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Journal articles on the topic 'Democracy value'

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Published: 24 June 2021

Last updated: 8 February 2022

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1

Przeworski, Adam. "FREEDOM TO CHOOSE AND DEMOCRACY." Economics and Philosophy 19, no. 2 (October 2003): 265–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266267103001159.

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Should democracts value the freedom to choose? Do people value facing distinct choices when they make collective decisions? ‘Autonomy’ – the ability to participate in the making of collective decisions – is a paltry notion of freedom. True, democrats must be prepared that their preferences may not be realized as the outcome of the collective choice. Yet democracy is impoverished when many people cannot even vote for what they most want.‘The point is not to be free, but to act freely.’ Rosa Luxemburg

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2

Kölln, Ann-Kristin. "The value of political parties to representative democracy." European Political Science Review 7, no. 4 (December 3, 2014): 593–613. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773914000344.

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Political parties play a major role in democratic processes around the world. Recent empirical research suggests that parties are increasingly less important to citizens. Simultaneously, classic and contemporary theories of representative democracy specifically still minimally incorporate accounts of party benefit. This article attempts to reconcile normative political theory on democratic representation with party politics literature. It evaluates party democracy’s value in comparison with its next best theoretical alternative – pluralist democracy with individual representatives – along two different paths. It argues that parties are not flawless, but party democracy is preferable over pluralist democracy. Parties increase predictability and the transparency of policy outcomes. This, in turn, facilitates better accountability between voters and their representatives. In addition, parties save politics from becoming a dispersed and even possibly a contradictory set of actions.

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3

Galston, William A. "Democracy and Value Pluralism." Social Philosophy and Policy 17, no. 1 (2000): 255–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052500002612.

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My intention in this essay is to open up a question I cannot fully resolve: the relationship between democracy and value pluralism. By “value pluralism” I mean the view propounded so memorably by the late Isaiah Berlin and developed in various ways by thinkers including Stuart Hampshire, Steven Lukes, Thomas Nagel, Martha Nussbaum, Michael Stocker, Bernard Williams, Charles Taylor, John Kekes, and John Gray, among others. I shall define and discuss this view in some detail in Section III. For now, suffice it to say that value pluralism is the view that what we (rightly) value in our lives turns out to be multiple, heterogeneous, not reducible to a common measure, and not hierarchically ordered with a single dominant value or set of values binding on all persons in all circumstances. I use the phrase “value pluralism” rather than “moral pluralism” to indicate that this view encompasses nonmoral as well as moral goods.

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4

Struhl, Karsten J. "Is Democracy a Universal Value?" Radical Philosophy Today 5 (2007): 3–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/radphiltoday200752.

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5

James Bohman. "Epistemic Value and Deliberative Democracy." Good Society 18, no. 2 (2009): 28–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/gso.0.0079.

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6

Sen, Amartya Kumar. "Democracy as a Universal Value." Journal of Democracy 10, no. 3 (1999): 3–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.1999.0055.

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7

Brettschneider, Corey. "The value theory of democracy." Politics, Philosophy & Economics 5, no. 3 (October 2006): 259–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1470594x06068300.

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8

Saward, Michael. "Theorizing about Democracy." Democratic Theory 6, no. 2 (December 1, 2019): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/dt.2019.060202.

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How can we theorize about democracy? We can identify the major topics that form the focus of democratic theorists (and others traversing the field), such as democracy’s meaning and value. This article focuses on the methodological lenses through which the topics have been and can be viewed. Different lenses bring into focus different phenomena, questions, and problems of democracy. It is argued that the lenses that bring conventional democratic theory approaches into view can provide an unnecessarily narrow and restrictive perspective. Donning different methodological lenses can introduce alternative perspectives, such as renewed attention to value pluralism and the “everyday.” The article sketches four “circles” that capture different potential types of and sources for theoretical work, some of them radically unconventional. It concludes by discussing the specific example of how methods and assumptions of design theory can prompt promising new approaches to theorizing about democracy.

