Academic literature on the topic 'Democratic crisi'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the lists of relevant articles, books, theses, conference reports, and other scholarly sources on the topic 'Democratic crisi.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Journal articles on the topic "Democratic crisi"
1
Fornari, Emanuela. "Tolleranza, governamentalitŕ, depoliticizzazione. Note sulla crisi di un concetto." PARADIGMI, no. 2 (July 2009): 133–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/para2009-002012.
Full textAbstract:
- Tolerance is a crucial albeit controversial concept in today's globalized political landscape. Following theorists such as Wendy Brown, Judith Butler, and Bonnie Honig, the author focuses on the discourse of multicultural tolerance as an index of a progressive mutation in the praxis of democratic citizenship. Whereas the discourse of tolerance seems to privatize conflicts and social relationships, hence to empty the participatory meaning of democracy as the power shared by the demos, collective practices of freedom and equality are shed into light as the corrective and counterbalance to the current depoliticization of the relation between self and other or, between a supposedly cosmopolitan Western identity and its ideologically constructed fundamentalist Other.Keywords: Tolerance, Governmentality, Multiculturalism, Democracy, Equality, Freedom, Difference.Parole chiave: Tolleranza, Governamentalitŕ, Multiculturalismo, Democrazia, Eguaglianza, Libertŕ, Differenza.
2
Castiglioni, Federico. "Non si può fermare il vento con le mani – Populismo e Moralismo nella crisi del pensiero europeo." População e Sociedade 35 (June 30, 2021): 100–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.52224/21845263/rev35a6.
Full textAbstract:
One of the distinctive features of a democratic society is the pervasive and endless public debate that regularly antagonize groups and individuals, clashing different interests and ideologies. In this competitive environment, the delegitimization of a political enemy is the more natural – and yet democratically unhealthy – way to win the confrontation between diverse ideas. Historically, one of the predilected strategies to discredit a political adversary has always been blaming its morality, thereby eroding the very root on which any consensus rests. The moral blaming is declined differently, depending on the social and cultural context of the time and therefore the dominating values. In a democratic debate, these moral allegations often relate to duplicity or spreading of misinformation, the so-called demagogy. Today, the same campaign is rolled out against some partiers accused to be “populists” for their appeal to the most illogic and instinctive popular sentiment. The definition of “populism” is though still uncertain and subject to academic debate. This article aims at presenting different definition and interpretation of this political phenomenon to better frame it in the nowadays Western politics. The concept of populism is considered in its different shapes, questioning on the one hand the consistency of the existing definition and on the other its relationship with the democratic tenet. At the end of this analysis, the focus is shifted to the European Union and the reason as to why all the populist parties are seemingly Eurosceptic. The reason provided challenges the ideas of European unity itself, underlying the contrasting directions that the experiment of integration conveys, and question the multi-layered architecture of the contemporary democracy.
3
Balaguer Callejón, Francisco. "La crisi della democrazia rappresentativa di fronte alla democrazia digitale." CITTADINANZA EUROPEA (LA), no. 2 (December 2022): 55–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/ceu2022-002002.
Full textAbstract:
La percezione culturale dei progressi tecnologici viene trasferita ai processi democratici e costituzionali, creando l'illusione che ci sia una corrispondenza tra sviluppo tecnologico e sviluppo politico. In tal senso, la democrazia può evolversi nello stesso modo in cui si evolve la tecnologia? E questi progressi tecnologici implicano necessariamente un progresso costituzionale e democratico? Il contributo analizza l'impatto delle nuove tecnologie sui processi democratici dal punto di vista della contrapposizione tra democrazia rappresentativa e democrazia digitale.
4
Verri, Carlo. "Silvio Trentin e Ivanoe Bonomi: crisi della democrazia." ITALIA CONTEMPORANEA, no. 262 (October 2011): 107–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/ic2011-262007.
Full textAbstract:
Il saggio riguarda la crisi delle forze democratiche in Italia tra il 1924 e il 1925, nel momento in cui si stava instaurando la dittatura fascista. Il tema viene affrontato a partire dalle esperienze di due esponenti democratici - Silvio Trentin e Ivanoe Bonomi - e attraverso il loro rapporto testimoniato dalle lettere inedite che il primo scrisse al secondo, pubblicate in appendice. Se nel febbraio 1924 Trentin sembra gravitare nell'orbita di Bonomi con il quale ha una'affinitŕ ideologica, dopo 12 mesi - segnati dall'assassinio di Matteotti e dall'Aventino - č diventato un convinto sostenitore di Giovanni Amendola, di cui, diversamente da Bonomi, abbraccia tra l'altro il progetto di unire tutte le forze democratiche, trasformandone la federazione (Unione nazionale) in un vero e proprio partito. Dall'analisi delle lettere di Trentin si evince uno spettro significativo delle vie praticate da esponenti democratici di diverso orientamento per fronteggiare lo sconvolgimento politico rappresentato dall'affermarsi del fascismo.
5
Denninger, Erhard. "Demokratische „Bürgertugend“ und die Krise des Parlamentarismus." Archiv fuer Rechts- und Sozialphilosophie 107, no. 1 (2021): 114. http://dx.doi.org/10.25162/arsp-2021-0007.
Full text
6
Uscanga Barradas, Abril. "Democracia republicana = Republican Democracy." EUNOMÍA. Revista en Cultura de la Legalidad 13 (September 29, 2017): 221. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/eunomia.2017.3816.
Full textAbstract:
Resumen: Este trabajo pretende explicar los orígenes e importancia del republicanismo como teoría aplicable a la democracia, así como su posible aplicación como una válvula de escape a la crisis democrática actual, pues últimamente se presentan numerosas y constantes críticas al sistema democrático imperante en nuestros días, lo que nos hace pensar en la existencia de una serie de deficiencias tanto políticas como sociales que, quizás, podrían ser subsanadas replanteando el modelo o visualizándolo desde otra perspectiva más acorde a los fines y necesidades de la sociedad contemporánea.Palabras clave: Democracia republicana, libertad como no dominación, virtudes cívicas, liberalismo, crisis democrática, Estado. Abstract: This paper aims to explain the origins and importance of republicanism as a theory applicable to democracy, as well as, its application like a scape valve of the democratic crisis that prevails today, currently, there are many criticisms of today's democratic system, which makes us think of the existence of a series of deficiencies both political and social that, maybe could be rethought or visualized from another perspective, more in line with the aims and needs of contemporary society.Keywords: Republican democracy, liberty without domination, civic virtues, liberalism, democratic crisis, State.
7
Borges, Bento Itamar. "Crise e democracia." EDUCAÇÃO E FILOSOFIA 13, no. 26 (September 4, 2008): 33–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.14393/revedfil.v13n26a1999-763.
Full textAbstract:
Resumo: Esta conferência, apresentada a estudantes de Direito, trata da crise atual, enquanto crise do estado capitalista e analisa três riscos que a democracia corre em momentos de crise acirrada. Dois desses riscos são apontados por Habermas em alguns escritos - o misticismo irracionalista, que pode fomentar a falsa revolução e a recaída no fascismo, que tenta justificar-se, como na teoria política de Carl Schmitt - e um terceiro está presente na obra mesma de Habermas, a saber, a insuficiência de um conceito meramente formal da democracia que ele quer salvar sob o paradigma discursivo. Abstract: This paper, which was originally a lecture for Law students, deals with the present crisis, by understanding it as the crisis of the capitalist State. The author also analyses three risks for democracy in such moments of overwhelming loss of identity. Two risks were already pointed out by Habermas, for instance, in some of his texts the irracionalist misticism, which can inspire the false revolution, and the return to fascism, such as happened in Carl Schmitt's attempt to justify it in his political theory. And a third risk is to be found in Habermas work itself, namely, a mere concept of democracy, such as developped in his late discourse paradigm, turns out to be too formal, with no material substance.
