Academic literature on the topic 'Democratic policy processes'
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Journal articles on the topic "Democratic policy processes"
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Bray, J., and G. Nana. "Policy Optimization in Democratic Political Processes." IFAC Proceedings Volumes 22, no. 5 (June 1989): 87–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s1474-6670(17)53436-9.
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Toussaint, Bert. "(Transport) history as policy lab for democratic governance." Journal of Transport History 40, no. 2 (May 9, 2019): 270–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022526619847393.
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In the past decades we witnessed a rise of public participation in transport and land-use projects, and often those practices have been formalised in a solid juridical framework. In the Netherlands and other EU-countries, the cornerstones of this participatory planning framework are the Environmental Impact Study and the Environment Impact Assessment. However, historical appraisals of the impact of these instruments on participatory processes are lacking. Using the case study of the contested Dutch motorway project passing through the Amelisweerd forest (1970s), this paper aims to appraise the role of deliberative democracy concepts and practices. This paper is a plea for a novel academic agenda driven by the research questions: to what extent have participatory processes in transport, land-use and water management policies had an impact on deliberative democracy concepts and practices? Which role did citizens and users have in shaping the decision-making process?
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Melo, Daniela. "Women’s Movements in Portugal and Spain: Democratic Processes and Policy Outcomes." Journal of Women, Politics & Policy 38, no. 3 (September 27, 2016): 251–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1554477x.2016.1219586.
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Risteska, Marija. "The role of the EU in promoting good governance in Macedonia: towards efficiency and effectiveness or deliberative democracy?" Nationalities Papers 41, no. 3 (May 2013): 431–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2013.769504.
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Good governance has been used as a development tool by international organizations and the European Union (hereinafter: EU) which has included it in cooperation agreements and promotes it within its Enlargement Policy. This paper analyzes the good governance approach in the EU's relations with Macedonia and its effects on the country's democratic policy making. The analysis shows that the Europeanization of Macedonia has an impact on the democratic processes in the country with sub-optimal results as its technocratic approach in assessing the country's readiness for EU membership has proved to be detrimental for the deliberative democratic processes. The intensive pressure for effectiveness and efficiency results in finding short cuts in rule transfer through copying and pasting legislation from member states and limiting the democratic policy making to political deliberation rather than to wide policy consultations between state and non-state actors.
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Jönsson, Kristina, Bounfeng Phoummalaysith, Rolf Wahlström, and Göran Tomson. "Health policy evolution in Lao People’s Democratic Republic: context, processes and agency." Health Policy and Planning 30, no. 4 (April 15, 2014): 518–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/heapol/czu017.
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Gaziero Cella, José Renato, Lucas Augusto Da Silva Zolet, and Rafael Copetti. "PROCESSO POLÍTICO COMO CONSTRUÇÃO DEMOCRÁTICA: UMA DISCUSSÃO ACERCA DOS PROCESSOS ELEITORAIS FORMADOS POR APENAS UMA CANDIDATURA." Revista Eletrônica Direito e Política 15, no. 3 (December 18, 2020): 747–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.14210/rdp.v15n3.p747-770.
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Este trabalho, guiado por estudo de caso que orienta a utilização de método hipotético-dedutivo, propõe o estudo acerca do problema dos processos políticos eleitorais formados por apenas uma candidatura, notadamente no Brasil, sobretudo fazendo uma contraposição com o dever de respeito aos pressupostos dos processos políticos democráticos como hipótese alinhada à Democracia. Defende-se que estes modelos singulares não contribuem para um possível desenvolvimento dos cenários políticos sustentáveis. A hegemonia de pequenos grupos e a ausência de uma perspectiva real de participação nas tomadas de decisões é um perigoso espaço para abuso do poder político. A relevância deste trabalho, portanto, funda-se no pressuposto de que as práticas democráticas não podem ser baseadas em modelos de suposto consenso, mas no reconhecimento do elemento do desacordo coletivo como circunstância política de diálogo democrático acerca das principais questões da vida social. O desacordo como ideal da Democracia permite o efetivo direito de escolha, projeta a cidadania e o desenvolvimento das liberdades como defesa das diferentes composições ideológicas da comunidade.PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Democracia; Desacordo; Processo Político Democrático; Robert Dahl.POLITICAL PROCESS AS DEMOCRATIC CONSTRUCTION: A DISCUSSION ABOUT THE ELECTORAL PROCESS FORMED ONLY ONE APPLICATIONABSTRACTThis work, guided by case study that guides the use of hypothetical-deductive method, proposes the study of the problem of electoral political processes formed by only one application, notably in Brazil, especially making a contrast with the duty to respect the assumptions of democratic political processes as chance aligned with Democracy. It is argued these unique models will not contribute to the possible development of sustainable policy scenarios. The hegemony of small groups and the absence of a real prospect of participation in decision-making is a dangerous space for abuse of political power. The relevance of this work, therefore, is based on the assumption that the democratic practices cannot be based on a supposed consensus models, but in recognition of the element of collective disagreement as democratic dialogue of political circumstances on the main issues of social life. Disagreement as ideal of Democracy allows the effective right to choose, designs citizenship and the development of freedoms and defense of the different ideological compositions of the community.KEYWORDS: Democracy; Disagreement; Democratic Political Processes; Robert Dahl.
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HILL, KIM QUAILE, and TETSUYA MATSUBAYASHI. "Civic Engagement and Mass–Elite Policy Agenda Agreement in American Communities." American Political Science Review 99, no. 2 (May 2005): 215–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055405051610.
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We test propositions about how different forms of civic engagement are related to democratic representation in American communities. Our data are for the samples of communities, their citizens, and their leaders originally examined by Verba and Nie inParticipation in America(1972). Our analyses of those data indicate that membership in bridging social–capital civic associations is unrelated to democratic responsiveness of leaders to the mass public but that bonding social–capital membership is negatively associated with such responsiveness. We also demonstrate that bonding social–capital civic engagement weakens the democratic linkage processes inherent in elections.
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Wolf, Sarah, and Claudia Wild. "PP87 Inpatient Drug Reimbursement: Approaches For A Democratic Process." International Journal of Technology Assessment in Health Care 35, S1 (2019): 54–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266462319002289.