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9

Southwood, Nicholas. "Democracy as a Modally Demanding Value." Noûs 49, no. 3 (April 15, 2013): 504–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/nous.12021.

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10

박태현. "Environmental Value, Democracy, and Judicial Review." Democratic Legal Studies ll, no. 50 (November 2012): 445–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.15756/dls.2012..50.445.

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11

McFaul, Michael. "Democracy promotion as a world value." Washington Quarterly 28, no. 1 (December 2004): 147–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/0163660042518189.

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12

Callaway, H. G. "Democracy, value inquiry, and Dewey's metaphysics." Journal of Value Inquiry 27, no. 1 (January 1993): 13–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf01082706.

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13

Kim, Sungmoon. "Pragmatic Confucian Democracy: Rethinking the Value of Democracy in East Asia." Journal of Politics 79, no. 1 (January 2017): 237–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/687762.

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14

LEE, HSIN-WEN. "The Instrumental Value Arguments for National Self-Determination." Dialogue 58, no. 1 (December 17, 2017): 65–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0012217317000993.

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David Miller argues that national identity is indispensable for the successful functioning of a liberal democracy. National identity makes important contributions to liberal democratic institutions, including creating incentives for the fulfilment of civic duties, facilitating deliberative democracy, and consolidating representative democracy. Thus, a shared identity is indispensable for liberal democracy and grounds a good claim for self-determination. Because Miller’s arguments appeal to the instrumental values of a national culture, I call his argument ‘instrumental value’ arguments. In this paper, I examine the instrumental value arguments and show that they fail to justify a group’s right to self-determination.

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15

Yung, Betty. "Can Confucianism add value to democracy education?" Procedia - Social and Behavioral Sciences 2, no. 2 (2010): 1919–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.sbspro.2010.03.1010.

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16

Feldman, Daniel L. "Commentary: Public Value Governance or Real Democracy." Public Administration Review 74, no. 4 (June 5, 2014): 504–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/puar.12250.

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17

Idil, Akbar, and Nurlia Elly. "The Government's Power and Democracy Participation to Eradicating Inequalities in Local." E3S Web of Conferences 73 (2018): 09010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/20187309010.

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One of path to implement of democracy's values to eradicating inequalities is opened widely for public participation. As democracy's value for government is how the government must present democracy participate on its people. The government must create democracy participate in every level, including in local. This part will become differentiator how is the government's run. This article purposed to description and discussion how is the government's power and democracy participate frequent contradiction complicated, full dynamics, and conflict. Despite of government has given ample opportunities for peoples, but sometimes peoples must face the policies which uncompromised with this participation. This article based on research with qualitative descriptive method and data collected by literature. Resulted that Undang-Undang (Indonesian laws) has given the amble opportunities for peoples to participate in local politics and governance. The laws also giving generous to peoples to run participation based on local's values. Nevertheless, the freedom to participate frequent confronted with government interest which dominated by elite. Thus, in fact the local's peoples truly had efforts to participate in local politics and governance actively must face with government's power dominantly and determinately.

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18

Grollios, Vasilis. "J.S. Mill’s Views on Democracy after 1848." Critical Sociology 37, no. 6 (July 4, 2011): 871–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0896920510380947.

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In his philosophical anthropology Mill assimilated a moderate form of capitalist values. Viewed from the perspective of class, this made it impossible for him to fully applaud socialism and democracy. Many commentators confuse these two terms and, as a result, do not understand that Mill tried to promote working class interests and its social power only to the extent that they would not assail the foundations of the capitalist mode of production. Contrary to these mainstream interpretations, in this article I emphasize that Mill’s views on democracy are strongly connected to the value-laden content that the capitalist mode of production contributes to exploitation, liberty and equality. As such, Mill was not a democrat but instead was afraid of a fully fledged democratic system because it would lead to socialism.

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19

Fedorchenko, Vladimir. "LIBERALISM AS THE IDEOLOGICAL AND POLITICAL BASIS OF DEMOCRACY." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. Philosophy, no. 4 (2021): 69–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2523-4064.2021/4-6/12.

