callaghan of Great Britain; Bruno Kreisky of Austria; Bettini Craxi of Italy; Felipe Gonzalez of Spain; Mario Soares of Portugal; Joop de Uyl of the Netherlands; Olof Palme of Sweden; Kalevi Sorsa of Finland; Anker Jörgensen of Denmark; and Gro Harlem Brudtland of Norway—all of whom are former vice-presidents of the SI. As a result, in the 1980s, the SI in many ways represented Europe in global affairs, despite the existence of the European Community (which did not yet have well-defined common foreign policy objectives).
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Mateos, Abdón. "La refundación de la Agrupación Socialista Universitaria (ASU) durante la transición, 1977-1986 = The Refoundation of the Universitary Socialist Association during transition, 1977-1986." CIAN-Revista de Historia de las Universidades 21, no. 2 (November 30, 2018): 193. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/cian.2018.4474.
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Resumen: En 1977 fue refundada la Agrupación Socialista Universitaria (ASU), como sección de la Federación Socialista Madrileña del PSOE. A diferencia de la primera ASU (1956-1961), los nuevos universitarios socialistas madrileños, procedentes de las clases medias trabajadoras, tuvieron un perfil ideológico socialdemócrata más que de socialismo radical. A lo largo de la primera legislatura socialista y con la crisis de la OTAN, la ASU fue perdiendo el carácter de agrupación estudiantil para incrementarse su implantación entre el profesorado y convertirse en una sección de reclutamiento de cuadros socialistas.Palabras clave: PSOE, Socialdemocracia, Universidades de Madrid, reforma universitaria, movimiento estudiantil.Abstract: In 1977, the Socialist University Association (ASU) was refounded as a section of the Socialist Federation of Madrid of the PSOE. Unlike the first ASU (1956-1961), the new Madrid socialist university students, coming from the working middle classes, had a social-democratic ideological profile rather than radical socialism. Throughout the first socialist legislature and with the crisis of NATO, ASU was losing the character of student group to increase its implementation among professors and become a recruitment section of socialist cadres.Keywords: Spanish Socialist Workers Party, Madrid Universities, University reform, student movement
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Guenther, Katja. "A Movement Without Memory: Feminism and Collective Memory in Post-Socialist Germany." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 17, no. 2 (June 1, 2012): 157–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.17.2.p8334vt163677676.
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The creation and maintenance of strategically useful collective memories can be important achievements for social movements, yet not all movements will attempt or succeed in these endeavors. This article examines how the shared history of the German Democratic Republic's (GDR) gender egalitarianism project was forgotten in the unified Germany. Feminist activists faced many conditions that appeared conducive to propagating a collective memory of the GDR's policies of gender egalitarianism. Ultimately, however, several factors militated against it: a politically and culturally hostile climate, perceived threats to the movement, the specific relationships between memories, and the timing of openings for memory work. For these reasons, a positive public collective memory of gender relations in the GDR did not develop in post-unification Germany.
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Carmin, JoAnn, and Petr Jehlička. "Navigating Institutional Pressure in State-Socialist and Democratic Regimes The Case of Movement Brontosaurus." Nonprofit and Voluntary Sector Quarterly 39, no. 1 (December 17, 2008): 29–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0899764008328820.
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Sassoon, Donald. "The Rise and Fall of West European Communism 1939–48." Contemporary European History 1, no. 2 (July 1992): 139–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300004410.
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The First World War had engendered in 1917 the first communist state and, following this, in 1919, an international communist movement. With the exception of the People's Republic of Mongolia no new communist states emerged between the wars. The Second World War provided European communism with a second chance to establish itself as a significant political force. In its aftermath the Soviet model was extended to much of the eastern part of Europe while, in the West, communism reached, in 1945–6, the zenith of its influence and power. When the dust had settled, Europe, and with it socialism, had become effectively divided. In Eastern, and in parts of Central Europe a form of socialist society was created, only to be bitterly denounced by the (social-democratic) majority of the Western labour movement. It lasted until 1989–90, when, as each of these socialist states collapsed under the weight of internal dissent following the revocation of Soviet control, it became apparent that no novel socialist phoenix would arise from the ashes of over forty years of authoritarian left-wing rule – at least for the foreseeable future.
