To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Democratic policy processes.
Journal articles on the topic 'Democratic policy processes'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Democratic policy processes.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Bray, J., and G. Nana. "Policy Optimization in Democratic Political Processes." IFAC Proceedings Volumes 22, no. 5 (June 1989): 87–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s1474-6670(17)53436-9.
Full text
2
Toussaint, Bert. "(Transport) history as policy lab for democratic governance." Journal of Transport History 40, no. 2 (May 9, 2019): 270–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022526619847393.
Full textAbstract:
In the past decades we witnessed a rise of public participation in transport and land-use projects, and often those practices have been formalised in a solid juridical framework. In the Netherlands and other EU-countries, the cornerstones of this participatory planning framework are the Environmental Impact Study and the Environment Impact Assessment. However, historical appraisals of the impact of these instruments on participatory processes are lacking. Using the case study of the contested Dutch motorway project passing through the Amelisweerd forest (1970s), this paper aims to appraise the role of deliberative democracy concepts and practices. This paper is a plea for a novel academic agenda driven by the research questions: to what extent have participatory processes in transport, land-use and water management policies had an impact on deliberative democracy concepts and practices? Which role did citizens and users have in shaping the decision-making process?
3
Melo, Daniela. "Women’s Movements in Portugal and Spain: Democratic Processes and Policy Outcomes." Journal of Women, Politics & Policy 38, no. 3 (September 27, 2016): 251–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1554477x.2016.1219586.
Full text
4
Risteska, Marija. "The role of the EU in promoting good governance in Macedonia: towards efficiency and effectiveness or deliberative democracy?" Nationalities Papers 41, no. 3 (May 2013): 431–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2013.769504.
Full textAbstract:
Good governance has been used as a development tool by international organizations and the European Union (hereinafter: EU) which has included it in cooperation agreements and promotes it within its Enlargement Policy. This paper analyzes the good governance approach in the EU's relations with Macedonia and its effects on the country's democratic policy making. The analysis shows that the Europeanization of Macedonia has an impact on the democratic processes in the country with sub-optimal results as its technocratic approach in assessing the country's readiness for EU membership has proved to be detrimental for the deliberative democratic processes. The intensive pressure for effectiveness and efficiency results in finding short cuts in rule transfer through copying and pasting legislation from member states and limiting the democratic policy making to political deliberation rather than to wide policy consultations between state and non-state actors.
5
Jönsson, Kristina, Bounfeng Phoummalaysith, Rolf Wahlström, and Göran Tomson. "Health policy evolution in Lao People’s Democratic Republic: context, processes and agency." Health Policy and Planning 30, no. 4 (April 15, 2014): 518–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/heapol/czu017.
Full text
6
Gaziero Cella, José Renato, Lucas Augusto Da Silva Zolet, and Rafael Copetti. "PROCESSO POLÍTICO COMO CONSTRUÇÃO DEMOCRÁTICA: UMA DISCUSSÃO ACERCA DOS PROCESSOS ELEITORAIS FORMADOS POR APENAS UMA CANDIDATURA." Revista Eletrônica Direito e Política 15, no. 3 (December 18, 2020): 747–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.14210/rdp.v15n3.p747-770.
Full textAbstract:
Este trabalho, guiado por estudo de caso que orienta a utilização de método hipotético-dedutivo, propõe o estudo acerca do problema dos processos políticos eleitorais formados por apenas uma candidatura, notadamente no Brasil, sobretudo fazendo uma contraposição com o dever de respeito aos pressupostos dos processos políticos democráticos como hipótese alinhada à Democracia. Defende-se que estes modelos singulares não contribuem para um possível desenvolvimento dos cenários políticos sustentáveis. A hegemonia de pequenos grupos e a ausência de uma perspectiva real de participação nas tomadas de decisões é um perigoso espaço para abuso do poder político. A relevância deste trabalho, portanto, funda-se no pressuposto de que as práticas democráticas não podem ser baseadas em modelos de suposto consenso, mas no reconhecimento do elemento do desacordo coletivo como circunstância política de diálogo democrático acerca das principais questões da vida social. O desacordo como ideal da Democracia permite o efetivo direito de escolha, projeta a cidadania e o desenvolvimento das liberdades como defesa das diferentes composições ideológicas da comunidade.PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Democracia; Desacordo; Processo Político Democrático; Robert Dahl.POLITICAL PROCESS AS DEMOCRATIC CONSTRUCTION: A DISCUSSION ABOUT THE ELECTORAL PROCESS FORMED ONLY ONE APPLICATIONABSTRACTThis work, guided by case study that guides the use of hypothetical-deductive method, proposes the study of the problem of electoral political processes formed by only one application, notably in Brazil, especially making a contrast with the duty to respect the assumptions of democratic political processes as chance aligned with Democracy. It is argued these unique models will not contribute to the possible development of sustainable policy scenarios. The hegemony of small groups and the absence of a real prospect of participation in decision-making is a dangerous space for abuse of political power. The relevance of this work, therefore, is based on the assumption that the democratic practices cannot be based on a supposed consensus models, but in recognition of the element of collective disagreement as democratic dialogue of political circumstances on the main issues of social life. Disagreement as ideal of Democracy allows the effective right to choose, designs citizenship and the development of freedoms and defense of the different ideological compositions of the community.KEYWORDS: Democracy; Disagreement; Democratic Political Processes; Robert Dahl.
7
HILL, KIM QUAILE, and TETSUYA MATSUBAYASHI. "Civic Engagement and Mass–Elite Policy Agenda Agreement in American Communities." American Political Science Review 99, no. 2 (May 2005): 215–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055405051610.
Full textAbstract:
We test propositions about how different forms of civic engagement are related to democratic representation in American communities. Our data are for the samples of communities, their citizens, and their leaders originally examined by Verba and Nie inParticipation in America(1972). Our analyses of those data indicate that membership in bridging social–capital civic associations is unrelated to democratic responsiveness of leaders to the mass public but that bonding social–capital membership is negatively associated with such responsiveness. We also demonstrate that bonding social–capital civic engagement weakens the democratic linkage processes inherent in elections.
8
Wolf, Sarah, and Claudia Wild. "PP87 Inpatient Drug Reimbursement: Approaches For A Democratic Process." International Journal of Technology Assessment in Health Care 35, S1 (2019): 54–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266462319002289.