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This article focuses on the essence, political content and forms of democracy. The principles and values of liberalism as ideological and political origins of democracy are revealed. There are analysed ideological sources and basic approaches to understanding democracy as a political value and the reasons for its actualisation in contemporary conditions. There are generalised principles and norms for creating and implementing rules for an all-encompassing and unlimited political dialogue in society and between states as a central idea of the value dimension of democracy.

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20

Shafqat, Saeed. "Democracy in Pakistan: Value Change and Challenges of Institution Building." Pakistan Development Review 37, no. 4II (December 1, 1998): 281–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v37i4iipp.281-298.

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Democracy as a system of governance and interest representation demands respect for dissent and opposition. It recognises the principle of majority rule and guarantees protection of minorities. Democracy also builds faith in electoral contestation to gain public office and gives legitimacy to political parties as primary instruments for acquisition and transfer of power from one set of individuals to another. Unfortunately, despite the significance of the above elements, no serious studies have been undertaken on Pakistan’s experimentation with democracy. Given a history of weak party system and prolonged military rule, most of the studies focus on the military, political parties, constitutional history, or in a descriptive way, attribute the failure of democracy to the inadequacies of the politicians [Ahmed (1987); Rizvi (1987); Callard (1957) and Afzal (1976)]. It is only recently that some theoretically meaningful and rigorous empirical writings have appeared on elections, procedures and practices of electoral contestation and on problems of transition from authoritarian regimes towards democracy [Waseem (1989); Wilder (1995); Talyor (1992); Rais (1997) and Shafqat (1997)].

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21

Giudice, Alessio Lo. "The Constituting Value of a European Democratic Experimentalism." Contemporary Pragmatism 15, no. 4 (December 3, 2018): 453–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18758185-01501101.

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John Dewey conceived democracy as a cooperative problem-solving practice in which actors try out provisional solutions by means of social communication. His notion of experimental democracy as a specific form of life and an ethical enterprise rather than simply a form of government implies the constitution of a polity as a practical and complex process of exchanging and sharing experiences.The aim of this paper is to test the feasibility of using a Deweyan theoretical basis for democracy to assess the potential for a European process of political integration. The historical-conceptual presuppositions of the European Union’s institutional project preclude both a narrow local perspective and an illusory globalist scheme. To redirect Europe’s democratic vocation, a process of political and institutional communication must be developed that transcends the existing national paradigm.

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22

Crowder, George. "Value Pluralism, Constitutionalism, and Democracy: Waldron and Berlin in Debate." Review of Politics 81, no. 1 (December 17, 2018): 101–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670518000943.

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AbstractJeremy Waldron claims that Isaiah Berlin wrongly neglects, and is hostile to, constitutional and democratic institutions. I argue that although Berlin offers no extended discussion of constitutionalism or democracy, he is not hostile to them. Moreover, the logic of Berlin's value pluralism is strongly supportive of these ideas—for example, it fits well with constitutionalist notions such as the separation of powers and checks and balances. On the other hand, Waldron's rejection of judicial review on the ground of democracy is questionable in these same pluralist terms. Here I argue that Berlinian pluralism supports democracy as long as this is inclusive in its outcomes. But contemporary democracy cannot be relied upon to be sufficiently inclusive, in part because of the effects of the war on terror and the rise of populism. Under these conditions it is unwise for pluralists to dispense with judicial review.

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23

Brown, Étienne. "Propaganda, Misinformation, and the Epistemic Value of Democracy." Critical Review 30, no. 3-4 (October 2, 2018): 194–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08913811.2018.1575007.

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24

Nisbet, A. "Transport planning performance indicators, democracy and best value." Proceedings of the Institution of Civil Engineers - Municipal Engineer 139, no. 2 (June 2000): 97–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1680/muen.2000.139.2.97.