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IntroductionIn the context of limited healthcare resources and high healthcare expenditures, the introduction of new, cost-intensive medicines forces decision-makers to prioritize drug funding, especially in the areas of orphan diseases and oncology. In democratic societies, health policy decisions need to be evidence-based, transparent, fair, and efficient. Therefore, in some countries standardized (transparent) processes exist. In Austria, decisions on the reimbursement of new medicines have not been made for a long time. The aim of the present study was to develop different scenarios for a standardized, centralized reimbursement process for expensive hospital drugs in Austria that favors democratic decisions.MethodsA multi-stage approach was undertaken. Firstly, the reimbursement processes (only for original preparations) in Austria and other selected countries were investigated. Secondly, the strengths and weaknesses of these processes were analyzed based on predefined criteria, following the concepts of “accountability for reasonableness” (A4R) and “deliberative decision making”. Thirdly, scenarios for an Austria-wide uniform reimbursement process for hospital drugs were developed.ResultsThree scenarios were identified: (i) a reimbursement process for hospital drugs that follows the existing reimbursement process in the outpatient sector in Austria; (ii) a cooperative of decentralized Pharmaceutical and Therapeutics Committees for procurement, use, and reimbursement decisions for hospital drugs; and (iii) an adaptation of the existing reimbursement process of non-drug, highly specialized technologies to pharmaceutical interventions.ConclusionsAccording to the concepts of A4R and deliberative decision making, a transparent, evidence-based, fair, and efficient allocation of limited healthcare resources is indispensable for justifying decisions on health funding priorities in democracies. However, these criteria can be diametrically opposed. For example, methods, processes, and decisions can be evidence based, transparent, and fair, but also significantly more time consuming. Thus, a balance between the individual options for action is necessary, and priorities must be set.
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Christiansen, Pia Vanting. "Language policy in the European Union." Language Problems and Language Planning 30, no. 1 (February 20, 2006): 21–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lplp.30.1.03chr.
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This article analyses some of the potential language policy scenarios in a democratic, integrated European Union. It examines how a functional multilingual, democratic, ecological language policy in the European Parliament may ensure equal participation in, and benefit from, democratic processes for both majority and minority language communities. How multilingualism is managed and language policy is formed will be crucial in creating the identity of a future European Union, which the author discusses through a reinterpretation of what the EU might stand for; summarised in the notions of an English Union, an Elite Union, an Equal Union or an Esperanto Union. Language policy issues are especially important with regard to education, as multilingual education could be viewed as a democratic tool safeguarding active citizen participation in an intergovernmental forum such as the EU. Based on a three-language model it is possible to sustain a secure ethnic identity or identities via teaching through the mother tongue(s), as well as by acquiring at least one lingua franca and additional languages through carefully planned and well-organised multilingual education. The article concludes, in the long term, that the optimal language policy alternative would be one employing a planned language (such as Esperanto) as lingua franca, as a relay language and as an internal working language for the EU institutions.
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Schmidt, Manfred G. "West Germany: The Policy of the Middle Way." Journal of Public Policy 7, no. 2 (April 1987): 135–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x00005213.
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ABSTRACTThis article focuses attention on the distinctive characteristics of economic and social policy in West Germany during the last four decades. It will be argued, that the distinctiveness of state intervention in West Germany resides in a combination of policies of conversative-reformist, liberal and social democratic complexion. The policy of the middle way which results from this combination differs from the extreme poles that are marked by the model of Social-Democratic welfare capitalism on the one hand and market capitalism on the other, but it also comprises elements of both types of political economies. The emergence and the maintenance of the policy of the middle way can largely be attributed to distinctive characteristics of the policy process, and of processes of learning from historical catastrophes.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Democratic policy processes"
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Geiselhart, Karin, and n/a. "Does democracy scale?: a fractal model for the role of interactive technologies in democratic policy processes." University of Canberra. Information Management and Tourism, 1999. http://erl.canberra.edu.au./public/adt-AUC20050628.122941.
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The development of interactive communication technologies, such as email and the Internet,
has stimulated much discussion about their potential to assist in the renewal of democracy.
Globalisation, intimately connected with technological advance, has likewise led to
considerations of 'governance' that transcend the nation state. This thesis poses the general
question: Can the efficiencies and economies which drive commercial applications of
interactive technology be applied to democratic policy processes? What conditions will
facilitate this?
The perspective taken here views policy as a communication process between networks of
actors who seek to use resources and decisions to promote their value systems (Considine
1994). Democracy is also seen as a communication process, with a set of criteria which
ensure equal access to information and agenda setting among participants (Dahl 1989).
These definitions and criteria have been chosen for their generality. They apply at all levels
of analysis, and thus may be used for comparison across scales. These are aligned with
concepts from complexity theory as applied to human nonlinear systems and organisational
dynamics, drawing mostly on Kiel(1994) and Stacey (1996). The inherent unpredictability
of these systems and their capacity for complex learning and adaptive self-organisation
offers an alternative paradigm to linear, hierarchical management models.
A combination of literature analysis and case study evidence leads to three extensions of
complexity theory as applied to human systems: Firstly, interactive technology is proposed
as a technique for the potential re-pluralisation of democratic processes in complex human
systems. The possibility of adding many new non-elite voices, and of making these available
to all others, relates to both chaotic forms of self-organisation and the benefits of electronic
democracy. Secondly, evidence is presented for the existence of fractal, or self-similar
patterns in the ways information technology is applied at different levels of governance. It is
shown that instrumental approaches which emphasise efficiency dominate technology use at
the global, national and organisational levels, and these are interdependent. Alternative
patterns which encourage participation also exist at every level. Thirdly, it is argued that the
values of the dominant actors are the main determinants of whether interactive technologies
will be structured to favour democratic forms of communication at every level.
Three theory chapters in Part I develop these arguments by extensive reviews of relevant
literatures. On the global level, convergent media, telecommunications and technology
conglomerates underpin a global 'nervous system' which discourages government
intervention, promotes a global monoculture, inhibits pluralistic debate by minimising access
to alternative forms of information, and emphasises individualism and consumption. Within
nations, widespread uniformity of public sector reform is sympathetic and responsive to
these globalising pressures. Deregulation, privatisation, retreat from public broadcasting,
down-sizing and outsourcing have become standard approaches, and are reflected in
Australian information technology policy and programs. Several exceptions demonstrate
more participatory approaches. At the organisational level, instrumental approaches to
management and computerisation also prevail. In each case, a shift towards globalising
values corresponds to applications of information technology which dampen the complex
interactivity required for democratic policy processes.
Part II supplements this analysis with case study evidence. The organisational data were
collected primarily during a two year qualitative study of interactive technology use in the
Australian Department of Finance and Administration. The researcher found technology use
was inseparable from other change processes, and these were found to have strong elements
inhibiting participation in internal policy. An instrumental approach to interactive technology
use reinforced hierarchical decision processes.
Three minor case studies looked at an internal mailing list in a federal agency, a mostly
national list on Internet and telecommunications policy, and an experiment in electronic
democracy at the local level. These offered additional insights into the ways interactive
technologies can contribute to complex but adaptive policy processes, if normative
democratic values guide their design.
The researcher proposes a set of communication protocols for the use of interactive
technologies in democratic policy processes. These would enable the forms of
communication necessary to reinvigorate democracy in an information age. It is also argued
that these protocols, if applied at the organisational level, and particularly within the public
sector, could become part of a reaffirmation of industrial democracy. This is necessary to
ensure the integrity and accountability of the public sector, given the progressive
intermingling of these institutions with private enterprise. Additional suggestions are made
for research into government uses of information technology as an important focus for policy
analysts.