Full textAbstract:
IntroductionIn the context of limited healthcare resources and high healthcare expenditures, the introduction of new, cost-intensive medicines forces decision-makers to prioritize drug funding, especially in the areas of orphan diseases and oncology. In democratic societies, health policy decisions need to be evidence-based, transparent, fair, and efficient. Therefore, in some countries standardized (transparent) processes exist. In Austria, decisions on the reimbursement of new medicines have not been made for a long time. The aim of the present study was to develop different scenarios for a standardized, centralized reimbursement process for expensive hospital drugs in Austria that favors democratic decisions.MethodsA multi-stage approach was undertaken. Firstly, the reimbursement processes (only for original preparations) in Austria and other selected countries were investigated. Secondly, the strengths and weaknesses of these processes were analyzed based on predefined criteria, following the concepts of “accountability for reasonableness” (A4R) and “deliberative decision making”. Thirdly, scenarios for an Austria-wide uniform reimbursement process for hospital drugs were developed.ResultsThree scenarios were identified: (i) a reimbursement process for hospital drugs that follows the existing reimbursement process in the outpatient sector in Austria; (ii) a cooperative of decentralized Pharmaceutical and Therapeutics Committees for procurement, use, and reimbursement decisions for hospital drugs; and (iii) an adaptation of the existing reimbursement process of non-drug, highly specialized technologies to pharmaceutical interventions.ConclusionsAccording to the concepts of A4R and deliberative decision making, a transparent, evidence-based, fair, and efficient allocation of limited healthcare resources is indispensable for justifying decisions on health funding priorities in democracies. However, these criteria can be diametrically opposed. For example, methods, processes, and decisions can be evidence based, transparent, and fair, but also significantly more time consuming. Thus, a balance between the individual options for action is necessary, and priorities must be set.
9
Christiansen, Pia Vanting. "Language policy in the European Union." Language Problems and Language Planning 30, no. 1 (February 20, 2006): 21–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lplp.30.1.03chr.
Full textAbstract:
This article analyses some of the potential language policy scenarios in a democratic, integrated European Union. It examines how a functional multilingual, democratic, ecological language policy in the European Parliament may ensure equal participation in, and benefit from, democratic processes for both majority and minority language communities. How multilingualism is managed and language policy is formed will be crucial in creating the identity of a future European Union, which the author discusses through a reinterpretation of what the EU might stand for; summarised in the notions of an English Union, an Elite Union, an Equal Union or an Esperanto Union. Language policy issues are especially important with regard to education, as multilingual education could be viewed as a democratic tool safeguarding active citizen participation in an intergovernmental forum such as the EU. Based on a three-language model it is possible to sustain a secure ethnic identity or identities via teaching through the mother tongue(s), as well as by acquiring at least one lingua franca and additional languages through carefully planned and well-organised multilingual education. The article concludes, in the long term, that the optimal language policy alternative would be one employing a planned language (such as Esperanto) as lingua franca, as a relay language and as an internal working language for the EU institutions.
10
Schmidt, Manfred G. "West Germany: The Policy of the Middle Way." Journal of Public Policy 7, no. 2 (April 1987): 135–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x00005213.
Full textAbstract:
ABSTRACTThis article focuses attention on the distinctive characteristics of economic and social policy in West Germany during the last four decades. It will be argued, that the distinctiveness of state intervention in West Germany resides in a combination of policies of conversative-reformist, liberal and social democratic complexion. The policy of the middle way which results from this combination differs from the extreme poles that are marked by the model of Social-Democratic welfare capitalism on the one hand and market capitalism on the other, but it also comprises elements of both types of political economies. The emergence and the maintenance of the policy of the middle way can largely be attributed to distinctive characteristics of the policy process, and of processes of learning from historical catastrophes.
11
Karimi, Sirvan. "Public Administration and Democracy: The Virtue and Limit of Participatory Democracy as a Democratic Innovation." Technium Social Sciences Journal 15 (January 9, 2021): 493–506. http://dx.doi.org/10.47577/tssj.v15i1.2230.
Full textAbstract:
The expansion of public bureaucracy has been one of the most significant developments that has marked societies, particularly Western liberal democratic societies. Growing political apathy, citizen disgruntlement and the ensuing decline in electoral participation reflects the political nature of governance failures. Public bureaucracy, which has historically been saddled with derogatory and pejorative connotations, has encountered fierce assaults from multiple fronts. Out of these sharp criticisms of public bureaucracy that have emanated from both sides of the ideological spectrum, attempts have been made to popularize and advance citizen participation in both policy formulation and policy implementation processes as innovations to democratize public administration. Despite their virtue, empowering connotations and spirit-uplifting messages to the public, these proposed practices of democratic innovations not only have their own shortcomings and are conducive to exacerbating the conditions that they are directed to ameliorate but they also have the potential to undermine the traditional administrative and political accountability mechanisms.
12
Cortizo, Maria del Carmen. "DEMOCRACIA, POLÍTICA SOCIAL E LUTA HEGEMÔNICA." Revista Políticas Públicas 19, no. 2 (June 16, 2016): 445. http://dx.doi.org/10.18764/2178-2865.v19n2p445-453.
Full textAbstract:
Resumo: O presente trabalho discorre sobre que a possibilidade de construir políticas sociais dentro de um processo que objetive a radicalidade democrática que pode ser garantida através de processos participativos, mas necessariamente também representativos. Partindo da concepção gramsciana que concebe a democracia como parte da luta hegemônica, considera que as políticas sociais podem ser arena de disputa entre projetos societários (projeto neoliberal e projeto democrático-participativo) e que essa disputa deve acontecer no espaço “participativo” e no espaço “representativo” do Estado e da sociedade civil. Democracia e participação são termos de uma unidade orgânica que se realiza no processo de luta pela hegemonia.Palavras-chave: Democracia, participação, políticas sociais.DEMOCRACY, SOCIAL POLICY AND HEGEMONIC STRUGGLEAbstract: This paper reports about the possibility of building social policies within a process that aims the democratic radicality that can be ensured through participatory processes, but also necessarily representative. Starting from the Gramscian conception that conceives democracy as part of the hegemonic struggle, considers that social policies can be the arena of contest between corporate projects (neoliberal project and democratic participatory project) and that this dispute should happen in “participatory” space and “representative” space of the State and civil society. Democracy and participation are terms of an organic unity that takes place in the struggle for hegemony.Key words: Democracy, participation, social policies.