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Liakhouski, Uładzimir. "“Red Landlord”. The Figure of Anatol Bonch-Osmolovsky and His Role in the Revolutionary Movement of Belarus." Studia Interkulturowe Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej, no. 13 (November 25, 2020): 3–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/2544-3135.si.2020-13.2.
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The article is devoted to the social and political activity of Anatol Osipovich Bonch-Osmolovsky, who was one of the best representatives of the neopopulist direction in the revolutionary movement of Belarus and Russia in 1905–1917. This political biography of one of the Socialist-Revolutionary Party leaders looks at the revolutionary process and the establishment of democratic institutions in a predominantly peasant country by following Bonch-Osmolovsky’s opinions. The attitudes of the “red landowner” to the farm program, to the SocialistRevolutionary Party’s terror, to the Belarusian national movement, and to the idea of Belarus’ political independence are analysed in this article.
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Grexa, Ján. "Společensko-politické determinanty českého vysokoškolského športu." Studia sportiva 6, no. 1 (July 9, 2012): 117–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/sts2012-1-13.
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Historically, a University sports movement is the oldest form of the modern sports movement, which was developed on the base of the student professional organization. Th e aim of this paper is to briefl y analyze the the context of socio-political and specifi c conditions in relation with ’student state‘ feature in Czech university sport in terms of Austro-Hungary monarchy, democratic and socialist Czechoslovak Republic. Th ere is a specifi c feature of the Czech university sport which is a symbiosis of sport-science research activities in physical education, acceptance of modern physical education system and nontraditional sports.
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Issaev, Leonid M. "“Perestroika” à la Nigérien: The Reasons for the Military Coup of 2023." Asia and Africa Today, no. 11 (2023): 15. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750028608-0.
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The article is devoted to the study of the events that transpired in Niger in July 2023, which led to the overthrow of President Mohamed Bazum by members of his own guard, under the command of Abdrahman Tchiani. The fieldwork and interview materials that the authors gathered in Niger in September 2023 are used in this article. It is demonstrated that an escalated intra-elite conflict that started to fester as soon as Mohamed Bazum was elected president in 2021 was the cause of the military coup. The opposition, led by the Democratic and Republican Renewal Party and the Niger Democratic Movement for an African Federation, immediately denounced the results of the February 2021 presidential election as being falsified and staged large-scale demonstrations. Then, in March 2021, before the inauguration in Niger, an unsuccessful coup attempt was made. A disagreement between Mohamed Bazum and his predecessor, Mahamadou Issoufou, inside the ruling Party for Democracy and Socialism may have become apparent by the middle of 2023. The Nigerian security forces, led by Abdrahman Tchiani, the head of the Presidential Guard, and Salifou Modi, the former and current Chief of the General Staff, as well as Abdou Issa, who opposed the current president, spoke the final word.
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McCracken, Damian John. "The CCF and Canada's Socialist Streak." Federalism-E 20, no. 1 (April 17, 2019): 66–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/fede.v20i1.13154.
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In the early 20th Century Canada saw the rise of a prominent socialist movement led by the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation (CCF). The CCF's influence on Canadian politics was essential to the creation of Canada's modern political ideology, which can be described as reform liberal. This ideology took hold due to the pressure that the CCF exerted on the two major federal parties, which could both be characterized as classical liberal. Due to the settlement pattern of the prairies and the actions of the federal government in response to the Great Depression, the CCF was able to secure a strong support base that propelled it to federal politics and allowed it to form a provincial government in Saskatchewan. Though it never formed a federal government, the CCF pushed for old age pension, reforms of corporate taxation, and Medicare. As a provincial actor and a "third force" upon the two ruling federal parties, the CCF and its successor the New Democratic Party’s contributions to Canadian identity and policy are beyond dispute.
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Mayer, Adam. "Reassembling Naija Marxisms: Leftist thought and the socialist movement after 1989 in Nigeria." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue canadienne des études africaines 55, no. 2 (February 12, 2021): 331–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00083968.2020.1842218.
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Witalec, Robert. "Porozumienie Stronnictw Demokratycznych 1948-1950 – próba konsolidacji polskiej emigracji politycznej." Studia Historyczne 61, no. 2 (242) (December 31, 2018): 53–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/sh.61.2018.02.04.