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Engelcke, Dorthe Kirsten. "Processes of family law reform : legal and societal change and continuity in Morocco and Jordan." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:60356e5a-968d-4381-b2a4-6bb507e29176.
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The dissertation solves the empirical puzzle why similar regimes such as Morocco and Jordan vary in their engagement in family law reform between 1999 and 2013. Differences with respect to family law reform in the two monarchies are threefold: the way the reform processes were carried out, the content of the new family codes that were issued in Morocco in 2004 and in Jordan in 2010, and the way the laws were applied. Using Pierre Bourdieu's theory of practice as a theoretical framework the dissertation establishes the links between the designs of the legal systems, how reform processes are carried out, the family laws countries end up with, and the way the laws are applied. French and British colonialism had shaped the legal systems of Morocco and Jordan to different degrees, producing a legal system that was unified after independence in Morocco whereas the Jordanian one continued to be divided into regular and religious courts. As a result, Moroccan family courts are less autonomous and more subjected to political decisions than Jordanian sharia courts. The institutional design of both judicial systems affected how family law reform was carried out because those systems contain biases towards different actors who are seen as competent of reforming family law and thus came to influence the reform process. The different access criteria to the juridical fields promote different types of cultural capital, so that actors participating in the process have different preferences regarding the development of the content of family law. In Jordan, the absence of the Jordanian king allowed the sharia court administration to exploit the structural bias in its favour and come to dominate both the process and content of family law reform. For this reason the 2010 Jordanian family law reflects to a lesser extent the demands of women's groups. The absence of the Jordanian king from the reform process demonstrates that change in authoritarian states is not necessarily imposed from above nor is it predetermined from the beginning. The Jordanian reform process saw little engagement from the top-level of the regime and could be classified as a mid-level process. It was led by a government body, the sharia court administration, which however enjoyed relative autonomy from the upper echelon of the regime. By contrast, the Moroccan family law reform was a textbook example of authoritarian politics, the reform being imposed from above and the king playing a leading role during the process. In contrast to the process and content of reform, the application of the reformed law in Morocco challenges the notion of the omnipotent authoritarian regime. While the monarch could impose legislative change, the state is at best partially able to enforce this very law or to impose a consensus over its interpretation. The designs of the legal systems again had an impact here. International law occupies different places in the Moroccan and Jordanian constitutions: Jordanian sharia courts enjoy greater autonomy, reject international law, and thus were able to resist its intrusion.
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Araujo, Theo Lovizio de, and Camila Barretto Maia. "Que impactos esperar da participação na elaboração de políticas públicas? Proposta de um conjunto de critérios para avaliar o processo participativo do Plano Diretor de São Paulo." reponame:Repositório Institucional do FGV, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10438/17379.
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Many positive results are normally assigned to participation, ranging from the improvement of public policies to the democratization of the State and the promotion of a culture of participation in public affairs. In Brazil, participatory arrangements were broadly institutionalized in the past decades and are now a part or the legal framework that structures public administration. Very little was done, however, to establish standards to verify the efficacy of these arrangements. This work studies the participatory process for the elaboration of the Master Plan of the city of São Paulo ('Plano Diretor Estratégico'), held between March and September 2013 by the city’s Urban Development Secretary ('Secretaria Municipal de Desenvolvimento Urbano'). With the aim of suggesting a set of criteria for the evaluation of this and of other participatory processes, this study deepens its regard over the spaces of interaction between government and society during the elaboration of the Plan. Through the analysis of documents and qualitative research based on interviews with key participants and public administrators, it identifies and applies a set of evaluation criteria to the participatory process of the Master Plan. By doing this, it also reveals a double logic behind the relationship between State and society during the process. On the one hand, it comprised broad channels for participation and innovative efforts by the local authorities to put forward a methodology based on dialogue and consent. On the other hand, it was characterized by an active role of the State in managing the conflicts between a restricted number of organized sectors, such as the housing movement, the housing market and neighbor associations from Strictly Residential Areas ('Zonas Estritamente Residenciais'), in a relationship typical of corporativism.
À participação social costumam-se atribuir resultados positivos que vão desde o aperfeiçoamento das políticas públicas até a democratização do Estado, passando pelo estímulo à construção de uma cultura participativa. No Brasil, os arranjos participativos foram amplamente institucionalizados nas últimas décadas, passando a fazer parte do arcabouço legal que rege a administração pública. Pouco se avançou, no entanto, na definição de parâmetros para a determinação da eficácia e eficiência destes arranjos. O presente trabalho estuda o processo participativo de elaboração do Plano Diretor Estratégico da cidade de São Paulo (PDE), realizado de março a setembro de 2013 pela Secretaria Municipal de Desenvolvimento Urbano (SMDU). Com o objetivo de propor um conjunto de critérios para a avaliação deste e de outros processos participativos, o trabalho aprofunda o olhar sobre os espaços de interlocução entre o poder público e a sociedade que permearam a elaboração do Plano. Tanto a seleção quanto a aplicação dos critérios de avaliação se fundamentam na análise documental e na pesquisa qualitativa realizada por meio de entrevistas com participantes-chave e com gestores. Como consequência deste exercício, o trabalho revela a dupla lógica das relações Estado-sociedade na construção do Plano Diretor de São Paulo. Por um lado, elas caracterizaram-se pela amplitude dos espaços e canais de participação e por um esforço inovador da gestão em relação à estruturação de uma metodologia participativa para o diálogo e o consenso. Por outro, foram marcadas por um papel ativo do Estado na mediação de conflitos entre setores organizados, tais como o movimento de moradia, o mercado imobiliário e as associações de moradores de Zonas Estritamente Residenciais, típico do corporativismo.
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Price, Monica Hatfield. "Narrative Policy Analysis of Prior Learning Assessment: Implications for Democratic Participation in Higher Education Policy Making." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1454610356.
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Correia, Rodrigo Alves [UNESP]. "Democracia e Mercosul: um binômio verdadeiro?" Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/106623.
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Se tomarmos como referência uma visão de política como um processo de construção de consensos pelo diálogo, o estágio atual do Mercosul mostra que não há amadurecimento do processo decisório nem a criação de um novo espaço público regional. Assim, a comunicação limitada - aqui entendida como baixo nível de representatividade -, leva a resultados limitados no aprofundamento da democracia na região. Isso afeta tanto a própria estrutura decisória do bloco, quanto a possibilidade da criação de uma sociedade ―regional‖ mais avançada em seus valores de respeito à liberdade e dignidade humana, seja por parte dos cidadãos ou por parte dos Estados. Diante disso, supomos que existe um descolamento entre exercício democrático e o processo decisório no Mercosul, que merece ser mais detidamente explorado.