13
Ustinovich, Elena, and Michael Kulikov. "National projects, socio-economic policy and public equilibrium." Social'naja politika i social'noe partnerstvo (Social Policy and Social Partnership), no. 6 (June 1, 2020): 6–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/pol-01-2006-01.
Full textAbstract:
The article presents a brief analysis of modern economic policy in Russia. Attention is paid to the role of the Central Bank of the Russian Federation in public welfare and its role in the effectiveness of the social policy of Russia as a democratic state. Critical opinions of famous political scientists and economists on the role of the Central Bank of the Russian Federation in these processes are presented.
14
Christensen, Tom, and Per Lægreid. "Democracy and administrative policy: contrasting elements of New Public Management (NPM) and post-NPM." European Political Science Review 3, no. 1 (February 25, 2011): 125–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773910000299.
Full textAbstract:
This article presents an analytical platform for discussing and analyzing administrative reforms in terms of democracy. First, we present the democratic theory positions represented by output democracy and input democracy. These two positions are used to classify different types of reform. The second explanatory approach on democracy and reforms is transformative, and it applies a mixture of external features, domestic administrative culture, and polity features to understand variations in the democratic aspects of public sector reforms. Central issues are whether these reforms can be seen as alternatives or whether they complement each other in terms of layering processes. Third, we take a broad overview of New Public Management (NPM) and post-NPM reforms and carry out an in-depth analysis of a new administrative policy report by the Norwegian centre-left government. Finally, we discuss briefly the broader comparative implications of our findings.
15
BONIFAZI, ALESSANDRO, CARLO REGA, and PAOLA GAZZOLA. "STRATEGIC ENVIRONMENTAL ASSESSMENT AND THE DEMOCRATISATION OF SPATIAL PLANNING." Journal of Environmental Assessment Policy and Management 13, no. 01 (March 2011): 9–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1464333211003778.
Full textAbstract:
This paper investigates the potential of Strategic Environmental Assessment (SEA) to contribute to the high-level policy objective of fostering democratisation in spatial planning. Democratic SEA is conceptualised by discussing environmental citizenship, public control over policy making, and participants' empowerment. The empirical investigation is based on the analysis of SEA documents produced during 25 municipal spatial planning processes in Italy between 2004 and 2010. The study found that advances are more evident in the creation of cross-sectoral governance networks than in the involvement of citizens and civil-society organisations. SEA seems to be increasing transparency and expanding the scope of democratic control over spatial planning decisions, though the boundaries between experts, decision makers and citizens are clearly demarcated. To strengthen democratisation processes, the paper argues that all participants should consider themselves equally responsible within SEA networks, and be ready to question alternative environmental value systems that underpin spatial planning processes.
16
Mosley, Jennifer E. "Nonprofit Organizations’ Involvement in Participatory Processes: The Need for Democratic Accountability." Nonprofit Policy Forum 7, no. 1 (January 1, 2016): 77–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/npf-2015-0038.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractParticipatory processes – defined as formal efforts to involve constituents in government decision-making – are an increasingly common tool adopted by public agencies and other elite decision making bodies in many developed nations. Unfortunately, although conceptualized as a way to incorporate lay citizens as stakeholders, participation in such processes takes time and expertise that many citizens do not have. As a result, nonprofit leaders are often invited to participate as a logistical shortcut for citizen involvement. This representation, albeit nonelected and unaccountable, is an increasingly important way vulnerable groups are represented and a key aspect of many nonprofit organizations’ advocacy involvement. It is important to ask, then, how well nonprofits do when attempting to represent specific claimed constituents. It is likely their success varies greatly. While many organizations work to engage constituents in democratic ways – including ongoing outreach and communication strategies, establishing participatory mechanisms within their own organizations, and soliciting resident feedback – other nonprofits do not. Based on the authors’ collaborative research, his brief identifies four specific policy proposals that may help facilitate the inclusionary goals of participatory processes, promote democratic accountability among nonprofit representatives, and make sure the needs of vulnerable citizens are met.
17
He, Tian. "Towards a theory of the transformation of the developmental state: political elites, social actors and state policy constraints in South Korea and Taiwan." Japanese Journal of Political Science 21, no. 2 (October 8, 2019): 47–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109919000197.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThe institutional changes to the developmental states in South Korea and Taiwan have been well-documented. This paper offers a theory to recount the states' actual transformation processes in these two cases. Advancing existing insight that the state's transformation process is shaped by the emergence of either concentrated or dispersed economic interests, I argue that a crucial process behind the transformation of the developmental state is a democratic transition of a country motivated by ruling elites' strategic choices. Specifically, a democratic transition in a developmental state is shaped by two consecutive elite decisions: (1) the decision to initiate democratic transition in response to the democratic mobilisation of the middle class; (2) the decision to introduce democratic elections in response to an electoral threat from opposition elites. This process of democratic transition facilitates the emergence of state policy constraints by transforming the political foundation of the state.
18
Ottens, Menno, and Jurian Edelenbos. "Political Leadership as Meta-Governance in Sustainability Transitions: A Case Study Analysis of Meta-Governance in the Case of the Dutch National Agreement on Climate." Sustainability 11, no. 1 (December 25, 2018): 110. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su11010110.
Full textAbstract:
Sustainability transitions are of an inherently political nature. In particular, discussions on climate policy are dominated by national and international politics. Furthermore, sustainability transitions involve network governance in which both private, public, and societal actors are involved. These governance processes call for closely scrutinizing their performance in terms of democratic legitimacy. To study and assess the democratic quality of governance processes regarding climate policy, this article focuses on the role of political leadership, conceptualized as political meta-governance, in enhancing the democratic legitimacy in the field of sustainability transitions. In doing so, it examines the case of the Dutch National Agreement on Climate (“Nationaal Klimaatakkoord”). The findings of this study underline the theoretical assumption that governments seek to use network governance to address climate change and develop policies. Seeking to address the application of political meta-governance, this study finds that political leaders struggle to bring about a fully-fledged, deliberative, and integrative meta-governance approach. However, disparate meta-governance strategies are reported. Although democratic legitimacy concerning the Dutch Agreement on Climate in terms of accountability can be regarded as high, values concerning voice (inclusiveness) and due deliberation (transparency) score comparatively low. As such, this study further justifies the close attention governance scholars and practitioners pay to the democratic values at stake when governing through governance networks.
