Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Democratic policy processes'

The development of interactive communication technologies, such as email and the Internet, has stimulated much discussion about their potential to assist in the renewal of democracy. Globalisation, intimately connected with technological advance, has likewise led to considerations of 'governance' that transcend the nation state. This thesis poses the general question: Can the efficiencies and economies which drive commercial applications of interactive technology be applied to democratic policy processes? What conditions will facilitate this? The perspective taken here views policy as a communication process between networks of actors who seek to use resources and decisions to promote their value systems (Considine 1994). Democracy is also seen as a communication process, with a set of criteria which ensure equal access to information and agenda setting among participants (Dahl 1989). These definitions and criteria have been chosen for their generality. They apply at all levels of analysis, and thus may be used for comparison across scales. These are aligned with concepts from complexity theory as applied to human nonlinear systems and organisational dynamics, drawing mostly on Kiel(1994) and Stacey (1996). The inherent unpredictability of these systems and their capacity for complex learning and adaptive self-organisation offers an alternative paradigm to linear, hierarchical management models. A combination of literature analysis and case study evidence leads to three extensions of complexity theory as applied to human systems: Firstly, interactive technology is proposed as a technique for the potential re-pluralisation of democratic processes in complex human systems. The possibility of adding many new non-elite voices, and of making these available to all others, relates to both chaotic forms of self-organisation and the benefits of electronic democracy. Secondly, evidence is presented for the existence of fractal, or self-similar patterns in the ways information technology is applied at different levels of governance. It is shown that instrumental approaches which emphasise efficiency dominate technology use at the global, national and organisational levels, and these are interdependent. Alternative patterns which encourage participation also exist at every level. Thirdly, it is argued that the values of the dominant actors are the main determinants of whether interactive technologies will be structured to favour democratic forms of communication at every level. Three theory chapters in Part I develop these arguments by extensive reviews of relevant literatures. On the global level, convergent media, telecommunications and technology conglomerates underpin a global 'nervous system' which discourages government intervention, promotes a global monoculture, inhibits pluralistic debate by minimising access to alternative forms of information, and emphasises individualism and consumption. Within nations, widespread uniformity of public sector reform is sympathetic and responsive to these globalising pressures. Deregulation, privatisation, retreat from public broadcasting, down-sizing and outsourcing have become standard approaches, and are reflected in Australian information technology policy and programs. Several exceptions demonstrate more participatory approaches. At the organisational level, instrumental approaches to management and computerisation also prevail. In each case, a shift towards globalising values corresponds to applications of information technology which dampen the complex interactivity required for democratic policy processes. Part II supplements this analysis with case study evidence. The organisational data were collected primarily during a two year qualitative study of interactive technology use in the Australian Department of Finance and Administration. The researcher found technology use was inseparable from other change processes, and these were found to have strong elements inhibiting participation in internal policy. An instrumental approach to interactive technology use reinforced hierarchical decision processes. Three minor case studies looked at an internal mailing list in a federal agency, a mostly national list on Internet and telecommunications policy, and an experiment in electronic democracy at the local level. These offered additional insights into the ways interactive technologies can contribute to complex but adaptive policy processes, if normative democratic values guide their design. The researcher proposes a set of communication protocols for the use of interactive technologies in democratic policy processes. These would enable the forms of communication necessary to reinvigorate democracy in an information age. It is also argued that these protocols, if applied at the organisational level, and particularly within the public sector, could become part of a reaffirmation of industrial democracy. This is necessary to ensure the integrity and accountability of the public sector, given the progressive intermingling of these institutions with private enterprise. Additional suggestions are made for research into government uses of information technology as an important focus for policy analysts.