If we take as reference a view of politics as a process of consensus building through dialogue, the current stage of Mercosur shows that there is no maturation of decision-making process nor the creation of a new regional public space. Thus, the limited communication - understood here as a low level representation - leads to limited results in democracy development in the region. This situation affects both their own decision-making structure of the block, and the possible creation of a regional society more advanced in their values of respect for human dignity and freedom, either by individuals or by states. Therefore, we assume that there is a detachment between democratic exercise and decision-making process in Mercosur, which deserves to be explored more closely.
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Correia, Rodrigo Alves. "Democracia e Mercosul : um binômio verdadeiro? /." Marilia : [s.n.], 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/106623.
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Orientador: José Blanes SalaBanca: Vanessa Marx
Banca: Marcelo Fernandes de Oliveira
Banca: Karina Lilia Pasquariello Mariano
Banca: Tullo Vigevani
Resumo: Se tomarmos como referência uma visão de política como um processo de construção de consensos pelo diálogo, o estágio atual do Mercosul mostra que não há amadurecimento do processo decisório nem a criação de um novo espaço público regional. Assim, a comunicação limitada - aqui entendida como baixo nível de representatividade -, leva a resultados limitados no aprofundamento da democracia na região. Isso afeta tanto a própria estrutura decisória do bloco, quanto a possibilidade da criação de uma sociedade ―regional‖ mais avançada em seus valores de respeito à liberdade e dignidade humana, seja por parte dos cidadãos ou por parte dos Estados. Diante disso, supomos que existe um descolamento entre exercício democrático e o processo decisório no Mercosul, que merece ser mais detidamente explorado.
Abstract: If we take as reference a view of politics as a process of consensus building through dialogue, the current stage of Mercosur shows that there is no maturation of decision-making process nor the creation of a new regional public space. Thus, the limited communication - understood here as a low level representation - leads to limited results in democracy development in the region. This situation affects both their own decision-making structure of the block, and the possible creation of a regional society more advanced in their values of respect for human dignity and freedom, either by individuals or by states. Therefore, we assume that there is a detachment between democratic exercise and decision-making process in Mercosur, which deserves to be explored more closely.
Doutor
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Sköllerhorn, Erland. "Habermas kommunikativa handlingsteori för studier av miljöpolitik : ett kulturteoretiskt förslag." Doctoral thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2001. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-65886.
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During the last 50 years, western European societies have been successful in creating economic growth, a functioning democracy and uniting these with social welfare. At the same time, environmental problems have become a major political challenge. Although some measures have been taken to introduce environmental protection, there continue to be serious problems. These can be related to democratic priorities and public information in the sense that they may, amongst other things, be a result of misinformed democratic publics. Jürgen Habermas's work is important for our understanding of how environmental problems can be managed better than today if, contrary to the ecoauthoritarian ideas, we consider that the solution to these problems calls for more democracy and better democratic forms. One can argue that his theory of communicative action makes it difficult to ignore him in debates about today's environmental problems. There are, nevertheless, three difficulties associated with developing a model based on Habermas's theory. Critics argue that, firstly, his theory has theoretical weaknesses; secondly, it is formulated in a way which makes empirical analysis impossible; and, thirdly, it cannot explain the rise of environmental protests and environmental movements, even if Habermas has this ambition. In the thesis, it is considered that environmental problems are political-cultural questions. Accordingly, a political cultural theory is constructed to interprete Habermas's ideas and assess the arguments of his critics. This theory consists of assumptions about notions and types of language-use used in co-ordinating collective action. It is built on the following variables: view of knowledge, view of social values and nature, and view of language-use. It is argued that Habermas's ideas can be defended, if one elaborates a political subculture that is biocentric (nature-centred), as a complement to anthropocentrism (a human-centred view of nature). Thus, his theory of communicative action can be used to develop a cultural model for empirical studies of environmental policy processes. The model consists of three cultural ideal types: anthropocentric material; anthropocentric immaterial; and biocentric immaterial. Obstacles to social learning and public participation, such as forms and styles of reasoning and the exclusion of citizens, are brought into focus. Finally, the model functions as a criticism of a neo-liberal view of environmental problems. Such a view lacks concepts for understanding how individuals consciously can co-ordinate their ideas and individual actions into a collective action.digitalisering@umu
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Ferraz, André Tavares. "Procedimentalização nos Conselhos de Políticas Públicas: o caso do Conselho Municipal de Habitação de São Paulo." Universidade de São Paulo, 2016. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/2/2134/tde-21032016-172732/.
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A presente pesquisa tem como objetivo geral analisar a procedimentalização nos Conselhos Municipais de Políticas Públicas, isto é, analisar o regime jurídico dos procedimentos administrativos aplicáveis aos Conselhos, bem como o modo de participação dos Conselhos no processo orçamentário municipal de São Paulo. Embora existam há mais de duas décadas, a revisão da literatura indica que os Conselhos em geral têm se destacado mais como instâncias de fiscalização do que de planejamento de políticas públicas. Como objetivos específicos, a pesquisa pretendeu averiguar a adequação dos procedimentos administrativos que regem o Conselho Municipal de Habitação de São Paulo (CMH) e analisar sua participação no processo orçamentário municipal com base na Análise de Conteúdo das Atas de Reunião de 2003 a 2015. Como resultado, a pesquisa identificou que o CMH não elaborou nem aprovou, desde o início, nenhuma das propostas orçamentárias (PPA, LDO e LOA) do Fundo Municipal de Habitação (FMH), nas quais se formalizam as diretrizes, metas, programas habitacionais e planos de aplicação de recursos do Fundo, ao contrário do que dispõe a Lei Municipal 13.425/02. Na fase de execução orçamentária, foi possível perceber que o Conselho tem atuado, quase exclusivamente, como agente gestor do Fundo, apreciando e aprovando previamente as propostas de operações (projetos e atividades) a implementar. Além disso, a pesquisa evidenciou que o processo decisório do CMH tem se desenvolvido sem o necessário esclarecimento e sem a adequada instrução processual, principalmente, no que diz respeito ao direito à ampla defesa e à produção de provas pelos conselheiros. A pesquisa concluiu que o CMH deveria agir, com maior ênfase, no planejamento e elaboração das propostas orçamentárias na fase de elaboração da política pública; e como órgão de fiscalização, monitoramento e avaliação na fase de implementação da política pública, estas, afinal, sua vocação institucional; ao invés de atuar como agente operador do Fundo, que pressupõe competências legais e administrativas estranhas ao Conselho.This research has the general objective of analyzing the proceduralization in the Municipal Public Policy Councils, it means, analyze the legal regime of administrative procedures of Councils as well as the mode of participation of the Councils in the São Paulos municipal budget process. Although there are more than two decades, the literature review indicates that the Councils in general have stood out more as supervisory bodies than in the public policy planning. As specific objectives, the research intended to verify the adequacy of the administrative procedures governing the Conselho Municipal de Habitação de São Paulo (CMH ) and analyze their participation in municipal budgeting process based on the Content Analysis of the Minutes of Meetings of 2003-2015. As result, the survey also found that the CMH, since the beginning, did not made or approved none of the budget proposals (PPA, LDO and LOA) of Fundo Municipal de Habitação (FMH), in which the guidelines, goals, housing programs and plans application of Fund are formalized, against the Municipal Law 13,425/02. In the budget execution phase, was possible to realize that the CMH has worked almost exclusively as Fund manager agent, appreciating and previously approving the concrete operations (projects and activities) to implement. In addition, the research showed that the CMH\'s decision-making process has not been observing the proper right of notice and comment, especially about the right to comment and offer evidences by the counselors. The research concluded that the CMH should act with greater emphasis in the planning and preparation of the budget proposals at the stage of elaboration of public policies; and as a supervisory body, monitoring and evaluation at the implementation phase of public policy, these, after all, your institutional vocation; instead of acting as manager agent of the Fund, which presupposes legal and administrative expertise out of the Council.