19
Lackaff, Derek. "Escaping the Middleman Paradox: Better Reykjavik and Open Policy Innovation." JeDEM - eJournal of eDemocracy and Open Government 7, no. 2 (December 14, 2015): 137–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.29379/jedem.v7i2.386.
Full textAbstract:
Better Reykjavik is a unique municipal ePetition website that is developed and maintained by a grassroots nonprofit organization, has significant deliberative mechanisms, and has been normalized as an ongoing channel for citizen-government interaction across multiple elected administrations. The primary contribution of this study is an analysis of the novel “interface” that was established between the grassroots-developed technical system and the existing political and administrative institutions of policymaking. I begin with a brief overview of the challenges that citizens and governments face in the implementation of ePetition processes. I then suggest that Landemore’s (2012) “democratic reason” and Coleman’s (2008) “autonomous citizenship” constructs provide useful insights into why and how the Better Reykjavik has made a continuing impact on city governance. Next, I present an analysis of the socio-technical process of the initiative’s software development and political integration, showing how this project moved from the fringes of the grassroots towards the center of public and governmental awareness. I conclude by examining Reykjavik’s “new normal” political culture, which illustrates how a bottom-up, fast-moving technical initiative can productively support the slower-moving processes of democratic governance.
20
Carbone, Giovanni. "Democratic demands and social policies: the politics of health reform in Ghana." Journal of Modern African Studies 49, no. 3 (August 5, 2011): 381–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x11000255.
Full textAbstract:
ABSTRACTIt is commonly assumed that the advent of democracy tends to bring about social welfare improvements. Few studies, however, have examined empirically the impact of third-wave democratisation processes on social policies in developing countries, particularly in sub-Saharan Africa. Through a diachronic comparison, this paper examines the effects of Ghana's democratisation process on the evolution of its health policy. It shows that the emergence of democratic competition played an important role in the recent adoption of a crucial health reform. A policy feedback effect on politics and a process of international policy diffusion were additional but secondary factors.
21
Korać, Srđan, and Nenad Stekić. "Military Interventions As Omitted Variable Of Inversed Democratic Peace: An Empirical Evidence." Srpska politička misao 66, no. 4/2019 (February 3, 2020): 77–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.22182/spm.6642019.4.
Full textAbstract:
The paper examines the relationship between military interventions and democratisation processes which took place in targeted states. While many researchers try to identify relationship between the regime type and countries’ war proneness, the authors of this paper put these two variables in a reversed order. To test this so-called “inversed democratic peace” thesis based on an argument that an ongoing war is likely to lead to democratisation, we focus our analysis on the US interventions in Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, and FR Yugoslavia (Kosovo). We deploy three variables: 1) Foreign policy similarity, to determine whether the intervening actor (USA) had similar or different foreign policy goals at the beginning of interventions; 2) Political regime similarity, to indicate whether there were any deviations in the quality of political regime between the intervening state and the target country, as indicated by the democratic peace postulates; 3) military interventions (independent variable). Foreign policy score includes S score dataset developed by Curtis S. Signorino and Jeffrey M. Ritter (1999), while for the political regime quality, the authors deploy Polity IV data. Statistical analysis including Pearsonʼs correlation, logistic regression and descriptive statistics, will be presented for specific dyad level in three specifically designated models. The authors conclude that it is more likely that military interventions affect further democratisation of the targeted post-conflict societies, if observed in a short term rather than in longitudinal domain, while the foreign policy similarity (with the United States) positively correlates in cases with more successful democratisation process.
22
Grunwald, Armin. "The inherently democratic nature of technology assessment." Science and Public Policy 46, no. 5 (May 12, 2019): 702–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/scipol/scz023.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Technology assessment (TA) emerged more than fifty years ago to provide information supply, decision support, and orientation for democratic processes and institutions in many democratic countries. This historical observation alone, however, does not justify speaking of an inherent relationship between TA and democracy. The latter requires taking a conceptual view. Arguments supporting the thesis of the inherently democratic nature of TA will be given based on pragmatist approaches developed by John Dewey and Jürgen Habermas. This perspective on TA has specific implications for the inclusion of the knowledge and perspectives of stakeholders, people affected and citizens involved in TA processes, as well as the necessity to develop or strengthen thinking in alternative options. Furthermore, it makes clear that in the current crisis of democracy in many countries, TA cannot take a distant and neutral position.
23
Christensen, Henrik Serup. "How citizens evaluate participatory processes: a conjoint analysis." European Political Science Review 12, no. 2 (March 12, 2020): 239–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773920000107.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis study examines how characteristics of participatory processes affect citizens’ evaluations of such processes and thereby establish what kind of participatory process citizens demand. The literature on democratic innovations has proposed different criteria for evaluating participatory innovations. What remains unclear, however, is how citizens evaluate these participatory mechanisms. This is here examined in a conjoint analysis embedded in a representative survey of the Finnish population (n = 1050). The conjoint analysis examines the impact of inclusiveness, popular control, considered judgment, transparency, efficiency, and transferability on citizens’ evaluations of participatory processes. Furthermore, it is examined whether the evaluations differ by the policy issues and process preferences of the respondents. The results show that people want transparent participatory processes with face-to-face interaction among participants and expert advice to deal with complicated issues. The participatory processes should also be advisory and should not include too many meetings. These effects appear to be uniform across policy issues and do not depend on the process preferences of citizens.
24
Jones, Peter. "Intense Preferences, Strong Beliefs and Democratic Decision-Making." Political Studies 36, no. 1 (March 1988): 7–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1988.tb00214.x.
Full textAbstract:
Some decisions require individuals to make judgements rather than to express preferences. Some conflicts of preference arise from different beliefs about the efficacy or propriety of a policy rather than from different wants. Should the ‘intensity’ with which a judgement is made, or a belief is held, figure in decisionmaking in the way that it should ideally influence decisions concerning wants? This article questions the relevance of intensity to matters of judgement and examines how far decision processes that are sensitive to different intensities of preference, such as pressure group activity, vote trading and point voting, are open to criticism for failing to discriminate between intense wants and strong beliefs.