The dissertation solves the empirical puzzle why similar regimes such as Morocco and Jordan vary in their engagement in family law reform between 1999 and 2013. Differences with respect to family law reform in the two monarchies are threefold: the way the reform processes were carried out, the content of the new family codes that were issued in Morocco in 2004 and in Jordan in 2010, and the way the laws were applied. Using Pierre Bourdieu's theory of practice as a theoretical framework the dissertation establishes the links between the designs of the legal systems, how reform processes are carried out, the family laws countries end up with, and the way the laws are applied. French and British colonialism had shaped the legal systems of Morocco and Jordan to different degrees, producing a legal system that was unified after independence in Morocco whereas the Jordanian one continued to be divided into regular and religious courts. As a result, Moroccan family courts are less autonomous and more subjected to political decisions than Jordanian sharia courts. The institutional design of both judicial systems affected how family law reform was carried out because those systems contain biases towards different actors who are seen as competent of reforming family law and thus came to influence the reform process. The different access criteria to the juridical fields promote different types of cultural capital, so that actors participating in the process have different preferences regarding the development of the content of family law. In Jordan, the absence of the Jordanian king allowed the sharia court administration to exploit the structural bias in its favour and come to dominate both the process and content of family law reform. For this reason the 2010 Jordanian family law reflects to a lesser extent the demands of women's groups. The absence of the Jordanian king from the reform process demonstrates that change in authoritarian states is not necessarily imposed from above nor is it predetermined from the beginning. The Jordanian reform process saw little engagement from the top-level of the regime and could be classified as a mid-level process. It was led by a government body, the sharia court administration, which however enjoyed relative autonomy from the upper echelon of the regime. By contrast, the Moroccan family law reform was a textbook example of authoritarian politics, the reform being imposed from above and the king playing a leading role during the process. In contrast to the process and content of reform, the application of the reformed law in Morocco challenges the notion of the omnipotent authoritarian regime. While the monarch could impose legislative change, the state is at best partially able to enforce this very law or to impose a consensus over its interpretation. The designs of the legal systems again had an impact here. International law occupies different places in the Moroccan and Jordanian constitutions: Jordanian sharia courts enjoy greater autonomy, reject international law, and thus were able to resist its intrusion.

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Many positive results are normally assigned to participation, ranging from the improvement of public policies to the democratization of the State and the promotion of a culture of participation in public affairs. In Brazil, participatory arrangements were broadly institutionalized in the past decades and are now a part or the legal framework that structures public administration. Very little was done, however, to establish standards to verify the efficacy of these arrangements. This work studies the participatory process for the elaboration of the Master Plan of the city of São Paulo ('Plano Diretor Estratégico'), held between March and September 2013 by the city’s Urban Development Secretary ('Secretaria Municipal de Desenvolvimento Urbano'). With the aim of suggesting a set of criteria for the evaluation of this and of other participatory processes, this study deepens its regard over the spaces of interaction between government and society during the elaboration of the Plan. Through the analysis of documents and qualitative research based on interviews with key participants and public administrators, it identifies and applies a set of evaluation criteria to the participatory process of the Master Plan. By doing this, it also reveals a double logic behind the relationship between State and society during the process. On the one hand, it comprised broad channels for participation and innovative efforts by the local authorities to put forward a methodology based on dialogue and consent. On the other hand, it was characterized by an active role of the State in managing the conflicts between a restricted number of organized sectors, such as the housing movement, the housing market and neighbor associations from Strictly Residential Areas ('Zonas Estritamente Residenciais'), in a relationship typical of corporativism.
À participação social costumam-se atribuir resultados positivos que vão desde o aperfeiçoamento das políticas públicas até a democratização do Estado, passando pelo estímulo à construção de uma cultura participativa. No Brasil, os arranjos participativos foram amplamente institucionalizados nas últimas décadas, passando a fazer parte do arcabouço legal que rege a administração pública. Pouco se avançou, no entanto, na definição de parâmetros para a determinação da eficácia e eficiência destes arranjos. O presente trabalho estuda o processo participativo de elaboração do Plano Diretor Estratégico da cidade de São Paulo (PDE), realizado de março a setembro de 2013 pela Secretaria Municipal de Desenvolvimento Urbano (SMDU). Com o objetivo de propor um conjunto de critérios para a avaliação deste e de outros processos participativos, o trabalho aprofunda o olhar sobre os espaços de interlocução entre o poder público e a sociedade que permearam a elaboração do Plano. Tanto a seleção quanto a aplicação dos critérios de avaliação se fundamentam na análise documental e na pesquisa qualitativa realizada por meio de entrevistas com participantes-chave e com gestores. Como consequência deste exercício, o trabalho revela a dupla lógica das relações Estado-sociedade na construção do Plano Diretor de São Paulo. Por um lado, elas caracterizaram-se pela amplitude dos espaços e canais de participação e por um esforço inovador da gestão em relação à estruturação de uma metodologia participativa para o diálogo e o consenso. Por outro, foram marcadas por um papel ativo do Estado na mediação de conflitos entre setores organizados, tais como o movimento de moradia, o mercado imobiliário e as associações de moradores de Zonas Estritamente Residenciais, típico do corporativismo.