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Agreement of Democratic Parties in the Years 1948-1950 – an Attempt to Consolidate the Milieu of Polish Political Immigration
After his arrival to London in 1947, Stanisław Mikołajczyk undertook endeavors to form a national committee, which would be a projection of the World War II quadruple agreement, which brought together Polish Peasant Party (Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe), Polish Socialist Party (Polska Partia Socjalistyczna), Labor Party (Stronnictwo Pracy) and National Party (Stronnictwo Narodowe). The creation of the Agreement of Democratic Parties was to be the initial step towards the future cooperation and functioning. Yet the National Party was not interested in such cooperation and the Agreement turned out to be a weak entity, unable to conduct active policy among Polish emigration. Differences between parties proved to be too big a barrier, among others regarding the question of the legality of Polish government in exile. The final blow to Mikołajczyk’s concept was the creation of Political Council by National Party, Polish Socialist Party and the Polish Liberty Movement “Independence and Democracy” (Polski Ruch Wolnościowy „Niepodległość i Demokracja”).
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Schneirov, Richard. "New Perspectives on Socialism II Socialism and Capitalism Reconsidered." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 2, no. 4 (October 2003): 351–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781400000487.
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The July 2003 special issue of the Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era revisited the history of the Socialist Party of America during the Progressive Era. This second issue on “New Perspectives on Socialism” examines socialism largely outside the party context, thereby challenging the tendency of scholars and non-scholars alike to identify socialism with a party-based political movement. To the degree that the essays collected here examine party-based socialism, they focus on the gradualist or revisionist wing of the party, whose socializing and democratic reforms, programs, and ideas helped establish a context for the Progressive Era and thereafter, when a “social democratic” type of politics became intrinsic to the mainstream American politics.
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Ekot, Basil, and Zekeri Momoh. "Youth Political Participation and Party Politics during the 2023 General Elections in Nigeria." Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences 15, no. 1 (January 5, 2024): 70. http://dx.doi.org/10.36941/mjss-2024-0005.
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The waning of young participation in politics has made the involvement of Nigerian youth in politics a contentious issue since the country's return to democracy on May 29, 1999. Therefore, this study seeks to investigate the level of youth participation at the party level during 2023 general elections in Nigeria. This study used secondary data such as textbooks, Journal articles and online sources while content analysis was used to analyse the data collected. Moreover, this study is situated within the “Sleeping Dog Theory”. The study argues that the African Democratic Congress (ADC) recorded the highest number of youth participation at the party level during the 2023 general elections. Other parties in order of increased youth participation include Action Democratic Party, New Nigeria's People Party (NNPP), Socialist Democratic Party (SDP), Action Alliance (AA) and Labour Party among others. However, Labour Party occupied sixth position, Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP) thirteen positions while the All Progressive Congress (APC) fifteen positions. This shows that the three dominant Political parties during the 2023 general elections namely Labour Party, Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP) and All Progressive Congress (APC) were not among the leading political parties that encouraged youth participation at the party level during the 2023 general elections. On the whole, this study recommends among other things that Interparty Advisory Council (IPAC) which is the umbrella body for Political parties in Nigeria should work closely with the various political party leadership on ways to increase youth participation at the party level like the reduction of the party nomination/interest form.
Received: 10 October 2023 / Accepted: 28 December 2023 / Published: 5 January 2024
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Muś, Anna. "Politicization of Ethnicity: The Moravian-Silesian Movement in the Czech Republic and the Silesian Movement in Poland—A Comparative Approach." Nationalities Papers 47, no. 6 (November 2019): 1048–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2018.66.
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AbstractEthnoregionalism in Europe is a phenomenon usually studied in the context of Western Europe. Still, in Central and Eastern Europe, there are some social and political movements that can be categorized as ethnoregionalist. The phenomenon started to play a role even before the Great War and in the interwar period, but was suppressed during the times of socialist regimes. It resurfaced immediately after 1989 during the times of transformation of political systems to fully democratic systems when problems of decentralization, authority, and division of power became openly discussed. In this article, I compare two such movements in the context of their political potential. The Moravian-Silesian movement in the Czech Republic and the Silesian movement in Poland have both similarities and differences, but the article mostly focuses on the evolution of these movements.
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Błaszczyk, Cezary. "Jineology: Kurdish “feminism” in the doctrine of democratic confederalism and the political system of the Democratic Federation of Northern Syria (Rojava)." Studia Iuridica, no. 90 (June 27, 2022): 74–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/2544-3135.si.2022-90.4.