8
Silva, Enio Waldir, and Maisa Machado Saldanha. "DEMOCRACIA: EVOLUÇÃO, CRISE E NOVAS PERSPECTIVAS." Revista Direitos Culturais 10, no. 21 (August 1, 2015): 65–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.20912/rdc.v10i21.1371.
Full text
9
D’ Acunto, Salvatore, and Francesco Schettino. "DEMOCRACIA BURGUESA E POLÍTICA ECONÔMICA: o trágico caso grego." Revista Políticas Públicas 19, no. 2 (June 16, 2016): 381. http://dx.doi.org/10.18764/2178-2865.v19n2p381-391.
Full textAbstract:
Resumo: O artigo aborda dimensões da relação democracia burguesa e politica econômica, tendo como referência privilegiada da análise a questão da dívida grega explicitada no ano de 2015. Enfatiza que o problema da dívida não se limita à experiência da Grécia ou aos outros países do sul da Europa, ao contrário, é muito mais abrangente e é da própria natureza da produção capitalista, ainda mais em fase de crise. Conclui que o caso grego evidencia que a democracia burguesa, cada vez mais, é reduzida a um ritual substancial sem sentido. Frente à população da Grécia, esmagada entre a adesão às demandas das instituições representativas do bloco de capitais do continente e o respeito à “delegação” atribuída pelo eleitorado, o governo grego vem resolvendo o conflito curvando-se a chantagens e endossando, neste momento, o regime de “suspensão” à soberania democrática. Palavras-chave: Crise capitalista, referendo grego, democracia burguesa.BOURGEOIS DEMOCRACY AND POLITICAL ECONOMY: the tragic greek caseAbstract: The article discusses dimensiones of the relation of bourgeois democracy and political aconomy, having as prime reference of teh analysis the question of greek debt explained in the year 2015. Emphasizes that the problem of the debt is not limited to the experience of Greece and of other Southern Europeam Countries, by contrast, is much more comprehensive ando f other Southern European countries, by contrast, is much more comprehensive and is in the nature of capitalist production, especially in crisis phase. Concludes that the Greek case shows that bourgeois democracy, increasingly, it is reduced to a ritual substantially pointless. Front of the population of Greece, crushed between adherence to the demands of representative institutions of the continent’s capital block and respect for “delegation” given by the electorate, the Greek government is solving the conflitc bowing to blackmail and endorsing at this time, the regime of “suspension” democratic sovereignty.Key words: Capitalist crisis, Greek referendum, bourgeois democracy.
10
Cunha, Paulo Ferreira da. "Law and democracy: ideology, crisis and prospective views." Boletim de Ciências Económicas 57, no. 1 (2014): 1301–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/0870-4260_57-1_36.
Full textDissertations / Theses on the topic "Democratic crisi"
1
CAVALETTO, TOMMASO. "Democrazie in crisi epistemica: il suffragio universale alla prova." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano-Bicocca, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10281/277367.
Full textAbstract:
La ricerca analizza la crisi sistemica attraversata dalle democrazie contemporanee leggendone i sintomi alla luce di un profilo specifico, ossia quello del declino epistemico che colpisce l’utenza di tali sistemi normativi. Si è in particolare focalizzata l’attenzione sul divario sempre più marcato tra, da una parte, lo scarso livello di (in)formazione e capacità di ragionamento dei cittadini e, dall’altra, la crescente quantità di competenze necessarie per orientarsi correttamente all’interno della società. Si è quindi cercato di dimostrare come l’esacerbazione di tutti i principali sintomi dell’attuale crisi democratica sia fortemente correlata alle preoccupanti dimensioni ormai raggiunte da questo “differenziale epistemico”, il quale, pur rappresentando una fonte di criticità sempre latente all’interno di società organizzate democraticamente, incontra oggi condizioni di contesto che favoriscono il pieno dispiegamento dei suoi effetti anche sul piano fenomenico. La sintomatologia della crisi democratica viene esaminata ricorrendo all’ausilio di elaborazioni socio-demoscopiche sul rapporto tra cittadini e politica, di dati statistici relativi alle abilità cognitive e al livello delle competenze possedute dagli elettori, e di ricerche sul decision making applicato al contesto elettorale, prestando un’attenzione particolare al panorama italiano. Questo complesso di studi ha consentito di approcciare criticamente quelle teorie che, pur con molteplici sfaccettature, fondano la legittimazione assiologica della democrazia su una presunta capacità dei cittadini di autogovernarsi.
L’analisi è stata quindi orientata verso la ricerca di soluzioni istituzionali volte a superare la crisi in modo strutturale. In primo luogo si è esplorata la possibilità di intervenire sul sistema formativo e sulla regolamentazione di quello mediatico, con l’obiettivo di innalzare il livello delle competenze, di incrementare le abilità analitiche, e di migliorare lo stato informativo dei cittadini. Realisticamente, simili interventi si prospettano tuttavia soltanto parzialmente risolutivi rispetto a un fenomeno diffuso, consolidato e persistente come il deficit epistemico che colpisce l’elettorato democratico. Nella seconda parte del lavoro si è quindi rivolto lo sguardo alle teorie elaborate nell’ambito della filosofia politica di orientamento epistocratico, la quale, pur con molte sfumature e diverse declinazioni, propone di ridiscutere la pressoché incondizionata universalità del suffragio caratterizzante le democrazie contemporanee, per sostituirla con forme di selezione dell’elettorato fondate sulla valorizzazione della conoscenza. La scelta di concentrare l’attenzione sulle dottrine epistocratiche discende dal fatto che esse stanno acquistando un ruolo sempre più rilevante nel dibattito scientifico, e configurano uno dei filoni di ricerca attualmente più innovativi (e al contempo più controversi) per l’analisi critica del modello democratico. Si sono quindi esaminate le condizioni giuridiche che un’eventale restrizione del suffragio dovrebbe rispettare per non violare i principî supremi degli ordinamenti democratici, per poi trattare il problema della realizzabilità di queste proposte anche dal punto di vista assiologico. Da ultimo ci si è interrogati se, al di là della legittimità giuridica e della condivisibilità teorica, simili interventi risulterebbero altresì realisticamente concretizzabili nell’attuale contesto socio-politico, ovvero se quest’ultimo imponga di orientare il processo di epistocratizzazione verso soluzioni politicamente meno dirompenti. In particolare, si sono prese in considerazione alcune proposte che, pur mantenendo formalmente inalterato il suffragio universale, potrebbero comunque ridurre per via indiretta l’incidenza dell’ignoranza politica sul processo elettorale.This work analyzes the crisis faced by contemporary democracies moving from a specific point of view, i.e. the epistemic decline of democratic electorates. In particular, I focused on the gap between low level of information/reasoning ability of the average citizen, and the growing amount of skills he needs to get properly oriented in contemporary society. Therefore, I show that all the main symptoms of the current democratic crisis are strongly correlated with this “epistemic gap”, which has always been a potential problem for democracy, but its effects are nowadays amplified by the social, political and technological context we live in. In order to analyze the features of this epistemic crisis, I used surveys on the relationship between citizens and politics, statistical data on voters’ cognitive skills and studies on voters’ decision-making, focusing in particular on the Italian context. As a result, these studies cast a shadow over many democratic theories that base the axiological legitimacy of democracy on a citizens’ supposed ability to govern themselves. Therefore, I tried to find institutional solutions to overcome the crisis. First of all, I proposed some interventions for improving education and media systems, aimed at increasing competences, analytical skills, and information of citizens. However, a phenomenon as pervasive and entrenched as epistemic deficit cannot be fully solved only by this kind of interventions. Therefore, in the second part of the thesis I considered the theories developed by epistocratic political philosophy, which proposes to rethink universal suffrage and replace it with some kind of knowledge-based electorate selection. I chose to focus on epistocratic doctrines because of the increasingly key role they are acquiring in the contemporary scientific debate: nowadays, they are one of the most innovative (and controversial) line of research in the field of critical analysis of the democratic model. I studied the legal conditions that a suffrage restriction should respect in order not to violate the supreme principles of democratic systems. I then studied the same issue also from an axiological point of view. Lastly, I wondered about the feasibility of these kind of interventions in the current socio-political context. From this point of view, it has emerged it was appropriated to think also of less disruptive solutions in the short-medium term. In particular, I analyzed some reform proposals that could reduce indirectly the incidence of political ignorance on the electoral process, while keeping universal suffrage formally unchanged.