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
Se tomarmos como referência uma visão de política como um processo de construção de consensos pelo diálogo, o estágio atual do Mercosul mostra que não há amadurecimento do processo decisório nem a criação de um novo espaço público regional. Assim, a comunicação limitada - aqui entendida como baixo nível de representatividade -, leva a resultados limitados no aprofundamento da democracia na região. Isso afeta tanto a própria estrutura decisória do bloco, quanto a possibilidade da criação de uma sociedade ―regional‖ mais avançada em seus valores de respeito à liberdade e dignidade humana, seja por parte dos cidadãos ou por parte dos Estados. Diante disso, supomos que existe um descolamento entre exercício democrático e o processo decisório no Mercosul, que merece ser mais detidamente explorado.
If we take as reference a view of politics as a process of consensus building through dialogue, the current stage of Mercosur shows that there is no maturation of decision-making process nor the creation of a new regional public space. Thus, the limited communication - understood here as a low level representation - leads to limited results in democracy development in the region. This situation affects both their own decision-making structure of the block, and the possible creation of a regional society more advanced in their values of respect for human dignity and freedom, either by individuals or by states. Therefore, we assume that there is a detachment between democratic exercise and decision-making process in Mercosur, which deserves to be explored more closely.

Orientador: José Blanes Sala
Banca: Vanessa Marx
Banca: Marcelo Fernandes de Oliveira
Banca: Karina Lilia Pasquariello Mariano
Banca: Tullo Vigevani
Resumo: Se tomarmos como referência uma visão de política como um processo de construção de consensos pelo diálogo, o estágio atual do Mercosul mostra que não há amadurecimento do processo decisório nem a criação de um novo espaço público regional. Assim, a comunicação limitada - aqui entendida como baixo nível de representatividade -, leva a resultados limitados no aprofundamento da democracia na região. Isso afeta tanto a própria estrutura decisória do bloco, quanto a possibilidade da criação de uma sociedade ―regional‖ mais avançada em seus valores de respeito à liberdade e dignidade humana, seja por parte dos cidadãos ou por parte dos Estados. Diante disso, supomos que existe um descolamento entre exercício democrático e o processo decisório no Mercosul, que merece ser mais detidamente explorado.
Abstract: If we take as reference a view of politics as a process of consensus building through dialogue, the current stage of Mercosur shows that there is no maturation of decision-making process nor the creation of a new regional public space. Thus, the limited communication - understood here as a low level representation - leads to limited results in democracy development in the region. This situation affects both their own decision-making structure of the block, and the possible creation of a regional society more advanced in their values of respect for human dignity and freedom, either by individuals or by states. Therefore, we assume that there is a detachment between democratic exercise and decision-making process in Mercosur, which deserves to be explored more closely.
Doutor

During the last 50 years, western European societies have been successful in creating economic growth, a functioning democracy and uniting these with social welfare. At the same time, environmental problems have become a major political challenge. Although some measures have been taken to introduce environmental protection, there continue to be serious problems. These can be related to democratic priorities and public information in the sense that they may, amongst other things, be a result of misinformed democratic publics. Jürgen Habermas's work is important for our understanding of how environmental problems can be managed better than today if, contrary to the ecoauthoritarian ideas, we consider that the solution to these problems calls for more democracy and better democratic forms. One can argue that his theory of communicative action makes it difficult to ignore him in debates about today's environmental problems. There are, nevertheless, three difficulties associated with developing a model based on Habermas's theory. Critics argue that, firstly, his theory has theoretical weaknesses; secondly, it is formulated in a way which makes empirical analysis impossible; and, thirdly, it cannot explain the rise of environmental protests and environmental movements, even if Habermas has this ambition. In the thesis, it is considered that environmental problems are political-cultural questions. Accordingly, a political cultural theory is constructed to interprete Habermas's ideas and assess the arguments of his critics. This theory consists of assumptions about notions and types of language-use used in co-ordinating collective action. It is built on the following variables: view of knowledge, view of social values and nature, and view of language-use. It is argued that Habermas's ideas can be defended, if one elaborates a political subculture that is biocentric (nature-centred), as a complement to anthropocentrism (a human-centred view of nature). Thus, his theory of communicative action can be used to develop a cultural model for empirical studies of environmental policy processes. The model consists of three cultural ideal types: anthropocentric material; anthropocentric immaterial; and biocentric immaterial. Obstacles to social learning and public participation, such as forms and styles of reasoning and the exclusion of citizens, are brought into focus. Finally, the model functions as a criticism of a neo-liberal view of environmental problems. Such a view lacks concepts for understanding how individuals consciously can co-ordinate their ideas and individual actions into a collective action.
digitalisering@umu