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There can be no doubt that among many problems of the Middle East inadequate status of women is of paramount importance. It might come as a surprise, then, that the most radical doctrine of feminine emancipation was formulated by the Kurdish socialist freedom movement from Turkey and is being implemented in war-torn Syria in the de facto autonomy called the Democratic Federation of Northern Syria, better known as “Rojava”. The doctrine is named jineology (in Kurdish jineolojî) and constitutes one of three pillars of democratic confederalism (together with libertarian democratic socialism and ecologism), the ideology of Abdullah Öcalan. Apo, as he is called, proposed a socialist revolution that would include women’s liberation and would take place in human hearts and minds rather than on the battlefields. First, the system of education needs to accept progressive methods and contents. Second, women ought to become active participants in the political, social, and economic life, especially in order to marginalize the state through creation of a multi-level self-government. Third, they need to be able to defend themselves (also physically) against men, nations-states waging wars, industrialists, and capitalists. The theoretical foundation of these changes is referred to as jineology, understood as a discipline belonging to social sciences, similar to gender studies. These are the ideals that are being implemented in Rojava and manifested in the Social Contract, the constitution of the Democratic Federation of Northern Syria.
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Lóránd, Zsófia. "International Solidarity as the Cornerstone of the Hungarian Post-War Socialist Women's Rights Agenda in the Magazine Asszonyok." International Review of Social History 67, S30 (March 10, 2022): 103–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859022000049.
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AbstractThis article analyses five years of the magazine Asszonyok (Women) the main forum for discussing women's rights between 1945 and 1949 in Hungary. The magazine was published by the Magyar Nők Demokratikus Szövetsége (the Hungarian Women's Democratic Federation), an umbrella organization created mostly by women from the communist movement. This analysis is centred around the idea of internationalism and how it became a means for socialist women's emancipation, proof of the political power of the new women's organization, and a platform of political education. It also symbolized the new era of peace after the war, peace becoming one of the slogans of the socialist women's movement globally. The broadening international platform of transfers became a terrain where political languages about race, class, and gender were slowly but steadily taking shape. Solidarity with women across the globe became one of the main tenets of communist women in Hungary. However, solidarity had its limits. As is shown here, identification with the right political agenda was even more important than aspects of race and class. This was one of the most important ways in which socialist women's rights and feminism were diverging from each other, despite the broad spectrum of shared elements on their agenda.
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Laybourn, Keith. "The Failure of Socialist Unity in Britain c. 1893–1914." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 4 (December 1994): 153–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3679219.
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SOCIALIST unity became an issue for the British left with in a year of the formation of the Social Democratic Federation (SDF) in 1884. The secession of William Morris and his supporters from the SDF and the formation of the Socialist League in reaction to the autocratic leadership of Henry Mayers Hyndman brought about a fundamental division within British socialism. Subsequently the creation of other socialist parties, most particularly the Independent Labour Party (ILP) led to further disunity within die British socialist movement. Nevertheless, notwidistanding die proliferation of British socialist societies with their distinctive socialist credentials, diere were several attempts to form a united socialist party between 1893 and 1914. They were normally encouraged, on the one hand, by advocates of the ‘religion of socialism’ such as William Morris, Robert Blatchford and Victor Grayson, and, on the other, by Hyndman and the SDF. The aim of these efforts was to strengdien socialist organisation in times of both political failure and success, but in every instance diey failed due to the intractable problem of bringing together socialists of distinctively different persuasions under the umbrella of one party. These failures have led recent historians to debate two major questions connected with socialist unity. First, diey have asked at what point did socialist unity cease to be a viable alternative to the Labour Alliance between the ILP and the trade unions? Stephen Yeo feels that socialist unity became impossible after die mid 1890s, David Howell suggests that this ‘suppressed alternative’ became unlikely about five to ten years later, as die leaders of die Independent Labour Party opted for the trade union rather than socialist alliance,
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Armstrong, Elisabeth. "Peace and the Barrel of the Gun in the Internationalist Women’s Movement, 1945–49." Meridians 18, no. 2 (October 1, 2019): 261–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15366936-7775685.