2
Mendonça, Daniel de. "Democracia sem democratas : uma análise da crise política no governo João Goulart ( 1961-1964)." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/5802.
Full textAbstract:
Esta tese tem por objetivo analisar os discursos dos principais sujeitos políticos envolvidos nos dois momentos de maior instabilidade política do governo João Goulart, a saber: primeiramente, o momento da crise sucessória decorrente da renúncia de Jânio Quadros em agosto de 1961 e o segundo momento, entre 13 e 31 de março de 1964, marcado pela crise dos últimos dias do governo Jango. Para cada um desses momentos, serão analisados os discursos dos diversos grupos políticos que atuaram em tais episódios, a partir das categorias “diagnósticos de desordem” e “soluções de ordem”, à luz da Teoria do Discurso de Ernesto Laclau e Chantal Mouffe.
3
DONÀ, FRANCESCA. "Democrazia partecipativa: come correttivo di una democrazia rappresentativa in crisi." Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Padova, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/11577/3459415.
Full textAbstract:
La presente ricerca si interroga sulla configurazione della democrazia partecipativa come correttivo per le lacune della democrazia rappresentativa; in particolare, essa concerne lo studio dei meccanismi di partecipazione dei cittadini alle scelte politico-amministrative delle istituzioni.
Nel capitolo introduttivo il lavoro si è concentrato sullo stato dell’arte delle odierne democrazie contemporanee, recuperando le nozioni di concetti radicali e di costituzionalismo liberale; successivamente si sono analizzati i caratteri somatici dei fenomeni partecipativi, al fine di ricostruire un modello giuridico degli stessi basato su circostanze empiriche; si è svolta, poi, una ricognizione del principio partecipativo nell’ordinamento italiano: si è principiato dal dettato costituzionale; si sono prese in esame, poi, la normativa statale e quella regionale, per giungere alla disamina dei fenomeni consultivi e delle prassi amministrative in essere; nel capitolo conclusivo si è cercato di tirare le fila dell’indagine, con riferimento alla sussistenza e al contenuto del principio di partecipazione del cittadino.The research questions the configuration of participatory democracy as a corrective for the shortcomings of representative democracy; in particular, it concerns the study of the mechanisms of citizen participation in the political-administrative choices of the institutions. In the introductory chapter, the work focused on the current condition of contemporary democracies, recovering the notions of radical concepts and liberal constitutionalism; subsequently the somatic characteristics of participatory phenomena were analyzed, in order to reconstruct a legal model of the same based on empirical circumstances; then a survey of the participatory principle in the Italian legal system was carried out: it began with the constitutional provision; then the state and regional regulations were examined, to arrive at the analysis of the consultative phenomena and the outstanding administrative practices; in the final chapter we tried to draw the conclusions of the research, with reference to the existence and content of the principle of citizen participation.
4
Calegari, Priscilla de Oliveira. "Crise democrática e democracia eletrônica." Universidade Federal de Juiz de Fora (UFJF), 2017. https://repositorio.ufjf.br/jspui/handle/ufjf/4799.
Full textAbstract:
Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2017-06-01T14:01:08Z
No. of bitstreams: 1
priscilladeoliveiracalegari.pdf: 842942 bytes, checksum: 0dfc271c0ae9c649cc3db2f7f26dcb29 (MD5)Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2017-06-02T15:15:26Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 priscilladeoliveiracalegari.pdf: 842942 bytes, checksum: 0dfc271c0ae9c649cc3db2f7f26dcb29 (MD5)
Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2017-06-02T15:17:17Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 priscilladeoliveiracalegari.pdf: 842942 bytes, checksum: 0dfc271c0ae9c649cc3db2f7f26dcb29 (MD5)
Made available in DSpace on 2017-06-02T15:17:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 priscilladeoliveiracalegari.pdf: 842942 bytes, checksum: 0dfc271c0ae9c649cc3db2f7f26dcb29 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-03-10
A presente pesquisa debruça-se sobre os mecanismos de democracia no país a fim de responder a indagação acerca do acesso às tecnologias da informação e comunicação como meio de aprimorar a democracia. Adotando como marco teórico a teoria democrática, a investigação pretende compreender qual é o objetivo de um governo democrático e quais os principais problemas enfrentados pelo mesmo. Para alcançar tal finalidade, parte-se da análise das obras de Aristóteles (2001), Locke (2001), Rousseau (2002), Bobbio (2000) e Schumpeter (1961), Bonavides (2008), Böckenförde (2000), Rodotà (2008) e Müller (2003). Dessa forma, a pesquisa deseja esclarecer, através da ótica da teoria democrática, se a tecnologia eletrônica ou digital pode melhorar os dilemas enfrentados pelos mecanismos de democracia direta e representativa. A investigação possuiu natureza bibliográfica e qualitativa, com emprego preponderante da metodologia dedutiva e de fontes indiretas. Partiu-se da hipótese de que, desde que o acesso à internet seja tratado como direito fundamental e seja igualitariamente promovido pelo Estado, a democracia eletrônica seria realmente capaz de aumentar a participação popular nas decisões, bem como a legitimidade dos mecanismos de democracia direta. Tal hipótese foi confirmada ao longo da pesquisa, uma vez que a internet é um meio pouco oneroso para viabilizar a participação de todos os indivíduos nas decisões da comunidade. Mas para que isso seja possível, primeiro é preciso superar a desigualdade no acesso, que não permite aos hipossuficientes a possibilidade de participação nos meios de comunicação cibernéticos. Dessa forma, a presente pesquisa conclui que a democracia eletrônica, enquanto meio para alcançar o direito à informação e o direito ao acesso, deve ser considerada um direito fundamental, ensejando a adoção de políticas públicas para sua concretização. Ressalta-se, contudo, que considerar a utilização da internet um direito fundamental é apenas uma das medidas necessárias para gerar uma verdadeira reformulação da organização sócio-política brasileira.