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25

Noonan, Jeff. "Democracy, Pluralism, and the Life-Ground of Value." Capitalism Nature Socialism 13, no. 4 (December 2002): 85–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10455750208565504.

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26

Bogaards, Matthijs. "Rethinking the value of democracy: a comparative perspective." Democratization 26, no. 8 (May 9, 2019): 1536–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2019.1613378.

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27

Graeber, David. "Value, politics and democracy in the United States." Current Sociology 59, no. 2 (March 2011): 186–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0011392110391151.

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This article examines the role of values in the political discourse of the last decade in the US. It embarks from what many observers had described as a puzzle: the fact that significant parts of the American working class voted against their economic interests but in line with what they perceived to be their values. As a result, a president had been re-elected who cut taxes for the rich while waging an expensive war in Iraq and increasing public debt to historically unprecedented levels. It is argued that large sectors of the white American working class were disappointed with liberal politicians because they associated them with a cultural elite that occupied positions in society that allowed them to pursue careers of intrinsic value in the arts, science, or politics but which were largely closed to the working class. It is thus suggested that the ‘culture wars’ in the US are better interpreted as a struggle over access to the means to behave altruistically. The article rejects the widespread assumption that individuals are narrowly conceived economic self-interest maximizers. Rather, it suggests that human fulfilment can be related to the satisfaction derived from working for the common good.

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28

Harel, Alon. "JUDICIAL REVIEW AND THE VALUE THEORY OF DEMOCRACY." Representation 47, no. 1 (April 2011): 63–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00344893.2011.550210.

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29

Kerr, Gavin. "‘Predistribution’, property-owning democracy and land value taxation." Politics, Philosophy & Economics 15, no. 1 (March 10, 2015): 67–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1470594x15573458.

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30

Kwan, Letty Y. Y. "Institutional and Value Support for Cultural Pluralism Is Stronger in Innovative Societies With Demanding Climate." Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology 49, no. 2 (January 18, 2018): 323–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022022117746773.

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Past research shows that democracy is valued more in affluent societies with challenging climate than in other societies. Building on this finding, the present study examines how the amount of institutional and value support for cultural pluralism in a society is related to its climate and level of innovation performance. Cultural pluralism is defined as the societal condition in which minority groups within a society can maintain their distinctive cultural identities, values, and practices provided that they are consistent with the laws and values of the wider society. Institutions and values that support cultural pluralism include political democracy, tolerance for uncertainty, prioritization of secular-rational values, and openness to foreign cultures. I hypothesize that institutional and value support for cultural pluralism is stronger in societies with more challenging climate and higher innovation performance. I tested this hypothesis using society-level measures of harshness of climatic condition and innovation performance as predictors. The results showed that in societies with demanding climate and high innovation performance, their citizens tend to support democracy, are more tolerant of uncertainty, prioritize secular-rational values, and take more leisure trips outside of their home country. These results illustrate that innovation, through its moderation effect on climate, predicts the amount of institutional and value support for cultural pluralism, highlighting the reciprocal effects of culture and innovation.

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31

Nelson, William. "The Epistemic Value of the Democratic Process." Episteme 5, no. 1 (February 2008): 19–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e174236000800021x.

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ABSTRACTAn epistemic theory of democracy, I assume, is meant to provide on answer to the question of why democracy is desirable. It does so by trying to show how the democratic process can have epistemic value. I begin by describing a couple of examples of epistemic theories in the literature and bringing out what they presuppose. I then examine a particular type of theory, worked out most thoroughly by Joshua Cohen, which seems to imply that democracy has epistemic value. The key idea in this theory is that its conception of political right is itself a democratic conception – roughly, what is right is constituted by a consensus among ideal democratic agents. If democratic procedures are modeled on this conception of right, the theory proposes, the fact that we follow these procedures in decision-making will give us reason to believe that the outcomes are themselves right. I do not reject the democratic conception of the right, but I argue that the theory breaks down when we try to extend its conclusions to real-world democratic procedures. While it invites interesting speculation about possible reforms, it gives us little reason to accept the outcomes of actual democratic politics.