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Chagas, Afonso Maria das. "Cenários e processos de participação política: um estudo sobre os movimentos sociais do campo em Rondônia." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/180924.
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A presente tese projeta seu objetivo na busca pela compreensão do fenômeno das organizações e movimentos sociais do campo, desbordando na relação que estes movimentos criam e sustentam frente ao Estado: órgãos/autarquias e agentes públicos. É possível sistematizar esta pesquisa, na confluência entre três grandes eixos analíticos: a questão agrária e sua centralidade, os movimentos sociais do campo, e o Estado. Assim, apresenta-se como de suma importância, seja para a academia, seja para o debate com a sociedade, a percepção de tal debate, sobretudo diante de várias narrativas que dizem respeito à “vocação desenvolvimentista” do Estado de Rondônia. Por outra via, em sintonia analítica com as abordagens das Teorias sociais da Teoria política, torna-se fundamental a compreensão deste fenômeno, no sentido de identificar ou extrair os elementos essenciais, consensuais ou não, sobre a relação entre Estado e movimentos sociais do campo, em seus amplos e plurais processos de interação e participação. Agregou-se ao projeto, a pesquisa de campo onde buscou confrontar duas perspectivas ou autorepresentações De um lado, a forma como os movimentos sociais compreendem e se compreendem na relação com o Estado. Sob outro ângulo, a perspectiva que o Estado dimensiona, através de seus atores, sobre o papel, função e mediação, dos movimentos sociais do campo, no Estado de Rondônia. Para alicerçar parâmetros de análise, ampliando o espaço hermenêutico sobre a compreensão do fenômeno, buscou-se anteparo tanto da perspectiva teórica de autores como Antonio Gramsci, José Carlos Mariátegui e Raymundo Faoro, quanto em autores pátrios que, deram ao tema, um enfoque analítico considerado relevante e atual para a compreensão da questão, no Brasil e na região amazônica, sobretudo. Tal análise, enfim, vincula-se à perspectiva de conhecer, verificar e compreender a questão dos “processos participativos” ante os paradigmas da Teoria Política da Organização da sociedade, sobretudo sob a perspectiva da Teoria do Processo Político, ou das “oportunidades políticas”.The present thesis aims at understanding the phenomenon of social organizations and movements in the countryside, overflowing in the relationship that these movements create and sustain vis - à - vis the State: organs / municipalities and public agents. It is possible to systematize this research, in the confluence between three great analytical axes: the agrarian question and its centrality, the social movements of the field, and the State. Thus, the perception of this debate, especially in the face of various narratives that concern the "developmentalist vocation" of the State of Rondônia, is of great importance, both for the academy and for the debate with society. On the other hand, in an analytical line with the approaches of the Social Theories of Political Theory, it becomes fundamental to understand this phenomenon, in the sense of identifying or extracting the essential elements, consensual or otherwise, on the relation between state and social movements of the field , in its wide and plural processes of interaction and participation. He added to the project, the field research where he sought to confront two perspectives or self-representations On the one hand, the way social movements understand and understand each other in relation to the state. From another angle, the perspective that the State, through its actors, assesses the role, function and mediation of the social movements of the countryside in the State of Rondônia. In order to support the parameters of analysis, by broadening the hermeneutic space on the understanding of the phenomenon, we sought the theoretical perspective of authors such as Antonio Gramsci, José Carlos Mariátegui and Raymundo Faoro, as well as authors who gave the theme an analytical approach considered relevant and current for understanding the issue, in Brazil and in the Amazon region, above all. This analysis, finally, is linked to the perspective of knowing, verifying and understanding the question of "participatory processes" before the paradigms of Political Theory of the Organization of society, especially from the perspective of Political Process Theory, or "political opportunities" .
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Hiamba, Ovungu Jean. "Structure et sens cosmopolitique du pouvoir dans la culture des Ankutsu-Membele: contribution au processus d'intégration et de démocratisation en Afrique." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209753.
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La République démocratique du Congo vit particulièrement un moment difficile, mais décisif dans son histoire pour ramener la paix, favoriser l’inclusion sociale et garantir la sécurité des peuples qui vivent sur toute l’étendue du pays sans distinction de race, d’origine ethnique, de classe sociale, d’idéologie, de confession religieuse, etc.En effet, les rébellions, les guerres ethniques ou tribales, les rivalités et les dissensions inter groupales continuent à affecter la vie politique, économique et sociale de ce pays depuis la période précoloniale en passant par la période coloniale et postcoloniale. Cette préoccupation majeure suscite des interrogations fondamentales :de quelle manière peut-on aujourd’hui ériger un projet politique qui soit à mesure de redéfinir les finalités socio-politiques, cultuelles, et économiques globales qui accordent une meilleure écoute aux productions de sens qui émanent des valeurs théoriques de chaque groupe social, en sublimant ce qui rapproche et non ce qui divise ?Comment dépasser les clivages excluant issus des situations de crise (traite, colonisation, rébellions, guerres, dissensions) ?Comment mettre sur pied un espace commun qui serait le lieu d’échange libre où chacun exprimerait son opinion dans le respect et la dignité de l’autre ?
C’est à ces questions et à beaucoup d’autres encore que cette thèse tente de répondre. Il s’agit en fait, d’une étude à caractère paradigmatique réalisée dans le groupe Ankutshu-Membele, à la lumière des approches occidentales du pouvoir et de la démocratie. Elle s’assigne comme objectif principal de problématiser la conception du pouvoir à travers la culture et les religions de ce peuple, en vue de tenter d’établir les conditions de possibilités d’intégration de cette société traditionnelle vers une société moderne multiculturelle et démocratique.
Doctorat en Philosophie
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
Books on the topic "Democratic policy processes"
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Curriculum reform in Ontario: 'common sense' policy processes and democratic possibilities. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2012.