25
Панова, Ekaterina Panova, Васютин, and Yuriy Vasyutin. "Historical memory: institutionalization in public consciousness and state policy." Central Russian Journal of Social Sciences 11, no. 3 (June 26, 2016): 104–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/20390.
Full textAbstract:
The authors of the article studied the phenomenon of historical memory of the generations and analyzed the tendencies of its conceptualization, defined its dialectical relationship with contemporary processes of globalization, democratic consolidation and political modernization of the government and the society. Based on the current international situation, as well as political development of Russia, the authors substantiate the conceptual idea of the right to historical memory and draw a conclusion about its natural institutionalization in the public consciousness and the state policy in the Russian Federation.
26
Michels, Ank, and Harmen Binnema. "Deepening and Connecting Democratic Processes. The Opportunities and Pitfalls of Mini-Publics in Renewing Democracy." Social Sciences 7, no. 11 (November 15, 2018): 236. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci7110236.
Full textAbstract:
In recent decades, so-called “mini-publics” have been organized in many countries to renew policy making and democracy. One characteristic of mini-publics is that the selection of the participants is based on random sampling or sortition. This gives each member of the community an equal chance of being selected. Another feature is that deliberation forms the core of the process of how proposals are developed. In this paper, we investigate the possibilities and challenges of sortition and deliberation in the context of the call for a deepening of democracy and more citizen engagement in policy making. Based on extensive research on citizens’ forums (G1000) in The Netherlands, we show the potential of mini-publics, but a number of shortcomings as well. Some of these are related to the specific design of the G1000, while others are of a more fundamental nature and are due to the contradictory democratic values that deliberative mini-publics try to combine. One of these concerns the tension between the quality of deliberation and political impact. We conclude that combining institutional approaches could be a way out to deal with these tensions and a step forward to both deepen and connect democratic processes.
27
Hatemi, Peter, and Rose McDermott. "Policing the Perimeter: Disgust and Purity in Democratic Debate." PS: Political Science & Politics 45, no. 04 (September 27, 2012): 675–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096512000686.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractWe explicate the precise role that one specific emotion, disgust, plays in generating political acrimony. We do this by identifying the link between the different dimensions along which moral judgments are made by those espousing different political ideologies and the different emotions which undergird these evaluations. These assessments reliably track along liberal and conservative dimensions and are linked to the way values associated with purity and sanctity elicit greater degrees of disgust among conservatives. Here, we review a growing literature showing how disgust affects the psychology of politics through its influence on the cognitive and emotional processes that govern judgments of morality, as well as its direct impact on specific policy preferences. We then apply these findings to the nature and tenor of political discourse and suggest some ways that disgust might affect the character and function of democratic debate and tolerance. Finally, we discuss what these findings mean for public policy.
28
Sunam, Ramesh, and Govinda Paudel. "Democratising Nepal’s Forest Sector Policy Process: The Role of Resistance by Community Federation." Journal of Forest and Livelihood 10, no. 1 (September 13, 2013): 28–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/jfl.v10i1.8599.
Full textAbstract:
This paper argues that Nepal's existing forest policy process is characterised by nondeliberative and techno-bureaucratic processes despite apparent recognition of the democratic approaches. Analysing two of the government’s recent policy decisions that are related to community forestry and protected areas, we emphasise the complementary role of public contestation, critical research and the media in promoting deliberative policy processes. Taking reference to deliberative governance perspective, we analyse how multiple factors shape the level of resistance and deliberation around forest policy processes. The key factors that influence deliberation include the institutional history of key actors, the nature, number and interest of actors associated with the process, and the media coverage of a policy issue. Allianceled resistance, policy research and the media mobilisation have been emphasised here to contest inappropriate policy decisions and promote deliberative policy making culture. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/jfl.v10i1.8599 Journal of Forestry and Livelihood Vol.10(1) 2012 28-41
29
Pavlenko, Alexander. "The Development of Internal Political Processes in Kosovo (1999-2017)." Mìžnarodnì zv’âzki Ukraïni: naukovì pošuki ì znahìdki, no. 26 (November 27, 2017): 325–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/mzu2017.26.325.
Full textAbstract:
Influence of Yugoslavia’s collapse, as well as of external factors on Kosovo’s separation from Serbia is explored in this article. Particular features of Kosovo’s internal policy development and problems with a full international recognition of its independence are also highlighted. The problem of Kosovo’s status within the diplomacy of “power poles” in modern international relations system in the context of NATO’s war against Yugoslavia in 1999 is underlined. Kosovo is a multi-party parliamentary representative democratic republic. The State is governed by legislative, executive and judicial institutions which derive from the Constitution adopted in June 2008, although until the Brussels Agreement, North Kosovo was largely controlled by institutions of the Republic of Serbia or parallel institutions, funded by Serbia. The legislative power in Kosovo is held by Parliament. The executive authority is vested in the Government, headed by Prime Minister. The President is Head of State and represents the unity of the people, elected every five years, indirectly by the National Assembly, in a secret ballot by a two thirds majority of all deputies of the Assembly. Key trends in Serbian policy towards Kosovo after the democratic transformation of its political system and in conditions of Serbia’s aspirations for European integration was examined. The process of Kosovo’s recognition has shown that Kosovo is an irreversible reality and an essential factor for peace and stability in the Balkan region. This could be best proved by the recognition of Kosovo among all neighboring countries (except Serbia), by the vast majority of the countries in the region and the Euro-Atlantic community.
30
Arunachalam, Murugesh, Jagdeep Singh-Ladhar, and Andrea McLachlan. "Advancing environmental sustainability via deliberative democracy." Sustainability Accounting, Management and Policy Journal 7, no. 3 (September 5, 2016): 402–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/sampj-10-2014-0062.