A presente pesquisa tem como objetivo geral analisar a procedimentalização nos Conselhos Municipais de Políticas Públicas, isto é, analisar o regime jurídico dos procedimentos administrativos aplicáveis aos Conselhos, bem como o modo de participação dos Conselhos no processo orçamentário municipal de São Paulo. Embora existam há mais de duas décadas, a revisão da literatura indica que os Conselhos em geral têm se destacado mais como instâncias de fiscalização do que de planejamento de políticas públicas. Como objetivos específicos, a pesquisa pretendeu averiguar a adequação dos procedimentos administrativos que regem o Conselho Municipal de Habitação de São Paulo (CMH) e analisar sua participação no processo orçamentário municipal com base na Análise de Conteúdo das Atas de Reunião de 2003 a 2015. Como resultado, a pesquisa identificou que o CMH não elaborou nem aprovou, desde o início, nenhuma das propostas orçamentárias (PPA, LDO e LOA) do Fundo Municipal de Habitação (FMH), nas quais se formalizam as diretrizes, metas, programas habitacionais e planos de aplicação de recursos do Fundo, ao contrário do que dispõe a Lei Municipal 13.425/02. Na fase de execução orçamentária, foi possível perceber que o Conselho tem atuado, quase exclusivamente, como agente gestor do Fundo, apreciando e aprovando previamente as propostas de operações (projetos e atividades) a implementar. Além disso, a pesquisa evidenciou que o processo decisório do CMH tem se desenvolvido sem o necessário esclarecimento e sem a adequada instrução processual, principalmente, no que diz respeito ao direito à ampla defesa e à produção de provas pelos conselheiros. A pesquisa concluiu que o CMH deveria agir, com maior ênfase, no planejamento e elaboração das propostas orçamentárias na fase de elaboração da política pública; e como órgão de fiscalização, monitoramento e avaliação na fase de implementação da política pública, estas, afinal, sua vocação institucional; ao invés de atuar como agente operador do Fundo, que pressupõe competências legais e administrativas estranhas ao Conselho.
This research has the general objective of analyzing the proceduralization in the Municipal Public Policy Councils, it means, analyze the legal regime of administrative procedures of Councils as well as the mode of participation of the Councils in the São Paulos municipal budget process. Although there are more than two decades, the literature review indicates that the Councils in general have stood out more as supervisory bodies than in the public policy planning. As specific objectives, the research intended to verify the adequacy of the administrative procedures governing the Conselho Municipal de Habitação de São Paulo (CMH ) and analyze their participation in municipal budgeting process based on the Content Analysis of the Minutes of Meetings of 2003-2015. As result, the survey also found that the CMH, since the beginning, did not made or approved none of the budget proposals (PPA, LDO and LOA) of Fundo Municipal de Habitação (FMH), in which the guidelines, goals, housing programs and plans application of Fund are formalized, against the Municipal Law 13,425/02. In the budget execution phase, was possible to realize that the CMH has worked almost exclusively as Fund manager agent, appreciating and previously approving the concrete operations (projects and activities) to implement. In addition, the research showed that the CMH\'s decision-making process has not been observing the proper right of notice and comment, especially about the right to comment and offer evidences by the counselors. The research concluded that the CMH should act with greater emphasis in the planning and preparation of the budget proposals at the stage of elaboration of public policies; and as a supervisory body, monitoring and evaluation at the implementation phase of public policy, these, after all, your institutional vocation; instead of acting as manager agent of the Fund, which presupposes legal and administrative expertise out of the Council.