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The World Bank's disclosure policy review and the role of democratic participatory processes in achieving successful development outcomes: Hearing before the Committee on Financial Services, U.S. House of Representatives, One Hundred Eleventh Congress, first session, September 10, 2009. Washington, D.C: U.S. G.P.O., 2010.
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United States. President (2001-2009 : Bush). Blocking property of persons undermining democratic processes or institutions in Zimbabwe: Message from the President of the United States transmitting his declaration of a national emergency with respect to the unusual and extraordinary threat to the foreign policy interests of the United States posed by the actions and policies of certain individuals who have formulated, implemented, or supported policies that have undermined Zimbabwe's democratic institutions, pursuant to 50 U.S.C. 1703(b) and 50 U.S.C. 1631. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 2003.
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1946-, Bush George W., and United States. Congress. House. Committee on International Relations, eds. Blocking property of persons undermining democratic processes or institutions in Zimbabwe: Message from the President of the United States transmitting his declaration of a national emergency with respect to the unusual and extraordinary threat to the foreign policy interests of the United States posed by the actions and policies of certain individuals who have formulated, implemented, or supported policies that have undermined Zimbabwe's democratic institutions, pursuant to 50 U.S.C. 1703(b) and 50 U.S.C. 1631. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 2003.
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Bush), United States President (2001-2009 :. Blocking property of persons undermining democratic processes or institutions in Zimbabwe: Message from the President of the United States transmitting his declaration of a national emergency with respect to the unusual and extraordinary threat to the foreign policy interests of the United States posed by the actions and policies of certain individuals who have formulated, implemented, or supported policies that have undermined Zimbabwe's democratic institutions, pursuant to 50 U.S.C. 1703(b) and 50 U.S.C. 1631. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 2003.
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Connolly, William E. Fragility of Things: Self-Organizing Processes, Neoliberal Fantasies, and Democratic Activism. Duke University Press, 2013.
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Connolly, William E. The fragility of things: Self-organizing processes, neoliberal fantasies, and democratic activism. 2013.
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Neil, Coleman, and Cosatu, eds. Accelerating transformation: COSATU's engagement with policy and legislative processes during South Africa's first term of democratic governance. [South Africa: COSATU, 2000.
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Fishman, Robert M. Democratic Practice. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190912871.001.0001.
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This book offers a new way to conceptualize and study differences among democracies, focusing on political conduct and interaction as well as related taken-for-granted assumptions. With an empirical basis in a multimethod study of Portugal and Spain, pioneers in the worldwide turn to democracy that began in the 1970s, the argument identifies how political inclusion and equality vary substantially as a result of processes that the book theorizes: Nationally predominant forms of democratic practice constitute cultural legacies of the countries’ pathways to democracy during the 1970s. Whereas Portugal moved from dictatorship to democracy through a social revolution that inverted hierarchies and reconfigured cultural patterns while also generating thorough political democratization, Spain experienced a regime-led process of political transition under pressure from the opposition. The book shows how this contrast in pathways put in place ways of understanding democracy that have had deep consequences for political inclusion and conduct. Points of contrast in contemporary democratic practice include patterns of interaction between social movement protest and elected power holders as well as conduct within representative entities and in crucial secondary institutions such as the news media and the educational system. Consequences are identified in distributional outcomes, housing and welfare state policies, employment policy, and in the handling of economic crises. The implications of Spain’s less inclusionary democratic practice for cultural “others” such as Catalans are taken up in the chapter on the Catalan crisis. Implications for democratic theory and for sociological and political science theory are also taken up.
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Psygkas, Athanasios. From the Democratic Deficit to a Democratic Surplus. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190632762.001.0001.
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The conventional account of a European Union (EU) “democratic deficit” misses part of the story. This book argues that member-state regulatory processes operating under EU mandates may actually have become more democratically accountable, not less. EU law creates entry points for stakeholder participation in the operation of national regulatory authorities; these avenues for public participation were formerly either not open or not institutionalized to this degree. In these cases, we see not a democratic deficit but a democratic surplus generated by EU law in the member states. Moreover, the decentralized EU regulatory structure may promote experimentation, innovation, and policy exchange between the member states. The book discusses a series of case studies demonstrating how EU law influenced telecommunications regulation in France, Greece, and the United Kingdom. It assesses the operation of accountability processes by drawing on data from more than 1,000 public consultations and some 8,000 consultation responses. The analysis is supplemented by interviews with agency officials as well as industry and consumer group representatives in Paris, Athens, Brussels, and London. The study finds increased participation by actors other than the traditional powerful firms as well as significant transparency gains compared to the previous regime. Nonetheless, the three countries did not respond to EU pressures in an identical fashion. The book compares how the same EU mandates were translated into divergent institutional practices as a result of the different administrative traditions, bureaucratic culture, and public law history of these countries. It also documents roadblocks and difficulties along the way.
Book chapters on the topic "Democratic policy processes"
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Moebius, Stephan. "Sociology in the German Democratic Republic." In Sociology in Germany, 123–39. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-71866-4_5.
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AbstractIn the GDR (German Democratic Republic), sociology did not emerge until the 1960s. In 1963, the party program of the Sozialistische Einheitspartei Deutschlands (SED, Socialist Unity Party of Germany, SUPG) explicitly called for the establishment of sociological research. GDR sociology developed under completely different conditions than in West Germany. It was overshadowed by Marxist-Leninist philosophy and political economy as well as instrumentalized by economic policy. Its focus was on the basic categories of work and production. The connection to economic policy and historical materialism promoted the tendency to economic reductionism in sociology. Sociology in the GDR was not based on the general tradition of sociology, which was understood as “bourgeois.” Besides Marx, the founding figures of sociology were avoided; not only were they seen as “bourgeois sociologists,” but many of them had also focused on meaningful action and the understanding of social processes rather than on the analysis of the laws of social development. Methodologically, the main focus was on quantitative methods. Sociology had the function of confirming the social laws whose theoretical interpretation was then reserved for historical materialism. It was not until the late 1980s that the situation changed somewhat and the relative autonomy of the social came increasingly into focus. This also led to first approaches to study the social position of women and gender relations. Overall, sociology in the GDR remained committed to a canonizing interpretation of Marxism-Leninism. In addition, it placed itself largely at the service of political power. Because of this its performance was limited enormously. Only when the social processes and dynamics could no longer be adequately described within the conventional ideological framework did certain changes occur.
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Friedrich, Dawid. "Democratic Aspiration Meets Political Reality: Participation of Organized Civil Society in Selected European Policy Processes." In Civil Society Participation in European and Global Governance, 140–65. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230592506_7.
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Hernandez, Ariel Macaspac. "Mexico and China—Sustainable, Low-Carbon Transformation Processes in Democratic and Authoritarian Regimes." In Taming the Big Green Elephant, 177–203. Wiesbaden: Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-31821-5_9.