The present research focuses on the mechanisms of democracy in the country in order to answer the question about access to information and communication technologies as a means to improve democracy. Adopting as a theoretical framework the democratic theory, the research intends to understand what is the objective of a democratic government and what are the main problems faced by it. In order to achieve this, the present research analyzes the works of Aristotle (2001), Rousseau (2002), Bobbio (2000) and Schumpeter (1961), Bonavides (2008), Böckenförde (2000), Rodotà and Müller (2003). Through democratic theory, the research wants to clarify whether electronic or digital technology can improve the dilemmas faced by the mechanisms of direct and representative democracy. The research has a bibliographic and qualitative nature, with preponderant use of the deductive methodology and indirect sources. This dissertation started from the hypothesis that, provided that access to the Internet is treated as a fundamental right and promoted with equality by the State, electronic democracy would really be able to increase popular participation in decisions, as well as the legitimacy of direct democracy mechanisms. This hypothesis was confirmed throughout the research, since the internet is an inexpensive way to enable the participation of all individuals in community decisions. However, in order for this to be possible, access inequality must first be overcome, which does not allow the hypocrites the possibility of participation in the cyber media. Thus, the present research concludes that electronic democracy, as a means to achieve the right to information and the right to access, should be considered a fundamental right, leading to the adoption of public policies for its implementation. It should be noted, however, that considering the use of the Internet as a fundamental right is only one of the measures necessary to generate a real reformulation of the Brazilian socio-political organization.
5
Molenaar, Emma Sophie. "Do crisi instigate reforms." Tesis, Universidad de Chile, 2014. http://repositorio.uchile.cl/handle/2250/137447.
Full textAbstract:
Tesis para optar al grado de Magíster en Análisis EconómicoAutor no envia autorización para el acceso a texto completo de su documento
This thesis investigates the relationship between crises and reforms by looking at whether reforms are more likely during crises, and whether democracies and autocracies implement reforms differently in the presence of a crisis. Empirical evidence on these relationships is still very limited. Using panel data on over 150 countries over the period of 1960-2005, this paper finds evidence that economic reforms are more likely to be adopted in democracies, and that countries converge towards a certain level of reforms. These results are robust to the inclusion of several control variables. Our results also show that the level of reforms in neighbouring countries has a positive influence on reforms. The empirical analysis shows that there is an ambiguous effect of crises. Different types of crises appear to differently affect whether reforms are implemented. This analysis differs from others in the sense that multiple dimensions of reforms are investigated for a large sample.
6
Stocco, Aaron B. "Predicting Democratic Peace (DP) Breakdown, a new game-theoretic model of democratic crisis behavior." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape10/PQDD_0023/MQ50575.pdf.
Full text
7
Seijas, Villadangos Esther. "Towards a Global Democratic State: crisis and Constitutions." THĒMIS-Revista de Derecho, 2015. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/107305.
Full textAbstract:
The economic crisis and the phenomenon of globalization have generated such a great impact on States that it has also had an effect onConstitutional Law, since the attention has beenturned towards the possibilities of constitutional reforms and the question about the role the Constitutions should play in this scenery.In this context, the author states that the crisis must be seen as an opportunity to reconfigurate the relations between the State and the citizens. She maintains that because of the crisis, paradoxes have been created and made evident, and in the solution of those paradoxes Constitutional Law and the Constitutions of each State can be of valuable help.La crisis económica y el fenómeno de la globalización han generado un impacto tan grande en los Estados que ello ha repercutido también enel Derecho Constitucional, pues se ha volcado la atención hacia las posibilidades de reforma constitucional y la pregunta sobre cuál es el rol a desempeñar por las Constituciones en este contexto.Ante esta situación, la autora plantea que la crisis debe ser vista como una oportunidad de reconfigurar las relaciones entre el Estado y los ciudadanos. Sostiene que por la crisis se han generado y hecho evidentes paradojas en cuya solución el Derecho Constitucional y las Constituciones de cada Estado pueden ser una valiosa herramienta.
8
Myers, Mindy. "Democratic Communication| Lessons from the Flint Water Crisis." Thesis, Wayne State University, 2019. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10977572.
Full textAbstract:
This dissertation develops an approach to institutional critique that re-works Porter, Sullivan, Blythe, Grabill, and Miles’ foundational configuration. This project argues that John Dewey’s concept of democratic communication articulated in his debate with Walter Lippmann provides a useful heuristic for developing democratic communicative practices that allow citizens and experts to communicate with one another about technical issues such as water quality and safety. Through an analysis of Michigan’s emergency manager law, the relationship between citizens and experts that exposed the crisis, and the Flint Water Advisory Task Force’s Final Report, this dissertation establishes that citizens must participate in technical decision-making and makes pragmatic suggestions to increase citizens’ meaningful participation. This project concludes with theoretical and pedagogical implications of a participatory institutional critique.
9
Cyr, Jennifer Marie. "The political party system and democratic crisis in Bolivia." FIU Digital Commons, 2005. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/2703.
Full textAbstract:
Using Kenneth Roberts’ (2002) party-society linkages framework, this study examined the reasons for the decline of the political party system in Bolivia after 2000. The political party system that emerged in 1985 was connected to society primarily through clientelist-based linkages. The economic and political model adopted after the transition to democracy severely debilitated the party system’s capacity to forge linkages with society beyond clientelism.
Using interviews, survey data, and primary and secondary documents, the study demonstrated that prolonged economic recession and social change revealed the weaknesses of the linkages connecting the political party system with Bolivian society. It concluded that the party system in Bolivia went into decline because it could not adapt to the country’s changing social landscape after 2000. The highly limited nature of clientelist-based linkages in Bolivia suggests that they were ill-suited to withstand economic recession and social crisis.
10
Moura, Milce Ferreira de. "A questão democrática no contexto da crise orgânica do partido comunista brasileiro (PCB) : 1979-1987 /." Marília : [s.n.], 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/88793.