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Abstract In 1949, at a conference instigated by the Women’s International Democratic Federation (WIDF) held in Beijing, China, the Asian Women’s Conference solidified an anticolonial, antifascist, and antiracist theory for organizing women transnationally. This transnational feminist praxis drew its movement demands and strategies from the masses of women in anticolonial movements, both rural and urban poor women. It also framed a two-fold theory of women’s organizing: it delineated one platform for women fighting imperialism within colonized countries, and another platform for women fighting imperialism within aggressor nations. This transnational feminism supported an explicitly pro-socialist vision for the future.
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Arnold, N. Scott. "Equality and Exploitation in the Market Socialist Community." Social Philosophy and Policy 9, no. 1 (January 1992): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052500003587.
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Historically, critics of capitalism have had a great deal to say about the defects and social ills that afflict capitalist society and correspondingly little to say about how alternative institutional arrangements might solve these problems. One can only speculate about why this has been so. One reason might be a simple matter of priorities. Bertolt Brecht once said that when a man's house is on fire, one does not inquire too closely into alternative arrangements for shelter. The analogy between capitalism and a burning house may seem overwrought today, but in the dark days of the Depression of the 1930s it probably seemed more apt. Another explanation for the scant attention paid to alternatives to capitalism has to do with both the factual and ideological beliefs of capitalism's critics. If one believes (as, for example, Marx and Engels did) that the existing order would be destroyed by a mass movement, that new institutions would be constructed by the people in a democratic spirit, and that furthermore all of this would be a good thing, it would be unwise and counterproductive to try to spell out exactly where history is headed. After all, a genuine mass movement has little use for self-proclaimed prophets of history. Finally, men and women of modest intellectual pretensions might be humbled by the prospects of trying to spell out in any detail social institutions that should exist or might exist but are not as yet found anywhere in the world.
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Gyanwali, Gokarna Prasad, and Khem Raj Khanal. "People's Multi-party Democracy: A Success Story of the Communist Movement of Nepal." Patan Gyansagar 6, no. 1 (July 9, 2024): 35–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/pg.v6i1.67405.
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The 1990s was a crucial time in the global communist movement that faced a serious setback after the collapse of the USSR and other East European communist and socialist governments. In Nepal, communist parties allied with the Nepali Congress, a democratic party to stage the people’s movement to end active monarchy and restore democracy. The call for the people’s movement by the parties appealed the people and they took part in the movement in a historic way. That movement succeeded to restore democracy and end the active monarchy. Madan Bhandari, the secretary-general of the Communist Party of Nepal (Marxist and Leninist) witnessed this unprecedented participation of the people in a peaceful democratic movement and realized the need to democratize the communist movement, so that, they could build people’s trust towards communist parties. In the general election held in 1991, communist parties won forty percent of the seats in the parliament and popular votes as well. In this context, Bhandari presented the document of people’s multi-party democracy in the fifth national congress of the Communist Party of Nepal (Marxist and Leninist) held in 1993, and it was passed overwhelmingly in the congress. This article attempts to make a textual analysis of the document of People’s multi-party democracy to examine the major aspects of the document and to see how successful it has become in democratizing the communist movement in Nepal.
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Bërdufi, Dorina. "Possible Capture of Votes Fraud in 2015 Local Election in Albania." Academic Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 6, no. 1 (March 28, 2017): 17–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.5901/ajis.2017.v6n1p17.
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Abstract The paper concentration is on the number of votes each political party acquired in the 2015 local elections. A constant debate and dispute is performed regarding vote counting manipulating, such as vote steeling, uncounted votes, corruption of vote counters, vote buying etc. Thus, statistical calculation on 2015 national results are subject of first digit Benford’s Law application. The result shows that all first digit number groups of parties′ normal distribution rate of votes do not correlate to the 1BL distribution rate. It is clear that there have been a probable vote fraud/manipulation in this election. Out of three main political parties of Albania, being also parliamentary ones, only one the Socialist Party shows lost vote’s number in the group it belongs. Instead the Socialist Movement for Integration and Democratic Party show an increasing one.
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Chicharro, Manuel Ramírez. "Radicalizing Feminism: The Mexican and Cuban Associations within the Women's International Democratic Federation in the Early Cold War." International Review of Social History 67, S30 (March 10, 2022): 75–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859022000025.