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AbstractMexico and China are two dynamic countries that can ‘challenge’ existing normative views on regimes, governance, and institutions. On the one hand, Mexico is a vibrant democratic country that has managed to become a member of the OECD and its economy has benefitted from open borders, direct foreign investment inflows and integration into global value chains (OECD 2017b), but yet it still reflects governance deficiencies, particularly in the formal and material representation of relevant stakeholders, and especially in marginalized communities. On the other hand, although China is governed by an authoritarian regime, particularly when environmental issues are involved, societal groups’ interests seem to find effective ways to influence policy-making.
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Slaveski, Stojan, and Biljana Popovska. "Effects of US Foreign Policy on Democratic Processes in the Republic of Macedonia: Between Liberalism and Realism." In Global Perspectives on US Democratization Efforts, 139–56. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-58984-2_9.
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Katsikas, Dimitris. "European Union’s Democratic Legitimacy after the MoUs: The Political Legacy of an Economic Crisis." In Financial Crisis Management and Democracy, 111–24. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54895-7_5.
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AbstractThis chapter focuses on two significant aspects of crisis management in the Eurozone: (a) its democratic legitimacy and (b) its socioeconomic consequences. The two issues are very important, since both the socioeconomic effects of an adjustment program and its democratic credentials determine to a large extent its “ownership” by local societies and consequently its chances of success. Effectively, these two aspects refer to the “input” and “output” side of democratic legitimacy, that is, to legitimation through democratic processes and representation, and policy outcomes respectively. The analysis evaluates the first aspect of the legitimacy equation using criteria derived from democratic theory and applying them to the governance structure of the bailout programs. On the second aspect of legitimacy, that of outcomes, the socioeconomic consequences of the crisis management are reviewed, and their distributive aspects discussed. The chapter demonstrates that the EU’s legitimacy has suffered along both aspects as a result of the crisis and the way it was handled. This leaves the EU in a particularly vulnerable state in the event of a future crisis.
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Štimac, Zrinka, and Indira Aslanova. "The Role of Securitization in the Relationship Between State and Religion—The Example of the Kyrgyz Republic." In Between Peace and Conflict in the East and the West, 117–37. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-77489-9_6.
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AbstractIn this paper, we discuss the challenges of developing secular framework in relation to religion in Kyrgyzstan, the first Central Asian republic where democratic institutions were established after the collapse of the Soviet Union and which has been strongly challenged in maintaining its democratic achievements during the Tulip Revolution and other revolts in 2010 and 2020. The question we aim to answer is how processes of securitization shape the relationship between state institutions and religious organizations, knowing that Kyrgyzstan is still influenced both by the Soviet understanding of secularism and by models of secularity and governance from countries and societies with different histories and conditions of development. We look at different phases of the relationship between state and religion starting with the regime change and the establishment of a democratic state. Secondly, the establishing of a legal framework for state policy on religious organizations. Thirdly, the time of the adoption of measures to protect the interests of all citizens, believers and non-believers, and the beginning of the process of active influence of state policy on the situation in the religious sphere. And finally, the new (mis)understanding of the relations between the state and religion, both on the side of the state and religious organizations. Our theoretical point of departure is the concept of securitization, and from there on we take a discursive approach focusing on the different actors in this arena, such as state institutions and the various religious organizations and groups.
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Alpan, Başak. "Europeanization and EU–Turkey Relations: Three Domains, Four Periods." In EU-Turkey Relations, 107–37. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-70890-0_5.
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AbstractEuropeanization is deservedly one of the most popular yet most volatile buzzwords for Turkish politics and EU–Turkey relations. This chapter takes stock of the Europeanization literature and examines the EU–Turkey relationship by referring to particular mechanisms and variants of Europeanization. The main argument is that Europeanization is a versatile and complex process covering vast areas of policy, politics, and polity, intertwined with larger domestic, regional, and global processes, which is not limited to Turkey’s EU accession. The analysis refers to particular mechanisms and variants of Europeanization in four different phases between 1963 and early 2020: In the first period, ‘Europeanization as rapprochement’, Turkey’s age-old Westernization project was consolidated through Europeanization. In the second period, ‘Europeanization as democratic conditionality’, there has been strong interest in the impact of Europeanization on particular aspects of domestic issues through conditionality and the EU’s role as a ‘democratization anchor’. In the third period, ‘Europeanization as retrenchment’, and the fourth period, ‘Europeanization as denial’, ‘Europe’ was no longer the lingua franca in the Turkish political landscape, a trend that is also associated with a ‘de-Europeanization’ turn in the literature. This does not mean that ‘Europe’ completely disappeared from domestic policy orientations, political debates, and identity negotiations. Rather, Ankara used ‘Europe’ strategically to justify actions that were criticized by the EU.
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Clark, Phil. "The International Criminal Court’s Impact on Peacebuilding in Africa." In The State of Peacebuilding in Africa, 235–56. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-46636-7_14.
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Abstract This chapter examines the International Criminal Court (ICC) and its intersections with two widespread domestic conflict resolution processes in Africa: national amnesties and peace negotiations. In doing so, it connects to two overarching scholarly and policy debates, namely the appropriateness and legality of amnesties as opposed to prosecutions for suspected perpetrators of international crimes, and the “peace versus justice” debate over whether the threat of prosecution imperils peace negotiations that involve high-level atrocity suspects. This chapter focuses on the ICC’s first two—and therefore most developed—situations in northern Uganda and the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), with secondary reference to Rwanda, South Sudan, and other conflict-affected states in Africa. The chapter concludes with some lessons from the ICC’s interventions for recrafting international criminal justice in support of the wider pursuit of peace.
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Koskela, Minja, Anna Kuoppamäki, Sidsel Karlsen, and Heidi Westerlund. "The Paradox of Democracy in Popular Music Education: Intersectionalizing “Youth” Through Curriculum Analysis." In The Politics of Diversity in Music Education, 135–49. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-65617-1_10.
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AbstractIn this chapter, we unpack the complex politics of popular music education (PME) in schools through an examination of the ways in which youth and youth culture are represented in the Finnish National Core Curricula (2004 and 2014). Interrogating commonly held conceptualizations of diversity in music education, we identify a paradox in school-based PME which, on the one hand, aims toward democratic classroom practice yet, on the other, neglects diversity by approaching youth as a homogenous group. Challenging common analytical points of departure in PME research, we argue that scholars and educators need to recognize the multiple and intersecting identities of students if PME is to afford them equal opportunities for participation. Overall, we suggest that through the analytical lens of intersectionality, PME may be better positioned to take into account students’ own experiences of inequalities, providing new perspectives on diversity at the policy level. Thus, intersectionality could provide a useful analytical frame in the process of furthering further democratic practice in the classroom.