Full textAbstract:
Orientador: Marcos Tadeu Del RoioBanca: Marly de Almeida Gomes Vianna
Banca: Paulo Ribeiro Rodrigues da Cunha
Resumo: A questão democrática começou a ganhar dimensão nas discussões do PCB a partir de 1956, impulsionada pelo processo de revisão desencadeado com a crise do stalinismo. Diante das discussões que se abriam em torno da questão das "vias nacionais", a democracia política apareceria como o elemento capaz de subsidiar a construção de uma estratégia ao socialismo mais próxima à realidade brasileira. A valorização da democracia política e a política democrática em gestação, porém só se afirmariam plenamente no interior do PCB a partir do final dos anos setenta, quando a crise nacional tornaria evidente para o partido a conclusão da revolução econômico-burguesa e a interdição do terreno econômico para a efetivação de uma revolução de caráter nacional, caminho preconizado pela estratégia comunista, o que obrigaria o PCB a se voltar para as possibilidades de encaminhamento do processo revolucionário brasileiro através da via política-democrática. A luta democrática ganharia centralidade e passaria a ser o terreno privilegiado tanto para o desenvolvimento da luta da classe operária quanto para a solução dos problemas nacionais, não equacionados pela revolução burguesa. Com base nessas referências o propósito dessa pesquisa é analisar quais as implicações da centralidade da questão democrática na estratégia política do PCB. A hipótese lançada é a de que embora a revalorização da questão democrática fosse urgente e legítima, particularmente diante da perspectiva de democratização nacional aberta com a crise da ditadura, a ênfase nessa questão induziria o PCB à incorporação de uma concepção democrática-liberal, que o afastaria progressivamente da classe e dos valores operários que ele visava representar, sobretudo com a conquista de sua legalidade em 1985. Para a verificação do objetivo buscamos analisar além da bibliografia... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo)
Abstract: The democratic issue started to get relevant in the discussions of the PCB beginning from 1956, boasted by the reviewing process triggered by the Stalinism crisis. In face of the discussions which opened up around the "national vias" issue, the democratic policy would appear as an element which could subsidize the construction of a strategy to socialism closer to the Brazilian reality. The valuation of de political democracy and the democratic policy in elaboration, would only reassure totally inside the PCB, starting in the end of the 70's by this time, the national crisis would make clear for the party the conclusion of the economical burgeoise revolution and the interdiction of the economical grounds for the accomplishment of a nationwide revolution, the way proclaimed by the communist strategy. This would force the PCB to go back to the possibilities of guiding the Brazilian revolutionary process via democratic policy. The democratic fight would gain centrality and would become the privileged grounds for the development of the fight of the working class as well as for the solution of national problems, not solved by the burgeoise revolution. Based in these references, the purpose of this research is to analyze what are the implications of the centrality of the democratic issue in the political strategy of the PCB. The hypothesis is that, although the re evaluation of the democratic issue was urgent and legitimate, particularly in face of the perspective of the national democratization opened with the dictatorship crisis, the emphasis on the issue would lead the PCB to the incorporation of a democratic-liberal conception, witch would progressively deviate it from the working class and its values. These values were the goals the party aimed to represent, above all, after it became legal in 1985...(Complete abstract, access undermentioned electronic address)
Mestre
Books on the topic "Democratic crisi"
1
Cerdas, Dr Rodolfo. El Desencanto Democratico : crisis de partidos y transicion democratica en centroamerica y panama. San Jose: R. Cerdas, 1992.
Find full text
2
Sweetman, Brendan. The Crisis of Democratic Pluralism. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-78382-2.
Full text
3
Surjeet, Harkishan Singh. Deepening Punjab crisis, a democratic solution. New Delhi: Patriot Publishers, 1992.
Find full text
4
Sindicatos, democracia y crisis. México: Editorial Porrúa, 1985.
Find full text
5
Venegas, Gerardo. Democracia para la crisis. Ecuador: Editorial Pucallpa, 1989.
Find full text
6
Marco, Ramat, Ippolito F, Mannuzzu S, Clementi F, Centro studi e iniziative per la riforma dello Stato (Italy)., and Magistratura democratica, eds. Crisi della giurisdizione e crisi della politica: Studi in memoria di Marco Ramat. Milano, Italy: F. Angeli, 1988.
Find full text
7
Macartney, Huw. The Debt Crisis and European Democratic Legitimacy. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137298010.
Full text
8
Andrisani, Gaetano. Epulone e Lazzaro: La crisi dei cattolici democratici. Caserta: [s.n.], 1997.
Find full text
9
Palá, Alberto Oliet. Liberalismo y democracia en crisis. Madrid: Centro de Estudios Constitucionales, 1994.
Find full text
10
Torres-Ruiz, René, and Darío Salinas Figueredo. Crisis política, autoritarismo y democracia. Ciudad de México: siglo xxi editores, 2022.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Democratic crisi"
1
Robson, W. A. "Democratic Regional Government." In Local Government in Crisis, 129–34. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003273011-31.
Full text
2
Grieder, Peter. "Crisis, 1977–89." In The German Democratic Republic, 80–95. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-0-230-35686-3_6.
Full text
3
Bevir, Mark. "Decentering Governance: A Democratic Turn?" In Democracy and Crisis, 25–43. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137326041_2.
Full text
4
Nef, Jorge, and Bernd Reiter. "Conclusion: The Crisis of Democracy Re-visited." In The Democratic Challenge, 166–70. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-02001-7_10.
Full text
5
De Souza Guilherme, Bettina. "The Double Democratic Deficit." In Financial Crisis Management and Democracy, 75–109. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54895-7_4.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis chapter will sketch how the EU has reacted to the financial crisis and in particular to the unfolding sovereign debt crisis, revealing major flaws in EMU’s architecture. It will not only address these design flaws but attempt to evaluate the underlying causes, reasons and motives of the architects and decision takers by comparing the more “federalist” Werner Plan with the more “intergovernmental” blueprint of the EMU of the Maastricht Treaty, connect it with the paradigm change on economic governance discussed by Schulmeister in Chap. 10.1007/978-3-030-54895-7_2 and show the consequences for the crisis and its management in terms of efficiency, equity and democratic accountability.
6
Isakhan, Benjamin, and Steven Slaughter. "Conclusion: The Future of Democratic Governance." In Democracy and Crisis, 253–63. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137326041_13.
Full text
7
Hopkin, Jonathan. "Party Crisis." In Party Formation and Democratic Transition in Spain, 112–50. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780333983362_5.
Full text
8
Sweetman, Brendan. "Introduction: Democracy in Crisis?" In The Crisis of Democratic Pluralism, 3–39. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-78382-2_1.
Full text
9
Borkotoky, Dhiraj Kumar. "The crisis within." In Autonomy and Democratic Governance in Northeast India, 163–76. London: Routledge India, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003158417-13.
Full text
10
Eriksen, Erik Oddvar. "Democratic innovations beyond the state." In The Crisis of the European Union, 199–214. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2018. | Series: Routledge advances in European politics ; 134: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315443683-15.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Democratic crisi"
1
Peters, Rob, Koen Smit, and Johan Versendaal. "Responsible AI and Power: Investigating the System Level Bureaucrat in the Legal Planning Process." In Digital Support from Crisis to Progressive Change. University of Maribor Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.18690/978-961-286-485-9.43.
Full textAbstract:
Numerous statements and pamphlets indicate that governments should increase the transparency of ICTimplementations and algorithms in eGovernment services and should encourage democratic control. This paper presents research among civil servants, suppliers and experts who play a role in the automation of spatial policymaking and planning (e.g. environment, building, sound and CO2 regulation, mobility). The case is a major digitalisation programme of that spatial planning in the Netherlands. In this digital transition, the research assumption is that public and political values such as transparency, legitimacy and (perceived) fairness are difficult to validate in the practice of the design process; policy makers tend to lose sight of the algorithms and decision trees designed during the ICT -implementation of eGovernment services. This situation would implicate a power shift towards the system level bureaucrat. i.e., the digitized execution of laws and regulations, thereby threatening democratic control. This also sets the stage for anxiety towards ICT projects and digital bureaucracies. We have investigated perceptions about ‘validation dark spots’ in the design process of the national planning platform that create unintended shifts in decision power in the context of the legal planning process. To identify these validation dark spots, 22 stakeholders were interviewed. The results partially confirm the assumption. Based on the collected data, nine validation dark spots are identified that require more attention and research.
2
Панасюк, Олег, and Oleg Panasyuk. "Overcoming the crisis in the legal culture of Russian society and issues of mentoring of young lawyers." In St. Petersburg international Legal forum RD forum video — Rostov-na-Donu. Москва: INFRA-M Academic Publishing LLC., 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/conferencearticle_5a3a6faa783703.51293970.