A presente tese projeta seu objetivo na busca pela compreensão do fenômeno das organizações e movimentos sociais do campo, desbordando na relação que estes movimentos criam e sustentam frente ao Estado: órgãos/autarquias e agentes públicos. É possível sistematizar esta pesquisa, na confluência entre três grandes eixos analíticos: a questão agrária e sua centralidade, os movimentos sociais do campo, e o Estado. Assim, apresenta-se como de suma importância, seja para a academia, seja para o debate com a sociedade, a percepção de tal debate, sobretudo diante de várias narrativas que dizem respeito à “vocação desenvolvimentista” do Estado de Rondônia. Por outra via, em sintonia analítica com as abordagens das Teorias sociais da Teoria política, torna-se fundamental a compreensão deste fenômeno, no sentido de identificar ou extrair os elementos essenciais, consensuais ou não, sobre a relação entre Estado e movimentos sociais do campo, em seus amplos e plurais processos de interação e participação. Agregou-se ao projeto, a pesquisa de campo onde buscou confrontar duas perspectivas ou autorepresentações De um lado, a forma como os movimentos sociais compreendem e se compreendem na relação com o Estado. Sob outro ângulo, a perspectiva que o Estado dimensiona, através de seus atores, sobre o papel, função e mediação, dos movimentos sociais do campo, no Estado de Rondônia. Para alicerçar parâmetros de análise, ampliando o espaço hermenêutico sobre a compreensão do fenômeno, buscou-se anteparo tanto da perspectiva teórica de autores como Antonio Gramsci, José Carlos Mariátegui e Raymundo Faoro, quanto em autores pátrios que, deram ao tema, um enfoque analítico considerado relevante e atual para a compreensão da questão, no Brasil e na região amazônica, sobretudo. Tal análise, enfim, vincula-se à perspectiva de conhecer, verificar e compreender a questão dos “processos participativos” ante os paradigmas da Teoria Política da Organização da sociedade, sobretudo sob a perspectiva da Teoria do Processo Político, ou das “oportunidades políticas”.
The present thesis aims at understanding the phenomenon of social organizations and movements in the countryside, overflowing in the relationship that these movements create and sustain vis - à - vis the State: organs / municipalities and public agents. It is possible to systematize this research, in the confluence between three great analytical axes: the agrarian question and its centrality, the social movements of the field, and the State. Thus, the perception of this debate, especially in the face of various narratives that concern the "developmentalist vocation" of the State of Rondônia, is of great importance, both for the academy and for the debate with society. On the other hand, in an analytical line with the approaches of the Social Theories of Political Theory, it becomes fundamental to understand this phenomenon, in the sense of identifying or extracting the essential elements, consensual or otherwise, on the relation between state and social movements of the field , in its wide and plural processes of interaction and participation. He added to the project, the field research where he sought to confront two perspectives or self-representations On the one hand, the way social movements understand and understand each other in relation to the state. From another angle, the perspective that the State, through its actors, assesses the role, function and mediation of the social movements of the countryside in the State of Rondônia. In order to support the parameters of analysis, by broadening the hermeneutic space on the understanding of the phenomenon, we sought the theoretical perspective of authors such as Antonio Gramsci, José Carlos Mariátegui and Raymundo Faoro, as well as authors who gave the theme an analytical approach considered relevant and current for understanding the issue, in Brazil and in the Amazon region, above all. This analysis, finally, is linked to the perspective of knowing, verifying and understanding the question of "participatory processes" before the paradigms of Political Theory of the Organization of society, especially from the perspective of Political Process Theory, or "political opportunities" .

La République démocratique du Congo vit particulièrement un moment difficile, mais décisif dans son histoire pour ramener la paix, favoriser l’inclusion sociale et garantir la sécurité des peuples qui vivent sur toute l’étendue du pays sans distinction de race, d’origine ethnique, de classe sociale, d’idéologie, de confession religieuse, etc.

En effet, les rébellions, les guerres ethniques ou tribales, les rivalités et les dissensions inter groupales continuent à affecter la vie politique, économique et sociale de ce pays depuis la période précoloniale en passant par la période coloniale et postcoloniale. Cette préoccupation majeure suscite des interrogations fondamentales :de quelle manière peut-on aujourd’hui ériger un projet politique qui soit à mesure de redéfinir les finalités socio-politiques, cultuelles, et économiques globales qui accordent une meilleure écoute aux productions de sens qui émanent des valeurs théoriques de chaque groupe social, en sublimant ce qui rapproche et non ce qui divise ?Comment dépasser les clivages excluant issus des situations de crise (traite, colonisation, rébellions, guerres, dissensions) ?Comment mettre sur pied un espace commun qui serait le lieu d’échange libre où chacun exprimerait son opinion dans le respect et la dignité de l’autre ?