Full textAbstract:
Purpose This paper aims to examine the planning and policy processes in relation to the pollution in Lake Taupo. This paper describes and explains the manifestation of the tenets of deliberative democracy and the impediments of mobilising the tenets in the planning and policy-making processes. Design/methodology/approach This interpretive case study makes sense of interview transcripts, minutes of meetings, media reports and public documents and adopts deliberative democratic theory as the theoretical framework for the interpretive analysis. Findings Some factors fostered and others challenged the mobilization of the tenets of deliberative democracy. Local government processes facilitated the expression of multiple views in relation to the impacts of human activities on the Lake. Confrontations and tensions were inevitable elements of the deliberative processes. Pre-determined outcomes and domination of local authorities, aiming for environmental sustainability of Lake Taupo, posed as challenges to the operation of deliberative democracy. Some stakeholders need to sacrifice more than others, but recognition of pluralism, conflicts and differences is an essential part of deliberative democracy. Originality/value There is scarcity of research that empirically examines local government processes in light of deliberative democratic principles. The study also extends environmental and social studies that have explored the arena approach to accountability and decision-making.
31
Singer, Matthew. "Delegating Away Democracy: How Good Representation and Policy Successes Can Undermine Democratic Legitimacy." Comparative Political Studies 51, no. 13 (June 26, 2018): 1754–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414018784054.
Full textAbstract:
Theories of democratic legitimacy argue that people who believe the government is well managed and represents their interests are likely to defend the democratic status quo. Principal-agent theory predicts, however, that these same groups are also more likely to support executive actions that threaten vertical or horizontal accountability. Citizens who feel represented by an ideologically sympathetic and competent executive may be willing to delegate the president additional authority to enact their agenda, even at the expense of democratic principles. Survey data from Latin America are largely consistent with the principal-agent hypothesis; those who voted for the ruling party in the previous election or who perceive that the economy is strong say they not only like democracy and oppose coups but also support limits on critical actors and opposition parties and are willing to let the president bypass the legislature and court. Thus to understand the breakdown of democracy, we must not only examine the conditions that leave the losers of political and economic processes satisfied with the process that culminated in their defeat but also identify conditions when winners tolerate electoral and institutional challenges and are willing to protect space for public criticism.
32
Domingues, José Maurício. "Democratic theory and democratization in contemporary Brazil and beyond1." Thesis Eleven 114, no. 1 (February 2013): 15–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0725513612460035.
Full textAbstract:
Universalism and particularism have become poles of modern social thought and lead to distinct definitions of democracy, citizenship, and social policy. Challenging Habermas and the Habermasians, this article argues that democracy can never be identified with domination. Meanwhile, contesting Chatterjee and Foucault, the author reaffirms citizenship and law in their various forms in relation to both bounded and unbounded serialities as the basis for democracy, beyond and despite governmentality. Latin America, and especially Brazil, with processes that check state domination and have implied democratizing changes, provide the empirical focus for the discussion, albeit mediated by other countries, particularly India.
33
Ross, Liz. "Introduction: Themed Section on South Korea: Developing social policy and practice in a changing society." Social Policy and Society 5, no. 3 (June 26, 2006): 373–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746406003137.
Full textAbstract:
The past decade has seen significant change within social policy and society in the Republic of Korea (South Korea – we will usually refer to South Korea simply as Korea in the following papers unless there is a need to distinguish between the North and South Koreas). From an economically driven welfare policy and limited democracy, through the introduction of a democratic state and the economic crisis of 1997, Korea is currently experiencing significant reform within its social policy and within society. This reform has been variously described as ‘productive welfare’, ‘transformational’ and ‘developmental’ (Kwon, 2003). Societal changes, including the increased involvement of women in the labour market and increased participation through democratic processes, challenge the family and the organisational hierarchies of the traditional Confucian society and globalisation and rapid developments in information technology and communications have brought western influences and ideas.
34
Michener, Jamila. "Medicaid and the Policy Feedback Foundations for Universal Healthcare." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 685, no. 1 (September 2019): 116–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716219867905.
Full textAbstract:
Public policies are products of politics, but they also feed back into the political system by shaping the actions and attitudes of members of the polity. To date, scholarly examinations of feedback processes have been mostly concerned with understanding the relationship between public policy and democracy; relatively little attention has been paid to connecting policy feedback to the practical questions that animate politics. This article examines policy feedback as it applies to efforts aimed at achieving universal health coverage in the United States—a widely held policy goal shared by a majority of American voters across partisan lines. I argue that in the contemporary political context, Medicaid—a pillar of the American healthcare system and the primary mechanism for insuring low-income and disabled citizens—can produce negative feedbacks that demobilize political action, destabilize advocacy groups, and deter coalition building. Together, these feedbacks undermine future possibilities for universal healthcare. After detailing these democratic dilemmas, I outline strategies for proactively addressing them.
35
Fedorowicz, Krzysztof. "National Identity and National Interest in Polish Eastern Policy, 1989–2004." Nationalities Papers 35, no. 3 (July 2007): 537–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990701368761.
Full textAbstract:
The processes of democratic social and political changes in Poland that have gained momentum since 1989 have radically altered the foundations and the goals of Polish foreign policy. In addition to re-establishing Polish interests as the basis for foreign policy, they have also started the process of establishing a new element of Polish diplomacy, namely its eastern policy. In these altered political conditions it was the right time to ask the question of how to establish new relationships in the East, how to normalize relations with the USSR and, finally, what stance should be adopted towards the increasing independence claims of individual Soviet republics. The process of establishing a democratic Poland was concurrent with the reconstruction, and later, with the fall of the USSR. In addition, the convoluted history of Polish-Ukrainian and Polish-Lithuanian relationships from the very beginning hindered the attempt of Polish diplomacy to establish new contacts with its eastern partners.
36
J. Lotito, Nicholas. "Trade-Offs and Public Support for Security Reform during Democratic Transitions." Middle East Law and Governance 11, no. 2 (November 24, 2019): 180–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763375-01102004.
Full textAbstract:
During democratic transitions, newly elected governments face public demands to reform the institutions of the old regime, especially the security forces; yet, these reforms often fail. I argue that politicians define policy issues in ways that maximize popular support for their own positions through well-established processes of elite issue framing. Politicians can reduce popular demand for difficult and costly reforms of the security forces by framing them as trade-offs with other types of reform. The argument is tested with original survey data from Tunisia, an important contemporary case of democratic transition. An embedded vignette experiment primes existing issue frames by asking respondents to adjudicate between investments in security reform versus economic or political reform. I find that framing a trade-off with a more popular policy, economic development, reduces public demand for security reform. These findings have important implications for security sector reform and democratic consolidation in Tunisia and beyond.