Full textAbstract:
The formation and development of civil society is possible only in a legal state where law plays an important and fundamental role. Legal education, the right education and legal culture are inextricably linked, following one from the other, forming an inextricable link concepts. Legal education, the right education and legal culture is the basis of democratic society, without which there is seen the modern world
3
Palacio, Ana, and Luciana Tatagiba. "A crise da democracia brasileira e os rumos da participação institucional." In Congresso de Iniciação Científica UNICAMP. Universidade Estadual de Campinas, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.20396/revpibic2720192373.
Full text
4
Herrreras Maldonado, Enrique. "LA SABIDURÍA TRÁGICA Y LA FRAGILIDAD DE LA DEMOCRACIA." In IV Congreso Internacional Estética y Política: Poéticas del desacuerdo para una democracia plural. València: Editorial Universitat Politècnica de València, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/cep4.2019.10318.
Full textAbstract:
Un desasosiego remueve la filosofía política en los últimos años. Ha aumentado la preocupación por la democracia, ya que son cada vez más las voces que señalan una crisis de este modelo político tanto en el ámbito teórico, como el práctico, como es el hecho de la propensión cada vez mayor de una polarización del jugo político, aparte de la aparición de propuestas políticas racistas y excluyentes que tienen una resonancia cada vez mayor en los votantes, algo impensable hace unos años. Son muchos los motivos para haber llegado a esta situación, como las desigualdades que se han multiplicado después de la crisis del 2008, así como la percepción de las malas prácticas de las élites políticas y económicas, y de la incapacidad de suministrar políticas acertadas. También ha habido una decepción de la democracia al descubrir su vulnerabilidad. Pero uno de los problemas es que nos olvidamos que cuando hablamos de democracia lo hacemos de dos significados a la vez: la democracia real y la democracia ideal, la que queremos aspirar. Porque lo peor que le puede ocurrir a la democracia es que pensemos que ya la hemos conquistado. La democracia no es érgon, un producto acabado, sino que es constitutivamente enérgeia, la permanente acción de producirla…” Es sintomático que en el mundo moderno la tragedia pugne a abrirse camino. Por ello, parece pertinente reinterpretar los mitos trágicos que provienen de la Grecia antigua, así como las de autores como Shakespeare, y cuyo eje es el conflicto. Martha Nussbaum nos exhorta a reflexionar sobre los “conflictos morales” que propone la tragedia. Unos conflictos que, desde una perspectiva racional, como la de Sócrates, se solucionarían descubriendo cuál es la opción correcta. Pero la tragedia se mantiene en la complejidad de las “apariencias”, de la elección práctica vivida, o, en una pluralidad de valores y la posibilidad de que surjan conflictos ente ellos. La tragedia no solo pregunta, sino que hace de la falta de respuestas la razón fundamental de su existencia. Preguntas no solo sociales o políticas, sino, sin fractura alguna, preguntas inscritas en la existencia individual. El conflicto entre las razones personales y las razones políticas se producen en un mismo plano. He ahí la sabiduría trágica ante la fragilidad de la democracia.
5
Adnani, Ikram. "Political change and the crisis of the nation state in the Arab world." In REFORM AND POLITICAL CHANGE. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp26-33.
Full textAbstract:
The Political Change” is one of the concepts which are rooted in the Arab Intellectual Farbric.Recently, it was related to The National State crisis in the Arabic World,especially it had various manifestations such as the weaknesses of the Institutes and the Organs of the the State and its deficit to assert its authority in the all the State( Syria, Lybia, Somalia), its tripping to the State building and conscrate its legimitacy (Egypt) as well as cristallizing a common identity in order to attract higher Loyalty (Liban). The situation in the Arab world, after years of movement, threatens the existence of certain States and also the regimes that have led them to achieve this deteriorating situation, as well as the future of a democratic and unitary State in the context of the current political violence. This study therefore attempts to approach the national state crisis in the Arab world by using anumber of sociological data and some concepts of political anthropology to understand the political and social changes that have affected the Arab world, assuming that the Arab State is experiencing a real crisis and that various political changes, primarily democratic mobility, have not been possible. ""The Arab Spring"" from being transferred to the status of the modern State, the State of institutions based on full citizenship and the guarantee of rights and freedoms. The national State is supposed to be a neutral State, and it must not belong to a particular organ or to the control of a specific party. It is a State for all citizens with different religious, racial and ethnic views. Any change in this equation would be a prelude to an internal explosion among the various components of society, particularly by the most affected groups.
6
Munin, Nellie. "The Financial Crisis in the European Union:Legal and Economic Aspects of an Anti-democratic Stabilization Mechanism." In 2014 International Conference on Global Economy, Commerce and Service Science (GECSS-14). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/gecss-14.2014.27.
Full text
7
Markopoulos, Evangelos, Alexandro Vera Ramirez, Panagiotis Markopoulos, and Hannu Vanharanta. "Gamification in a Democratic Pro-Environmental Behaviour Model towards achieving effective ESG corporate strategies." In 13th International Conference on Applied Human Factors and Ergonomics (AHFE 2022). AHFE International, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54941/ahfe1001512.
Full textAbstract:
The climate crisis has received high levels of attention from the public and scholars over the last few decades. While the search for solutions involves strict regulations and innovation in clean energy sources, changing individual behaviours towards sustainability could prevent us from reaching a point of no return. Inarguably, there is a need for strong involvement of the public and private sector organizations, changing individual organizational behaviours towards sustainability might foster a great impact in terms of lowering the effects of the climate crisis. In this context, a democratic pro-environmental behaviour (DPEBs) is introduced to enable green behaviours with individual and voluntary actions within organizations that benefit the preservation and recovery of the environment. Recycling, efficient energy consumption, reduction of meat consumption and sustainable transportation are examples of actionable PEBs that need to be fostered to contribute to the reduction of the human impact on climate change.Nevertheless, the adoption of new behaviours is a complex goal that requires the application of mechanisms to address employee intrinsic and extrinsic democratic motivation. In this vein, gamification, as a process that enhances projects and service with affordances for gameful experiences., might provide a viable alternative. The purpose of this paper is to analyse the extent to which gamification is an effective alternative to promote the adoption of democratic pro-environmental behaviours and contribute to the creation of the relative organization culture. The accepted definition of gamification for this paper is the process of enhancing a service with affordances for gameful experiences in order to support user's overall value creation. This marketing perspective approach, has more focus on the effects obtained as a consequence of activating intrinsic and extrinsic motivation through the use of gamified systems rather than the analysis of the characteristics of the game design elements, and the incentives for its practical and actual adaptation and utilization within organizations.A systematic literature review was conducted in order to exclusively retrieve - after a thorough selection process - case studies that evaluated the psychological and behavioural effects of gamified information technology systems. Psychological outcomes are related to intrinsic motivation; in the case of gamification, positive outcomes are described by gameful experience. These, in turn, are categorized in this work according to the motivational need to which they correspond and their adaptation likeness in a corporate context. On the other hand, behavioural outcomes are related to extrinsic motivation; these are the desired pro-environmental behaviours promoted extrinsically with the use of the gamified application.Fifteen studies were analysed in detail, which overall provided positive results regarding gamification’s capability to engage users by appealing to intrinsic motivation and to effectively promote the adoption of extrinsically motivated PEBs. As a result the paper presents a methodological approach and a process model that integrates democratic organizational culture elements that utilize gamification to achieve employee pro-environmental behaviours that can benefit both the economy and the society. Furthermore the proposed model is linked with the ESG criteria as a further incentive for its organization adaptation from theory to practice. The paper also indicates limitations and areas of further research on the proposed model towards green ocean strategies that can maximize its applications and impact.