C’est à ces questions et à beaucoup d’autres encore que cette thèse tente de répondre. Il s’agit en fait, d’une étude à caractère paradigmatique réalisée dans le groupe Ankutshu-Membele, à la lumière des approches occidentales du pouvoir et de la démocratie. Elle s’assigne comme objectif principal de problématiser la conception du pouvoir à travers la culture et les religions de ce peuple, en vue de tenter d’établir les conditions de possibilités d’intégration de cette société traditionnelle vers une société moderne multiculturelle et démocratique.

Doctorat en Philosophie
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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Retrospective voting is a major concern of scholars worried about democratic accountability. The work attempts to measure the retrospective voting of an important urban policy in Brazil’s largest metropolis, São Paulo - SP. The Bilhete Único policy was the first smart-card for public transportation in Brazil. Commuters with the smart-card were able to save up to three bus fares in a journey, a substantial amount of money for most of São Paulo’s citizens. Using a mixed method approach, I try to test the hypothesis that the policy improvement on welfare positively impacted the electorate performance of the incumbent mayor. My findings suggest that not all bus users rewarded the incumbent mayor for delivering the policy. In particular, students and students’ families seem to be the ones who actually felt the policy effects and cast a retrospective vote. This could be due to delivery network difficulties and to the timing of the policy. Additionally, I employ a normative discussion to establish benchmarks of better public goods. Retrospective voting does not necessarily reward the best policies, therefore the need to discuss benchmarks.
O voto retrospectivo é um grande tema de acadêmicos preocupados com a responsabilidade democrática. O trabalho tenta medir a votação retrospectiva de uma importante política urbana na maior metrópole do Brasil, São Paulo - SP. A política do Bilhete Único foi o primeiro cartão inteligente para transporte público no Brasil. Os passageiros com o cartão inteligente conseguiram economizar até três passagens de ônibus em uma viagem, uma quantia substancial de dinheiro para a maioria dos cidadãos de São Paulo. Usando uma abordagem de método misto, tento testar a hipótese de que a melhoria da política sobre o bem-estar impactou positivamente o desempenho do eleitorado da prefeita em exercício. Minhas descobertas sugerem que nem todos os usuários de ônibus recompensaram a prefeita por ter entregue a política. Em particular, alunos e as famílias dos alunos parecem ter sido os que realmente sentiram os efeitos da política e votaram retrospectivamente. Isso pode ser devido às dificuldades na rede de entrega e ao momento da política. Além disso, emprego uma discussão normativa para estabelecer benchmarks de melhores bens públicos. A votação retrospectiva não necessariamente recompensa as melhores políticas, por isso, a necessidade de discutir benchmarks.

The aim of this study is to analyse the Moderate Party and the Swedish Democrats idea development in the issue of migration in 2010-2018. The inquiry consists of the following two research questions. How has the Moderate Party and the Swedish Democrats positions regarding migration developed in 2010-2018? How can institutional theories explain the Moderate Party and the Swedish Democrats idea development? The study is encompassed by three theoretical perspectives also recognised as rational-choice institutionalism, historical institutionalism and discursive institutionalism. In regard to the methodological approach, the study employs the comparative case study design with the most-similar system and is essentially an idea analytical study. The main results reveal that both the Moderate Party and the Swedish Democrats have adjusted their migration policies but to different degrees. The Swedish Democrats promote similar policies in 2010 as in 2018 with smaller alterations while the Moderate Party has customised larger alterations, distinguishing the party’s migration policy from 2010 and 2018. These policy alterations are primarily explained as a result of rational action, societal discourses and critical junctures.

A partir da perspectiva teórica de que o fortalecimento da democracia representativa vincula-s ao desenvolvimento da democracia participativa, este trabalho visa a analisar o exercício da participação política por meio do uso de ferramentas de tecnologia de informação e comunicação (TICs) no que se refere à elaboração de políticas públicas durante o processo legislativo. Além de avaliar outras experiências internacionais com esse intuito, o presente trabalho tem como base a realização de estudos de caso referentes a práticas participativas digitais desenvolvidas por parlamentos, em especial sobre o Programa e-Democracia da Câmara dos Deputados brasileira e o Projeto Senador Virtual do Senado chileno. Por meio de metodologia qualitativa, o estudo concluiu que tais projetos apresentam resultados ainda incipientes quanto à melhoria de representatividade na tomada de decisão, de agregação de inteligência coletiva no processo legislativo e de transparência da atuação parlamentar, elementos caros à democracia participativa e deliberativa. Não obstante, essas experiências têm o mérito de contribuir para a construção gradual de mecanismos participativos mais efetivos e complementares ao sistema de representação política
Departing from the theoretical standpoint in which the strengthening of representative democracy is related to the development of participatory democracy, this research aims to analyze information and communication technology experiments of political participation in policymaking. Besides evaluating mini-practices worldwide in this regard, we intend to study cases of digital participation developed by parliaments, specially the e-Democracia Program from Brazilian House of Representatives and the Senador Virtual Project from Chilean Senate House. By adopting qualitative methodology, this work concludes that such practices have just offered preliminary progresses for increasing representativeness in decision-making, aggregating collective intelligence in lawmaking and developing transparency over the behavior of legislators in the mandate, key aspects of the participatory and deliberative democracy. However, those practices contribute to the gradual construction of a more effective participatory mechanism that complements the system of political representation