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Bray, J., and G. Nana. "POLICY OPTIMIZATION IN DEMOCRATIC POLITICAL PROCESSES." In Dynamic Modelling and Control of National Economies 1989, 87–94. Elsevier, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/b978-0-08-037538-0.50020-4.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Democratic policy processes"
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Ferlicca, Francesca. "Participation in the decision making-making cities proces of regularization policies in Buenos Aires. The case of Villa 20 in Buenos Aires autonomous city." In Post-Oil City Planning for Urban Green Deals Virtual Congress. ISOCARP, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47472/kphy9788.
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In Latin American cities informal settlements and insecure land tenure are the result of an exclusionary planning and urban management system which fails to provide legal and secure housing for lower-income groups. Against this backdrop, the State implemented land-title and urban regulatory policies, in order to improve the housing conditions of these neighbourhoods and integrate their residents into the legal regime. This paper proposes to address the conflicts implied in the processes of urbanization and regularization of the villas of the city of Buenos Aires during the first government of Rodríguez Larreta (2015-2019). In the official political discourse, the urbanization of informal settlements is considered one of the main axes of local management. Within this framework, institutional changes are being carried out, such as the creation of the Ministry of Social and Urban Integration. This report proposes to address the participation implied in the process of urbanization and regularization of Villa 20 in the Autonomous City of Buenos Aires. This process have raised many challenges in the interaction between government decision-making and the needs of inhabitants of informal settlement. These challenges are linked to a) the democratic participation of the inhabitants in the decision-making process at all stages, b) land management policies and domain regularization; c) the modalities and logic of relocation of inhabitants; d) the provision and access to infrastructure services and public spaces; e) the treatment of tenants and other more vulnerable groups. Based on the analysis of the case study, we propose to account for the limits and scope of the implemented urbanization policy as well as for the opportunities to expand the horizon of tools and intervention modalities promote the right to the city and reduce territorial inequalities
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Peters, Rob, Koen Smit, and Johan Versendaal. "Responsible AI and Power: Investigating the System Level Bureaucrat in the Legal Planning Process." In Digital Support from Crisis to Progressive Change. University of Maribor Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.18690/978-961-286-485-9.43.
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Numerous statements and pamphlets indicate that governments should increase the transparency of ICTimplementations and algorithms in eGovernment services and should encourage democratic control. This paper presents research among civil servants, suppliers and experts who play a role in the automation of spatial policymaking and planning (e.g. environment, building, sound and CO2 regulation, mobility). The case is a major digitalisation programme of that spatial planning in the Netherlands. In this digital transition, the research assumption is that public and political values such as transparency, legitimacy and (perceived) fairness are difficult to validate in the practice of the design process; policy makers tend to lose sight of the algorithms and decision trees designed during the ICT -implementation of eGovernment services. This situation would implicate a power shift towards the system level bureaucrat. i.e., the digitized execution of laws and regulations, thereby threatening democratic control. This also sets the stage for anxiety towards ICT projects and digital bureaucracies. We have investigated perceptions about ‘validation dark spots’ in the design process of the national planning platform that create unintended shifts in decision power in the context of the legal planning process. To identify these validation dark spots, 22 stakeholders were interviewed. The results partially confirm the assumption. Based on the collected data, nine validation dark spots are identified that require more attention and research.
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Chistolini, Sandra. "Decoding the Disciplines in higher education institutions." In Fourth International Conference on Higher Education Advances. Valencia: Universitat Politècnica València, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/head18.2018.8137.
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Decoding the Disciplines is a methodology aimed to support teachers and students of University to tackle obstacles and difficulties in learning process. It is assumed that students come to classroom with different level of secondary school preparation and teachers are generally reinforcing the inequalities in principle deplored as form of injustice in our society. The question of giving tools that students need to succeed in our disciplines requires new strategies intend to make teaching effective in line with the development of the democratic vision of teaching. The methodology represents a dynamic sequence of steps based on the understanding of the content of discipline taught and learned. All disciplines are involved, humanities as well as sciences. Under the Erasmus Plus Programme some European Universities are collecting relevant evidences to understand what to teach about an academic discipline. Monitoring students' learning and motivation means to bring out the bottlenecks, which hinder the achievement of knowledge and slow down the learning process leading to failure. Presentation of initial results aims to share the benefits of this methodology able to guide students to master basic mental operations required in university courses. Decoding emerges as challenge and option for policy-makers of higher education.
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Balcılar, Mehmet. "Hope versus Reality: 20 Years of Economic Transition at the Turkish States of the Central Asia." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c03.00567.
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Twenty years passed now since the countries of the Central and East Europe (СEE) and the former Soviet Union (FSU) have begun the process of transformation from command to market economy and from one-party to a democratic rule. The transition process, at the beginning at least, started with very optimistic expectations in all countries. Transition is expected, as stated in the so-called ‘Washington Consensus’, create unprecedented growth and development. No one could envision failure and traps stuck the development and democracy. After 20 years, the transition economies clustered into different clusters and several development patterns have arisen along with countries that are trapped into almost no development. Among the clusters Turkic states of the Central Asia forms a unique cluster. This study makes a comprehensive attempt to analyze the development patters that have arisen along the way 20-year long. Experiences of 20 years are placed under the microscope to identify successes and failures with regards to both, theory and policy. We set a benchmark for success and successful transition and determine the key factors that have led to success or failure. In the light of the global crises, it easier to identify shortcomings of transition. Major conclusion arising from the study is that the original concept of the ‘Washington Consensus’ has failed to fulfill expectations of growth and development, the state of the art seems to be confusion.
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Aquino, Eduardo. "Copacabana Non-Public: Toward a New Public Attitude." In 2018 ACSA International Conference. ACSA Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.35483/acsa.intl.2018.52.
Full textAbstract:
More than a physicality, public space is a condition beyond an urban fragment or locality. Before it becomes a place, public space exists as a shared value. The devastation of the Amazon forest by multinational meat producers, the launch into space of a Tesla Roadster by Elon Musk, shootings in public schools, and the development of a new Trump tower in a big city somewhere in the world are just some examples of spaces being taken over by the relentless neoliberal advances into places that were once shared or not claimed at all, or simply considered “public.” This process of takeover happens persistently in our cities, through ever-subtle or overstated methods by corporations and governments, by disfranchised groups, empowered tribes, or simply disguised by over-regulation. Starting from the premise that, in fact, “public space” as we know does not exist, this paper explores the notion of “non-public” as a critical foundation for a new reclamation of our cities. The paper plays the devil’s advocate to counterpoint the frequent academic discourse that references public space as a normalized urban entity. Taking on a shifted direction Copacabana Non-public challenges the notion of what constitutes “public space” to change so many fixed assumptions. Instead of dancing around the subject, it exercises the consideration of the conditions that make public space in reality non-public—its constituencies and jurisdictions, its stakeholders and claimants, its crisis and promises. Taking Copacabana beach as a study case, Copacabana Non-public seeks to map out the real actors of public space to locate new strategies of engagement to transform its pseudo-public character, to identify policy and design strategies that reclaim urban spaces for more democratic citizenries.