8
Guarnieri, Dayane Cristina. "IMPASSES PARA A DEMOCRACIA: O FIM DO GOVERNO GOULART." In Anais do seminário estado, trabalho, educação e desenvolvimento: para onde vai a educação? - crise do capital, conservadorismo e desafios à democracia na América Latina (200 anos de Friedrich Engels). Recife, Brasil: Even3, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.29327/121302.3-1.
Full text
9
Petrov, Vladan. "USTAVNI IDENTITET I VIDOVDANSKI USTAV." In 100 GODINA OD VIDOVDANSKOG USTAVA. Faculty of law, University of Kragujevac, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/zbvu21.005p.
Full textAbstract:
With this paper the author completes his analysis of the reference historical constitutions and its influence on the constitutional identity of modern Serbia. Reffering to the effects of constitutional identity "outside" (preservation of state sovereignty) and "inside" (the "core" of the constitution), the author analyzes the functional failures and substantive controversies of the Vidovdan Constitution. Inconsistent normative solutions of this constitution, a deep socio-political crisis and an unresolved national question in the newly created state were an insurmountable obstacle to building the national constitutional identity. However, the symbolism of the date of adoption of the Constitution and the fact that, at least formally, it was the last classical constitution of the liberal-democratic type until the 1990s and the entry into force of the 1990 Serbian Constitution, make the Vidovdan Constitution a reference text for studying the constitutional identity of modern Serbia.
10
Makrevska Disoska, Elena, Irena Kikerkova, and Katerina Toshevska- Trpchevska. "COVID-19 CHALLENGES FOR EU EXTRA AND INTRA-REGIONAL TRADE." In Economic and Business Trends Shaping the Future. Ss Cyril and Methodius University, Faculty of Economics-Skopje, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47063/ebtsf.2020.0011.
Full textAbstract:
The current COVID-19 crisis will take a severe toll upon the world and the EU economy. Exports and imports between member-states account for around 30.6% of EU GDP (average value for the period 2007-2018) and some EU economies are particularly exposed to the crisis due to their strong trade and value chain linkages. The trade with the rest of the world also decreased by mid-March 2020, and Rotterdam’s traffic from China fell for 20% compared to the same period in 2019. This paper estimates the different impact of the intra- EU trade and extra-EU trade on EU GDP growth. By separating extra-EU trade flows from intra-EU trade flows and using cross-section fixed method, panel least squares for the period 2008-2018, we obtained results that confirm that trade exchange within EU has significantly higher effect on per capita economic growth in comparison with trade exchange with countries outside the EU (taking in consideration the sample of EU-27 countries, excluding Great Britain).The findings prove that the current measures proposed by the EU institutions are essential for sustaining the function of the Internal Market and for EU growth prospects. Despite all efforts to remain united against the rising global challenges under the COVID-19 crisis, the Union is growing further apart. The member-states are imposing restrains on the internal trade flows thus jeopardizing the achieved positive effects of trade liberalization. It is certain that the financial crisis from 2008 caused increased Euro scepticism. Therefore differences in national views and priorities must be taken into account in order to reach a democratic compromise within the EU that is going to be both effective and legitimate in order to confront the consequences of the COVID-19 pandemics. The solidarity among member-states is challenged once again.
Reports on the topic "Democratic crisi"
1
Kapriev, Georgi. COVID-19: Crisis, Social Panic, Religious and Academic Life in Bulgaria. Analogia 17 (2023), March 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55405/17-5-kapriev.
Full textAbstract:
This paper reflects on the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic on religious life in Bulgaria, especially in the Orthodox Church, and on the sphere of academic teaching. The picture that emerges against the background of the moderate COVID-19 measures and the non-closure of churches is rather disturbing, given the aggressive attacks by non-believers against ecclesial practice. It testifies to widespread superstition and deep theological ignorance even among those who designate themselves as ‘Orthodox Christians’. The compromise of university education during the COVID-19 panic and the radical changes to the social way of thinking go—as a basis of the perplexity of the social mind—hand in hand with the destruction of the democratic world order by Russia’s war against Ukraine.
2
White, William. What Next for the Post Covid Global Economy: Could Negative Supply Shocks Disrupt Other Fragile Systems? Institute for New Economic Thinking Working Paper Series, January 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.36687/inetwp199.
Full textAbstract:
There is a reasonable likelihood that that the next global economic crisis could threaten the future of democracy. The economic system is a complex, adaptive system (CAS) subject to “tipping points” when underlying stresses lead to crisis. Moreover, the economic system is nested within a number of other CAS; political, environmental and public health among others. Looking forward, recurrent negative supply shocks imply a dangerous future of higher real interest rates and debt distress leading to either deflation (private debt distress) or higher inflation (sovereign debt distress). Such problems could threaten democratic political systems that are already showing signs of significant stress themselves. The paper finishes with some reflections on policy alternatives.
3
Tyson, Paul. Australia: Pioneering the New Post-Political Normal in the Bio-Security State. Mέta | Centre for Postcapitalist Civilisation, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.55405/mwp10en.
Full textAbstract:
This paper argues that liberal democratic politics in Australia is in a life-threatening crisis. Australia is on the verge of slipping into a techno-feudal (post-capitalist) and post-political (new Centrist) state of perpetual emergency. Citizens in Australia, be they of the Left or Right, must make an urgent attempt to wrest power from an increasingly non-political Centrism. Within this Centrism, government is deeply captured by the international corporate interests of Big Tech, Big Natural Resources, Big Media, and Big Pharma, as beholden to the economic necessities of the neoliberal world order (Big Finance). Australia now illustrates what the post-political ‘new normal’ of a high-tech enabled bio-security state actually looks like. It may even be that the liberal democratic state is now little more than a legal fiction in Australia. This did not happen over-night, but Australia has been sliding in this direction for the past three decades. The paper outlines that slide and shows how the final bump down (covid) has now positioned Australia as a world leader among post-political bio-security states.
4
Saenz Cortés, Hernán. Crisis y Captura: El descontento social en tiempos de pandemia en América Latina y el Caribe. Oxfam, July 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21201/2021.7758.
Full textAbstract:
Este documento esboza una propuesta de agendas de trabajo para promover el debate sobre cómo reconfigurar el pacto social por vías institucionales en América Latina y el Caribe, fortaleciendo así los sistemas democráticos de la región y hacer frente a privilegios. Estas cuestiones son esenciales en el contexto actual de pandemia y de crisis políticas. Cruzando datos estadísticos y con los estudios de caso de financiación de partidos (Perú), desarrollo turístico (República Dominicana), telecomunicaciones (Argentina) y acceso al agua (El Salvador), este documento establece la relación entre captura de políticas públicas, desigualdad y desafección con la democracia. Los casos demuestran cómo el lobby, las puertas giratorias y las campañas mediáticas son los principales mecanismos con los que las élites ejercen influencia abusiva para alejar del interés general decisiones políticas cruciales.