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This thesis approaches, as the object of its investigation, the structural changes in the Brazilian public TV that emerge from the set of contraposition efforts of the civil society organizations and the Brazilian State against the dominance of the private sector in national television, embodied in the empirical field that is configured in the development of TV Brazil, public Brazilian TV station linked to The Brazil Communication Company (Empresa Brasil de Comunicação – EBC). Created by the Federal Government in 2007, this TV station is a central axis of a reordering movement of the public TV system, marked by historical and situational conditions that allowed the expansion of "public field" through the convergence of governmental interests in forming a counterpoint to the private TV system. Such movement is based on the precept of the complementary roles of private, public and State television systems, contemplated in the Constitution since 1988, however, specifically limited by an incipient, diffuse and incomplete action of the State. The aim is, therefore, to investigate whether the conversion of the educational ideal, which subsidized the long years of activity of educational TV stations in an experiment guided by the broader and plural concept of public television, is able to break away with what is defined as " functional complementarity" in the relationship between TV systems in the Brazilian case. For this purpose, it was developed, in the evaluation of public policies, a political evaluation of the policy in a systematic search for the set of forces which acts in the conception of TV Brazil project, as well as an evaluation of the process in relation to its implementation, focused on the critical analysis of the early years of the new public television. In these evaluations, the categories Democracy, Complementarity and Public and Private offer conceptual support to the qualitative approach of the investigation in which it was developed bibliographic and document analysis from data collected through bibliographic and documental research, and semi-structured interviews. Thus, we intend to present new elements to a broader discussion about the process of reconfiguration of the role of public television in Brazil.
Esta tese aborda, como objeto de sua investigação, as modificações estruturais no sistema público de TV brasileiro que emergem do conjunto de esforços de contraposição de organizações da sociedade civil e do Estado brasileiro ao predomínio privado no setor televisivo nacional, materializados no campo empírico que se configura no desenvolvimento da TV Brasil, emissora pública ligada à Empresa Brasil de Comunicação (EBC). Criada pelo Governo Federal em 2007, a emissora figura como eixo central de um movimento de reordenação do sistema público de TV, marcado por condicionantes históricos e conjunturais que permitiram a expansão do “campo público” por meio da convergência com interesses governamentais de constituição de um contraponto ao sistema privado de TV. Tal movimento sustenta-se no preceito da complementaridade dos sistemas privado, público e estatal de televisão, contemplado no texto constitucional desde 1988, porém, concretamente limitado pela atuação estatal incipiente, difusa e incompleta. Pretende-se, portanto, investigar se a conversão do ideal educacional, que subsidiou os longos anos de atuação das TVs educativas, em uma experiência pautada pelo conceito de TV pública, mais amplo e plural, é capaz de romper com o que delimitamos como “complementaridade funcional” na relação entre os sistemas no caso brasileiro. Para tanto, desenvolve-se, no âmbito da avaliação de políticas públicas, uma avaliação política da política, em busca da sistematização do conjunto de forças atuantes na concepção do projeto da TV Brasil, assim como uma avaliação do processo, no que se refere à sua implementação, voltada para a análise crítica dos primeiros anos da nova TV pública. Na avaliação, as categorias Democracia, Complementaridade e Público e Privado oferecem suporte conceitual à abordagem qualitativa da investigação, na qual se desenvolveu análise bibliográfica e documental a partir dos dados levantados por meio de pesquisa documental, bibliográfica e entrevistas semi-estruturadas. Dessa forma, pretende-se descortinar novos elementos para a ampliação do campo de debates acerca do processo de reconfiguração do papel da TV pública no Brasil.