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AbstractThis article analyses the interactions between the Women's International Democratic Federation (WIDF) and its Mexican and Cuban national chapters and affiliated organizations. Focusing on the National Bloc of Revolutionary Women, the Democratic Union of Mexican Women, and the Democratic Federation of Cuban Women, this article studies the ideological foundations these organizations defended and the action programmes they used to materialize them. One of its main contributions is to argue that Mexican and Cuban socialist and communist women contributed to the struggle for women's emancipation within the Eastern Bloc through grass-roots contributions that did not simply emulate European communist organizations, but drew on, and were informed by, national contexts, material conditions, and historical backgrounds. The increasing number of requests, demands, and proposals emerging from Latin America, and more specifically from Mexico and Cuba, ultimately fostered a steady process of decentralization that broadened visions of women's progress within the global leftist feminist movement during the early Cold War.
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LEE, JUNG-MIN MINA. "Minjung Kayo: Imagining Democracy through Song in South Korea." Twentieth-Century Music 20, no. 1 (February 2023): 49–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1478572222000470.
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AbstractDuring South Korea's authoritarian period (1961–87), student activists employed songs to express their anti-government and pro-democratic views. Known as minjung kayo (people's songs), these protest songs can be traced to the modern American folk music embraced by South Korean youth in the 1960s. By the late 1980s, however, minjung kayo carried emphatically anti-American, nationalistic, and socialist tones, echoing the minjung ideals that strove to achieve authentic ‘Koreanness’. This article unravels the complexities underlying the process of minjung kayo's development into an emblem of the pro-democratic movement, which entailed a shift away from its initial reflective and poetic style inspired by American folk music (exemplified in the songs of Kim Min-ki) and a move towards the militant style influenced by the Marxist composer Hanns Eisler. It argues that minjung kayo embodied the complex relationship South Korean activists held with their colonial past and autocratic present, as well as visions of their democratic future.
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Sadria, Modj-ta-ba. "L’Indonésie : Interactions et conflits idéologiques avant la Deuxième Guerre mondiale." Études internationales 17, no. 1 (April 12, 2005): 49–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/701963ar.
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Since the dawn of the 20th century, three ideologies have been constantly interacting in the Indonesian society, namely Islam, Marxism, and nationalism. Each has played a striking role in the evolution of the movement for independence - which led to independence in 1945. And today each of them wonders to what extent it has been responsible for the coup d'État by General Suharto in 1965. Since in the current situation, the relations which exist between these three trends of thought, in many respects, are reminiscent of those which prevailed during the interwar years, a study of that period may shed new light on an important moment of the history of political thought in Indonesia. The question of relations between Islamic, nationalist, and Marxist thought is a prevalent issue in a country where a population of Muslim creed is held in subordination, and where there exist s an important leftist intellectual movement, with or without a significant working class. Through the history of the anti-Dutch nationalist movements, through the rise of various Islamic movements (Pan-Islamism, the moderen, the "laity") and that of the Islamic parties linked to them (Sarekat Dagang Islam, Sarekat Islam), through the expansion of the social-democratic, socialist and communist parties (ISDU - Indian Social Democratic Union ; PKI - Perserikaten Kommunist de India ; Sarekat Rakjat - People's Association), and finally, through Sukarno's efforts to conciliate all these movements with a view to independence, an attempt is made to show that, in the evolution of the nationalist movement in Indonesia, there are two inherent elements, namely the socialist ideology and Islam. In the light of the case of Indonesia, it is therefore tempting to consider religion and politics as being symbiotic ideologies.
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Ierusalimskiy, Yuriy Yu. "Social Democratic Leaflets of the Period of the Decline of the First Russian Revolution in the Upper Volga Region: January 1906 – June 3, 1907." Herald of an archivist, no. 1 (2018): 219–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2018-1-219-235.