37
Lijphart, Arend, and Markus M. L. Crepaz. "Corporatism and Consensus Democracy in Eighteen Countries: Conceptual and Empirical Linkages." British Journal of Political Science 21, no. 2 (April 1991): 235–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400006128.
Full textAbstract:
This research Note has two complementary theoretical objectives. First, we shall attempt to place the form of interest representation and the involvement of interest groups in policy formation known as corporatism – or as democratic, societal, liberal or neo-corporatism – in a broader political context: is corporatism systematically linked with other democratic institutions and processes? Secondly, we shall try to fill a gap in the theory of consensus democracy. This theory holds that types of party, electoral, executive and legislative systems occur in distinct clusters, but it fails to link interest group systems to these clusters.
38
Cohen, Miriam. "Population, Politics, and Unemployment Policy in the Great Depression." Social Science History 38, no. 1-2 (2014): 79–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2015.7.
Full textAbstract:
Working out large-scale processes through close attention to local-level analysis remained central to Louise Tilly's approach to social history. An ongoing commitment to agency and strategy undergirded her vision for a global history that made connections between large-scale processes across space, between human agency and structure, and between the past and present. Her vision remains an important influence in my coauthored comparative history of the welfare state in England, France, and the United States. This is illustrated by a discussion of unemployment policies in the three countries at one particular moment of crisis, the Great Depression, concentrating on the United States, where the Depression hit first and hit the hardest. Important differences in demography, the mobilization of ordinary citizens, the responsiveness of state structures to democratic pressure, and public attitudes about the legitimate role of government all affected the history of unemployment policy in each country.
39
Ban, Cornel, and Jorge Tamames. "Political economy and the ghosts of the past: revisiting the Spanish and Romanian transitions to democracy." Historein 15, no. 1 (December 3, 2015): 62. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/historein.274.
Full textAbstract:
Juan Linz and Alfred Stepan’s opus on democratic transition and consolidation put Spain and Romania at the extreme ends of these processes and paid little attention to the domestic and external economic constraints on the transition process. This paper interrogates these claims. It shows that in retrospect Spain looks a lot less exemplary and Romania a lot less hopeless than this iconic contribution suggested at the time. Moreover, while external economic shocks and local attempts to buffer them through social compensation shaped both transitions, Romanian governments faced balance of payments crises and international policy conditionality constraints, while their Spanish counterparts did not. This difference invites a greater appreciation of the role of political economy analyses when comparing the policy options of political elites ruling in times of democratic transition and consolidation.
40
Arnesen, Sveinung. "Legitimacy from Decision-Making Influence and Outcome Favourability: Results from General Population Survey Experiments." Political Studies 65, no. 1_suppl (January 13, 2017): 146–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032321716667956.
Full textAbstract:
Democracies are typically considered more legitimate than other types of regimes because they allow the citizens to participate in the policy decision-making process. Others argue that the policy output matters most, and citizen influence plays a lesser role. This study presents two survey experiments on the micro foundations of these two sources of political legitimacy, thus contributing to an emerging literature that experimentally investigates the effects of democratic procedures in small-scale settings. Respondents who saw the decision going in their favour found the decision much more acceptable than the respondents who preferred another outcome. Conversely, decision-making influence generally did not serve as a legitimising factor among the respondents. This result supports the argument that citizens prefer a stealth democracy where they are minimally involved in democratic decision-making processes.
41
Ferry, Martin. "From Government to Governance: Polish Regional Development Agencies in a Changing Regional Context." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 21, no. 3 (August 2007): 447–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325407303706.
Full textAbstract:
This article charts the evolving role of Regional Development Agencies (RDAs) in Poland. It argues that changes to regional institutional and policy environments, linked to processes of regionalisation, EU accession, and the administration of European Union structural funds, have prompted increasing diversification of RDA activities. Moreover, questions of democratic accountability and economic efficiency are becoming increasingly pointed. Has regionalisation boosted the democratic accountability and regional orientation of agencies? Has administrative reform simplified agencies' delivery of development programmes? What influence has the administration of structural funds had on this? The article explores these issues, stressing generally that theoretical analyses of RDA activities must take increasing account of agency “positioning,” i.e., their role and purpose in an increasingly crowded and complex regional policy arena. Future scenarios for the evolution of RDAs in Poland are also outlined.
42
De Ceuster, Koen. "Pride and Prejudice in South Korea's Foreign Policy." Copenhagen Journal of Asian Studies 21 (March 10, 2005): 64–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/cjas.v21i0.40.
Full textAbstract:
On the last frontier of the Cold War, nothing is what it seems any more. On the surface, the old alliances still hold, but underneath a new order is gradually taking shape. This article analyses the various historical processes that have contributed to Seoul’s redefinition of its international role. As the international political and economic context changed following the end of the Cold War in Europe, new challenges and opportunities also appeared on the horizon on the Korean peninsula. These were met by a revitalized Korean nation, where a tainted elite was gradually driven from political and economic power. Proud of its democratic institutions and content with its economic success, Seoul engages the world with dignity, looking towards the future with confidence, but sensitive over historical legacies.
43
Herrera, Linda. "Education and Empire: Democratic Reform in the Arab World?" International Journal of Educational Reform 17, no. 4 (October 2008): 355–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/105678790801700403.
Full textAbstract:
Democracy and related concepts—human rights, active learning, civic participation, gender empowerment, and global citizenship—have become the international policy mantras of the post–Cold War era, or what many have labeled a neoimperial order. These bedrock principles of global educational reforms are supposed to contribute to processes of democratization and the forging of a cosmopolitan citizenry that will value pluralism, prosperity, and peace. Yet it is often not evident when these principles are being used to support neoliberal economic reforms, geopolitical aspirations, and security objectives or when they reflect more genuine progressive, universal, and emancipatory methodologies for change. These issues are examined through an interrogation of international development interventions in Egypt since the 1990s, in the spheres of privatization, the growth of educational markets, and curriculum reform for citizenship and moral education.