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The scientific work aims to produce knowledge. This is not put into question. Although what is the purpose of that work, or if there is any purpose at all, is a question that must be made ex ante any task. The answer resounds: all knowledge must be turned to the instrument, technology in order to improve people's lives. In legal terms, this should be put in technical terms: improving justice, democracy, human dignity, certainty. However, these basic elements - justice, democracy, human dignity, certainty - have great fluidity, which does not allow them to extract a precise meaning. Same phenomenon occurs in the large themes: people, society, State, Law, State of Law, and Democracy. Witch shall be studied in Unitarian philosophical view of the world. Therefore it is necessary to introduce certain methodological warnings, and it explains the option for analyzing these institutes under the attributes of form and function, starting from abstractions up to very precise and contextualized content of those institutes; in order to propose solutions for fighting crime in a democratic way, especially organized crime. And therefore it is to be studied the possibilities of negotiation within the police investigation in Brazilian Criminal Procedural Law
O trabalho científico visa produzir conhecimento. Isso não se questiona. Mas a que se voltará este conhecimento, ou mesmo se possui alguma finalidade, é pergunta que se deve ser feita ex ante qualquer atividade. A resposta ressoa: todo conhecimento deve ser voltado a dar instrumento, tecnologia para melhorar a vida das pessoas. Em Direito, põe-se em termos técnicos: é assistir a justiça, a democracia, a dignidade humana, segurança. Contudo, estes elementos básicos --justiça, democracia, dignidade da pessoa humana, segurança-- possuem grande fluidez, que não permite extrair-lhes um significado preciso. Fenômeno que se verifica nos grandes temas: pessoa, sociedade, Estado, Direito, Estado de Direito, Democracia. Sempre tomando visão unitarista de mundo. Por isso, necessário introduzir advertências metodológicas, e a opção por analisar estes institutos sob sua forma e função, para chegar-se, de abstrações até conteúdos muito precisos e contextualizados. E ao fim propor solução para combate democrático à criminalidade atual, em especial a organizada. E assim estudar as possibilidades de negociação no inquérito policial, principal meio de investigação no Direito Processual Penal Brasileiro

Decentralization leads to functional and financial devolution of authority, induces more transparency in the system and puts emphasis on local needs. It creates platforms to voice and institutionalize the interests of various groups, and comes nearer to the public by making all tiers of government accountable directly to the people. However, several complexities govern this effort in India. First, implementation involves several official agencies, creating administrative gaps, lack of coordination and fiscal complexities. Second, Indian society is largely agrarian and rural marked by divisions of religion, caste and economic class. Third, the socially vulnerable and poor are often trapped in interlocking economic transactions with affluent landlords making it difficult for them to go for collective change. This research critically evaluates these dynamics taking the case example of the Mahatma Gandhi Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (MGREGS). We followed a threefold methodology in order to understand the policy dynamics, namely, stakeholders’ interviews, primary survey data analysis and secondary data analysis. Case studies were useful in understanding policy implementation dynamics through field observations. The multi-level regression results reflected co-existence of agriculture and MGREGS dynamics, with their own rules and objectives, apparently contradictory, but leading to social and economic equilibrium. Searching explanations for these contradictory results led us to two larger understandings: 1) Actors are seen to take rational decisions based on local socio-politico-economic understandings of the world. 2) These decisions are, however, at multiple levels and at multiple action spaces. Institutional rational choice perspective proposed by Ostrom (1999) corroborated these findings. Latent variable path analysis results indicated the dynamics of civil society and administrative bureaucracy as a negotiated equilibrium that has the potential to transform governance. The process of institutional evolution was through endogenous institutional change process as proposed by Grief and Laitin (2004). Furthermore, the effect of socio-structural factors on institutional structures was observed. The results indicated two major understandings: 1) the formation and effectiveness of institutional structures were dependent on social capital and in turn on social structures and networks 2) the influence of formal institutional structures on local governance and social dynamics affect the governance network formation (Hertting, 2001). Scenario-wise regression analyses results revealed that the effort to improve social capital of the groups through governance procedures need to be mediated through ‘local’ social structures. Agent based model results indicated the following: 1) regulatory dynamics need not necessarily follow the trend of socio-economic dynamics. Instead, they were in line with advocacy dynamics (Sabatier, 1988), which in turn depend on the social structures and networks. 2) regulatory strategies were endogenous institutional rational choices, given the existing socio-economic structures and networks of the society. Hence, Institutional theories were observed to be instrumental in understanding the policy implementation dynamics in democratic decentralization setup.