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32

Hart, Genevieve, and Mary Nassimbeni. "The value of information in South Africa’s new democracy." Library Management 39, no. 5 (June 11, 2018): 322–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/lm-09-2017-0087.

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PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to trace and analyse the relationship between information and democracy in the old and in the new South Africa. The authors interrogate the applicability to the situation of the famous quotation attributed to Thomas Jefferson, “Information is the currency of Democracy”.Design/methodology/approachThe authors frame the argument by analysing the differences in philosophy underpinning the state’s attitude to the free flow of information between the pre-democratic regime (often referred to as the Apartheid regime which came into power in 1948) and the current democratic state established in 1994.FindingsWhile the philosophical approach between the two regimes is demonstrably different – the findings show the discontinuities – the authors also find evidence of continuities. The authors examine traces of recurrent patterns and propose reasons for their persistence.Originality/valueBecause South Africa is a very young democracy it presents unique opportunities for social scientists to analyse the unfolding of challenges and opportunities not readily apparent in mature democracies. The theme of the issue allowed us to study and observe the evolution and growth of policy related to the free flow of information, and also to examine the current drift between policy and practice.

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33

Hidalgo, Oliver. "The Theory of Democratic Antinomies and the Identification of Value Trade-Offs in Political Practice." Politics and Governance 7, no. 4 (November 25, 2019): 264–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v7i4.2243.

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In theory, the idea of democracy consists of several insoluble contradictions, aporias, and conflicts. In practice, democracy demands an effective balancing of its essentially opposing principles and values in order to preserve an authentic character as well as to avoid its inherent self-destructive tendencies. In this regard, the concept of value trade-offs promises a heuristic tool to grasp both the analytical and normative impact of a political theory which takes the complexity of democracy seriously. Proceeding from this, the contribution will demonstrate to what extent the conceptualisation of democratic antinomies and the notion of value trade-offs can be seen as a kind of communicating vessel. The article’s general argument is that democracy is defined by several antinomies that are irreducible in theory and therefore require trade-offs in political practice. Moreover, it will discuss three relevant issue areas to suggest the approach’s empirical relevance and to prove the existence of value trade-offs as an operating benchmark for the legitimacy and consolidation of democratic processes on the one hand but also for their shortcomings and risks on the other. Correspondingly, the article concerns the antinomic relationships between freedom and security, economic growth and sustainability, and finally, democracy and populism to underpin the general perception that the success of democratic institutions first and foremost depends on the balance of the necessarily conflicting principles of democracy.

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34

Bock, Wolfgang. "Kelsen und seine Demokratieschrift im Exil." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Germanistische Abteilung 138, no. 1 (June 1, 2021): 303–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zrgg-2021-0013.

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Abstract Kelsen and his Book “Essence and Value of Democracy” in Exile. Two recently found letters and an unpublished small introduction into a planned translation of his book on democracy shed some light on Kelsen’s conception of cultural and political foundations of democracy. His description of the democratic citizen as antagonistic to absolute values rises philosophical as well as political doubts. The status of values under philosophical, moral and legal perspectives calls for a thorough discussion.

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35

Valentini, Laura. "Justice, Disagreement and Democracy." British Journal of Political Science 43, no. 1 (July 19, 2012): 177–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123412000294.

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Is democracy a requirement of justice or an instrument for realizing it? This article argues that the correct answer to this question depends on the background circumstances against which democracy is defended. In the presence of thin reasonable disagreement about justice, we should value democracy only instrumentally (if at all); in the presence of thick reasonable disagreement about justice, we should value it also intrinsically, as a necessary demand of justice. Since the latter type of disagreement is pervasive in real-world politics, the conclusion is that theories of justice designed for our world should be centrally concerned with democracy.

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36

Allsup, Randall Everett. "Music education and human flourishing: a meditation on democratic origins." British Journal of Music Education 29, no. 2 (March 21, 2012): 171–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265051712000034.