44
Benvenisti, Eyal. "Reclaiming Democracy: The Strategic Uses of Foreign and International Law by National Courts." American Journal of International Law 102, no. 2 (April 2008): 241–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/30034538.
Full textAbstract:
Not so long ago the overwhelming majority of courts in democratic countries shared a reluctance to refer to foreign and international law. Their policy was to avoid any application of foreign sources of law that would clash with the position of their domestic governments. Many jurists find recourse to foreign and international law inappropriate. But even the supporters of reference to external sources of law hold this unexplored assumption that reliance on foreign and international law inevitably comes into tension with the value of national sovereignty. Hence, the scholarly debate is framed along the lines of the well-known broader debate on “the countermajoritarian difficulty.” This article questions this assumption of tension. It argues that for courts in most democratic countries—even if not for U.S. courts at present—referring to foreign and international law has become an effective instrument for empoweringthe domestic democratic processes by shielding them from external economic, political, and even legal pressures. Citing international law therefore actually bolsters domestic democratic processes and reclaims national sovereignty from the diverse forces of globalization. Stated differently, most national courts, seeking to maintain the vitality of their national political institutions and to safeguard their own domestic status vis-a-vis the political branches, cannot afford to ignore foreign and international law.
45
Matthijs, Matthias. "Integration at What Price? The Erosion of National Democracy in the Euro Periphery." Government and Opposition 52, no. 2 (March 3, 2017): 266–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2016.50.
Full textAbstract:
The euro crisis brought back a widening gap in prosperity between the eurozone’s core and periphery members, but also revealed a divergence in the strength of its national democracies. This article examines the amplified tension between progressively uprooted national markets governed by a supranational technocracy and nationally organized democratic politics in the eurozone’s periphery. Building on Dani Rodrik’s globalization ‘trilemma’, this article explains the weakening of national democratic institutions in Greece, Ireland, Portugal, Spain and Italy since 2008. While the periphery states were forced to choose monetary integration at the expense of both democracy and sovereignty, this trade-off was mostly absent in the core. The eurozone’s policy solutions to the crisis did not allow for any democratic input, were implemented through opaque and often-undemocratic throughput processes, and resulted in deteriorating output. The article concludes that the EU crisis response made euro membership in the periphery less compatible with national democratic principles.
46
Lloren, Anouk. "Does direct democracy increase communicative responsiveness? A field experiment with Swiss politicians." Research & Politics 4, no. 1 (January 2017): 205316801770073. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2053168017700738.
Full textAbstract:
Many argue that direct democracy improves the quality of democracy. In particular, many scholars claim that it increases the representation of the public’s preferences by fostering communicative responsiveness between politicians and citizens. While studies have come to mixed conclusions about the effect of direct democracy on policy outcomes, little is known about how direct democratic processes affect politicians’ responsiveness. Using a field experiment, this study examines whether direct democracy increases the responsiveness of Swiss state legislators to citizen-initiated contacts on policy concerns. Contrary to popular belief, our results show that direct democracy does not enhance politicians’ responsiveness to policy requests.
47
Cantrell, Melissa, and Andrew Johnson. "Engaged Citizenship through Campus-Level Democratic Processes: A Librarian and Graduate Student Collaboration on Open Access Policy Adoption." Journal of Librarianship and Scholarly Communication 6, no. 2 (August 31, 2018): 2229. http://dx.doi.org/10.7710/2162-3309.2229.
Full text
48
Lyngstad, Rolv. "Reconsidering Rationales for Local Self-Government - Impacts of Contemporary Changes in Local Decision-Making." Lex localis - Journal of Local Self-Government 8, no. 1 (January 23, 2010): 93–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.4335/8.1.93-113(2010).
Full textAbstract:
This paper discusses two contemporary trends in local decision-making. Firstly, there seems to be more centralised decision-making today than before in important policy fields such as welfare policy. Secondly, informal governance processes outside formal government structures open up for a substantial influence from non-elected political actors. The paper asserts that there is a connection between the trends, and argues that the centralisation tendencies in welfare issues might affect and encourage governance processes in other local policy arenas. These policy fields are mainly within the so-called ‘developmental policies’ that often facilitate more networking and partnership activities in ‘grey areas’ between the public, private and civil sectors in collective problem solving. Accordingly, more attention should be given to policy fields where governance networks operate, and the implications for revitalising democratic political participation should be studied. The paper concludes that the well-established rationales for local self-government and local democracy need to be reconsidered by taking into account these new decision-making structures.
49
Jaksic, Miomir, and Aleksandra Prascevic. "The new political macroeconomics in modern macroeconomics and its appliance to transition processes in Serbia." Panoeconomicus 58, no. 4 (2011): 545–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/pan1104545j.
Full textAbstract:
This study deals with important issues related to the new political macroeconomics and its appliance to the economic movements in Serbia, which is a country of ?new democracy? as well as with transition economy. In political macroeconomics, it is a known fact that the economic policy instruments can be used for political purposes - simulated improvement of economic indicators to win the elections. These options assume specific features in transition economies, such as the Serbian economy. The political instability in Serbia, reflected in frequent elections, as well as in the diversity in political and economic goals of the key political parties leading to increasing political uncertainty in both the pre-election and post-election periods, weakened the economic system. Simultaneously, using the economic policy for political purposes to support the ?pro-democratic? and ?pro-European? parties proved to be paradoxically justified.
50
Harbeson, John W. "Land and the Quest for a Democratic State in Kenya: Bringing Citizens Back In." African Studies Review 55, no. 1 (April 2012): 15–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arw.2012.0025.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract:Kenya's current constitutional moment has included both the first pop ularly ratified constitution and its first postindependence comprehensive land reform policy. The roughly temporally parallel processes that brought about these two signal achievements have inserted the interests of ordinary Kenyans into this constitutional moment in a way that elections and constitutional ratification alone would not have, reflecting more than two decades of civil society pressure. The new democratized land tenure policy removes land allocation decisions from pervasive executive branch abuse and vests them in a democratically elected Parliament. In this fundamental respect, the Kenya constitutional implementation process appears to privilege procedural and deliberative democracy as the source of substantive democratic land tenure outcomes, and by extension, the terms on which Kenyans relate to each other and their leaders. Upon the outcomes of these deliberations may well hinge the future stability as well as the democratic quality of the Kenyan state.