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The article studies leaflets of social democratic organizations in the Upper Volga region during the period of the decline of the first Russian revolution. The chronological framework for the study is January 1906 – June 3, 1907. The territorial framework includes the Tver, Yaroslavl, Kostroma, and Vladimir gubernias. Source base of the study is published and unpublished sources: leaflets of the Upper Volga social democratic organizations. In January 1906 the revolutionary movement in Russia was waning. The leaflets of the Upper Volga extreme left organizations echoed regional socio-political life of 1906 – mid-1907: electoral campaigns for the First and the Second State Duma, parliamentary activities of the Social Democrats in the Second Duma, strikes, peasant demonstrations, Vyborg Manifesto, dissolution of the Second State Duma, etc. The social democratic proclamations sharply criticized autocracy, Black Hundreds, liberal parties (especially Kadets), and other socialist parties, their obvious rivals for influence over the exploited masses (especially the Socialist Revolutionaries). The social democratic leaflet literature split in two factions – Bolshevik and Menshevik. During the period of the decline of the revolution, the Bolsheviks and Mensheviks evaluated the events of 1906-1907 differently. After the dissolution of the First State Duma the Bolshevik organizations pushed for an armed uprising, while the Mensheviks called for a peaceful strike. And yet, in the Upper Volga region the distinction between Bolshevik and Menshevik slogans was less pronounced than the scholarship indicate. The analysis of leaflet literature shows that in mid-July 1906 the ‘left bloc’ was reborn once again after the autumn of 1905. The proclamations of the Upper Volga social democratic organizations insisted that the RSDLP was the only true defender of popular interests. Leaflets of the Upper Volga Social Democrats dating from 1906 to 1907 are an important source for the period of the decline of the first Russian revolution.
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Koku, Usman Ugboga, Oduor Isaiah Otieno, and Edward Kisiang’ani. "Dynamics of India Development Aid to Nigeria in the Post Cold War Era." AFRICAN JOURNAL OF HISTORY AND ARCHAEOLOGY 6, no. 1 (August 18, 2023): 47–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.56201/ajha.v6.no1.2022.pg47.62.
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Following the collapse of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) in 1991, and India pro- market economic reforms of 1991, have affected its relationship with outside world including Nigeria. This paper examines the development aid relations between Nigeria and India after the return of Nigeria to democratic rule from 1999-2007, especially the trade and investment activities of India in Nigeria particularly in area of agriculture, manufacturing, and extractive sector of Nigeria economy. The paper is anchored on dependency and underdevelopment theory to assess actual beneficiary of the development aid relations, and to demonstrates the asymmetric nature of the relationship between Nigeria and India. It has been revealed from the study that after the cold war development aid relations between Nigeria and India has been shifted from idealistic ideology to realistic pro- market economic ideology. It is also noted that, the asymmetric nature of the relationship has hampered the development of Nigeria. This was as a result of unequal trade and investment relations, has India have enormous advantage over Nigeria because of its technological and economic advancement. Therefore, the paper argued that for Nigeria to benefit from the India’s development aid relations, the relationship has to be redesigned to allow for transparency and equal opportunity
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Upadhyay, Archana. "Russian Revolution in perspective. Reflections on its impact on the Indian freedom struggle." Journal of the Belarusian State University. History, no. 4 (October 31, 2019): 47–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.33581/2520-6338-2019-4-47-55.
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The October Revolution of 1917 profoundly influenced the course of the Indian freedom movement in multiple ways. It gave impetus to Indian political aspirations, widened the base of the freedom struggle by making industrial workers and peasants active participants, and endowed the movement with a progressive outlook. The revolution’s principles resonated deeply among the people and leaders of the Indian freedom movement. In fact, many of the values enshrined in our Constitution, adopted post-independence, were inspired by the lofty ideals of the Russian Revolution. The most important event in Russia, influencing the course of the freedom movement in India, was the October Revolution in 1917. The revolution, its ideology, V. I. Lenin and his deep involvement with the issues confronting the people of the East, the transformation of Russia post 1917, and the overall attitude of the Soviet government and the Comintern towards India’s freedom struggle deeply influenced both the people and the leaders of the Indian freedom movement. Though the multiclass national movement did not get converted completely to the cause of socialism, the fact remains that the legacies of the October Revolution influenced the course of the freedom struggle in multiple ways. Some of its legacies got imprinted in the Constitution that India adopted post-independence. The socialist component of the Constitution of India did not happen by accident. It was the outcome of the massive ideological churning that took place within and outside the Indian National Congress and that which by no small measure was triggered by the emancipatory ideals of the Russian Revolution of 1917. The Constitution of the Republic of India, adopted on 26 January 1950, was based on a set of principles and ideas that would achieve socialist reconstruction of society through democratic means. The right balance of the proper socio-economic rights with guaranteed democratic and civil liberties, based on the majority principle along with the right of minority opinions to exist and flourish in a secular state became the cornerstones of the Constitution that independent India adopted. Many of these values were clearly inspired by the lofty ideals of the Russian Revolution.