5
Segovia, Alexander. Centroamérica en su laberinto: reflexiones sobre la naturaleza de la crisis y criterios para abordarla. Fundación Carolina, July 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.33960/issn-e.1885-9119.dt72.
Full textAbstract:
El presente documento aborda la crisis centroamericana, subrayando su larga gestación, los factores que han intervenido en su desarrollo y las particularidades que la diferencian de otras experiencias internacionales. Analiza, además, las dificultades y retos que existen para avanzar en soluciones basadas en acuerdos políticos y presenta algunas reflexiones sobre aspectos relevantes que podrían considerarse a la hora de diseñar estrategias encaminadas para superarla. Se argumenta que la mejor manera de enfrentar la crisis centroamericana es invirtiendo en la defensa, promoción y fortalecimiento de actores sociales y políticos democráticos y en la creación y/o fortalecimiento de la institucionalidad democrática en el ámbito nacional y local, lo cual supone “repolitizar” la cooperación internacional, como ocurrió en la década de los ochenta del siglo pasado, cuando los actores externos invirtieron en el fortalecimiento de los actores políticos y sociales que estaban a favor de la paz y de la instauración de nuevos modelos económicos. Esta repolitización de la cooperación internacional no implica el abandono de los intereses y los objetivos legítimos que los actores externos tienen en Centroamérica, sino más bien enmarcarlos en una visión integral y comprehensiva basada en la defensa y el fortalecimiento de la democracia centroamericana.
6
Wong, Debbie, and Elizabeth Cassity. . Teacher development multi-year studies. Emerging themes: Challenges and enablers. Australian Council for Educational Research, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37517/978-1-74286-675-8.
Full textAbstract:
The global learning crisis has highlighted the urgent need to improve the quality of education. COVID-19 disruptions have placed even greater focus on the learning improvement agenda, and the need to ensure disadvantaged children are not further left behind. Teacher development, and improving teaching quality, therefore is at the heart of many education systems’ policies and programs. This paper presents some of the key considerations for improving teaching across three countries which are being investigated as part of a multi-year teacher development study series. This study series, commissioned by the Australian Government’s Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT), involves the investigation of teacher development initiatives in Timor-Leste, Vanuatu and Lao People’s Democratic Republic (Laos). The overall aim of each study is to investigate: To what extent does the Australian investment produce improved teaching quality and improved student learning?
7
Marchais, Gauthier, Cyril Brandt, Diego de la Fuente Stevens, Pierre Marion, Jean-Benoît Falisse, Samuel Matabishi, Sweta Gupta, et al. BRiCE Project DRC and Niger: Endline Report Teacher Wellbeing and Teaching Quality in Fragile and Conflict-Affected Contexts. Institute of Development Studies, November 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/ids.2022.053.
Full textAbstract:
This report presents the final results of the Building Resilience in Crisis through Education (BRiCE) research project, which is led by the Institute of Development Studies (IDS) and the Institut Supérieur Pédagogique de Bukavu (ISP Bukavu). The research project is part of the BRiCE education programme funded by the European Commission’s Directorate-General for International Partnerships and led by Save the Children in Niger and the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). This report presents the results of the endline evaluation of two components of the BRiCE education programme: Teacher Professional Development (TPD) and Improving Learning Environments Together (ILET). It also presents an in-depth analysis of teacher wellbeing and teaching quality in the regions of Zinder and Diffa in Niger, and the territories Uvira and Fizi in South Kivu province in the DRC. The report summarises the final results of the project regarding the causes and consequences of violence against teachers, and also investigates teacher’s knowledge on how to deal with the effects of violent conflict at school.
8
Terzyan, Aram. Belarus in the Wake of a Revolution: Domestic and International Factors. Eurasia Institutes, December 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47669/eea-3-2020.
Full textAbstract:
This paper explores the political landscape of Belarus in the aftermath of the 2020 presidential elections, with a focus on both domestic and international factors behind the ongoing crisis. Lukashenko’s regime has a long record of sustaining its power by preserving elite unity, controlling elections, and/or using force against opponents. Therefore, massive fraud characterizing the 2020 presidential elections and brutal suppression of peaceful protests in its aftermath came as no surprise. Against this backdrop, the anti-government protests following the presidential elections raised a series of unanswered questions regarding both their domestic and foreign policy implications. The biggest question is whether the Belarusian civil society and opposition will prove powerful enough to overcome state repression and change the status quo in Europe’s “last dictatorship”. Worries remain about the Belarusian opposition’s emphasis on foreign policy continuity, meaning that Belarus is bound to remain in the orbit of the Russian authoritarian influence. The total fiasco of post-Velvet Revolution Armenian government both in terms of domestic and foreign policies, among others, further reveals the excruciating difficulties of a democratic state-building within the Russia-led socio-political order.
9
Faundes Peñafiel, Juan Jorge. Una Nueva Constitución Plurinacional. Bases para la discusión. Comisión 1. Sistema Político, Gobierno, Poder Legislativo y Sistema Electoral. Universidad Autónoma de Chile, September 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.32457/12728/10148202264.
Full textAbstract:
El Estado de Chile no ha reconocido a los pueblos indígenas en su Constitución a 30 años del retorno a la democracia y sus derechos solo se fueron incorporando por la vía de la ratificación de instrumentos internacionales en materia de derechos humanos. Desde esa perspectiva, el “control de convencionalidad” de la Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos (Corte IDH) adquirió un rol central, más allá de sus luces y sombras en el debate doctrinario. Tras la “crisis social” de octubre de 2019 y el proceso constituyente que desencadenó, se instaló la cuestión del reconocimiento de los pueblos indígenas como uno de los ejes del debate constituyente. En este trabajo se plantean, varias premisas relevantes de discutir sobre el reconocimiento constitucional de los pueblos indígenas durante en el proceso constituyente −con plena participación indígena− se espera sean un insumo en la deliberación constituyente de la Convención Constitucional.
10
Nietschke, Yung, Anna Dabrowski, Maya Conway, and Chaula Pradhika. COVID-19 Education Response Mapping Study: Building Resilience in Lao PDR: Readiness, Response, and Recovery. Australian Council for Educational Research, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.37517/978-1-74286-703-8.
Full textAbstract:
The coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) crisis has caused unprecedented levels of disruption to education systems worldwide. Across the Asia region, it is estimated that around 760 million children were impacted by school closures at the height of the pandemic. Government response strategies have varied across the region, with some countries imposing prolonged school lockdowns while others have had short, repeated closure periods. As countries begin to reopen schools and continue to prepare for subsequent waves of COVID 19 infection, there is a need to develop the greater capability of education systems to safeguard learning and address persistent barriers to learning equality by harnessing the opportunities for systemic change. However, school-based practices and responses that have been effective in supporting the continuity of learning during the COVID-19 pandemic have yet to be well examined, particularly in Asia. This report presents the findings of a document review focused on the Lao People’s Democratic Republic (Lao PDR). This report forms part of a broader study that aims to explore the system and school-level practices that have supported learning continuity in Asia during the pandemic. The report will focus on the practices of policymakers that have the potential to support teaching and learning. Rather than comparing the responses of countries in Asia, this study will identify areas of opportunity and innovations in the system and school policies and programs in Lao PDR and make recommendations for those working to support Lao PDR’s education system.