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Oladoye Ebenezer, Nweke Edunna Daniel, Anosike Collins Chiedizie, Anosike Nancy Onyemechi, Oladoye Adeyinka Elizabeth, Gabriel Tobiloba Abioye, Inalegwu Daniel Edwin, et al. "Political parties and democratic consolidation in Nigeria (1999-2019)." International Journal of Multidisciplinary Research Updates 6, no. 1 (August 30, 2023): 001–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.53430/ijmru.2023.6.1.0061.
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Democracy has become the most dominant political movement in the world today. The popularity of this political practice has been a worldwide trend over the years. Also, political parties are the engine room of democratic societies and without them; there will be no genuine democracy. Hence, this revealed the importance of political parties when he stated that "modern democracy is unthinkable save in terms of political parties". Indeed, the existence of vibrant political parties is a sine qua non for democratic consolidation. Therefore, it is not just the existence of political parties themselves per se, but the existence of vibrant ones in the polity. The degree of democratic consolidation in a country depends largely on the character and conduct of the country's political parties. The research adopts system theory analyses. The aim of this research work is to examine why democracy is not yet consolidated in Nigeria. Information about the subject of discourse was obtained through exploration history, this research solely rely on secondary data such as books, internet material, journals which were textually analyzed. This research work reveals that party system in Nigeria is weak and vulnerable, its future remains precarious and endangered by politicians who through their whims and caprices have become greedy, selfish, dubious, thoughtless and irrational. Nigerian political parties have proven themselves to be undemocratic and anti democratic institutions. It was observed from the research that lack of accountability, inequality, corruption, weak enforcement agencies, god-fatherism among others is limiting democratic consolidation in Nigeria. The research recommends that critical attention needs to be paid to the political parties as institutions that play diverse but central roles in democratic consolidation and that parties need to be re-engineered from mere institutions for acquiring political power to effective institutions that are capable of structuring, mediating and reconciling societal interests and conflict.
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Wils, Lode. "De Vlaamse beweging." Res Publica 27, no. 4 (December 31, 1985): 543–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v27i4.19205.
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The Flemish Movement was born out of the democratic and especially, the national enthusiasm of the Belgian revolution of 1830. lts purpose was the recovery of the people language in public life (pp. 1-3). Till the defeat of France in the France-German war of 1870-1871 she wanted to protect Belgium from annexation by France. The revolution of 1848 in Europe and the threat of Belgium by «the dictator» Napoleon III, reinforced its democratic character and connected it with the movement for enlargement of the voting-right, for decentralization and anti-militarism. Therefore she was supported also from the Walloon patriots and democrats, especially out of the catholic party (pp. 8-11).From 1847 onwards its morale and politics which were close to the church opinion ( pp. 4 and 6), were openly tempted by a group for whom the Flemish Movement had to have a liberal character (pp. 5 and 7). In that group, most of them rejected the enlargement of votingright because it would be in the interest of the catholics (pp. 12-13), and they condamned the cooperation of some liberals with the Flemish minded catholics (pp. 13-15). The introduction of the universal suffrage in 1893 led to a reinforced Flamingant agitation (p. 18).She was backed upon the christian-democrat peasant- and labour movement, but did get little response in the socialist party. The interest for political action in the Flemish Movement stayed weak (pp. 17-21).
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Akhmadulin, Evgeny V. "POLITICAL SATIRE OF LIBERALS AGAINST ROYAL DIGNITANTS (ON THE EXAMPLE OF THE MAGAZINE "OSVOBOZHDENIE")." Proceedings of Southern Federal University. Philology 27, no. 3 (September 30, 2023): 178–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.18522/1995-0640-2023-3-178-187.
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The purpose of the article is to show the irreconcilable position of liberal publicists in relation to the tsarist regime on the eve of the first Russian revolution of 1905-1907 and during the period of active association of liberals around the foreign opposition magazine Osvobozhdenie (1902-1905). Unlike the social-democratic newspaper Iskra and the Socialist-Revolutionary Russia, which developed their party programs for a certain class – workers and peasants, respectively – Osvobozhdenie set the task of a nationwide movement in the struggle for their rights. Therefore, in addition to leading articles, analytical reviews, program speeches by the leaders of the future movement, political satire was actively used in the Osvobozhdenie magazine as a method of political struggle against the tsarist autocracy and effective propaganda against the existing regime.