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This philosophical essay is a meditation on the multiple and contested meanings of the concept of democracy with the aim of redirecting dominant discourses in music education practices and building new capacities for democracy's practical use in music classrooms. Inspired by philosopher John Dewey's travels to China, and his influence on major Chinese thinkers like Hu Shih and Tao Xingzhi, the author plays with the etymological origins of the term ‘democracy’, finding limited value in its Greek origins, but inspiration in the many ways of referring to democracy in Chinese [Minzhu: 民主 / Pingmin: 平民 / Shumin: 庶民 / Minben: 民本] each of which has the potential to direct and enlarge contemporary instructional practices in formal music education settings.

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37

Stich, Stephen G. W. "When Democracy Meets Pluralism: Landemore's Epistemic Argument for Democracy and the Problem of Value Diversity." Critical Review 26, no. 1-2 (April 3, 2014): 170–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08913811.2014.940779.

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38

Fitzpatrick, Tony. "A Post-Productivist Future for Social Democracy?" Social Policy and Society 3, no. 3 (June 22, 2004): 213–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746404001721.

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The purpose of this article is to contrast productivism with post-productivism and raise a question mark over the extent to which social democrats should support the former rather than the latter. It offers a definition of post-productivism, explaining this in terms of the ‘reproductive value’ of care and sustainability. The paper then sketches the limits to social democracy and indicates why post-productivist solutions might therefore be appropriate. It concludes by speculating on some implications for social policy.

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39

Maksymuk, Andriy, and Nataliya Kuzenko. "INSTITUTIONAL FACTORS OF ECONOMIC PERFORMANCE: EVIDENCE FROM THE WORLD VALUE SURVEY." Baltic Journal of Economic Studies 7, no. 2 (March 26, 2021): 146–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/2256-0742/2021-7-2-146-160.

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This article highlights the impact of values on the country’s welfare. Values that are quite constant over a long period of time form an institutional framework within the country. They can contribute to economic development or even prevent it. The aim of the article is to explore, what is the influence of social values, democracy and trade on welfare levels in different counties. The hypothesis is that the dominance in society of secular-rational values and the values of self-expression, democracy and trade (openness to the world) have a positive effect on the level of welfare of countries. The empirical part of the paper is based on the comparative analysis of relationship between GDP per capita and four values such as tolerance and respect, obedience, trust and freedom of choice for two waves of WVS – 2005-2009 and 2010-2014. Using correlation and regression analysis, the relationships between these indicators were evaluated. These values have a positive impact on welfare in OECD countries, some countries of Latin America, Asia and Africa with middle income per capita. However, there is a negative relationship between obedience and GDP per capita. This value is more important for some African and Asian countries and India. The relationship between GDP per capita and the aggregate value index showed a strong positive correlation for OECD countries. Then the regression model was estimated to assess the impact of values, trade and level of democracy on welfare growth and development. The results of the regression analysis showed a significant effect of the aggregated value indicator for all six samples, but this effect is weaker for high-income countries. The effect of the level of democracy is significant and positive only for the sub-sample of democratic countries, while it is negative for high-income countries. The effect of the level of trade on GDP per capita is statistically significant for the sample of all countries, the sub-sample of non-democratic countries and the sub-sample of high income and upper-middle income countries. Thus, we conclude that the institutional factors (the values and the level of democracy) are important determinants of GDP per capita for democratic countries while for non-democratic countries trade is more important.

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40

Lau, Raymond Kwun Sun. "The political predicament of the pan-democrats in Hong Kong under Chinese rule." Asian Education and Development Studies 8, no. 4 (October 7, 2019): 498–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-08-2018-0129.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to make sense of the slow and frustrating process of democratization in Hong Kong through understanding the pan-democrats’ struggle for realizing universal suffrage. It aims to offer possible explanations for the current political impasse between Hong Kong and mainland China over the issue of universal suffrage. Design/methodology/approach This paper seeks to construct a triangular model of institutional constraint, clashing visions of democracy and mutual political distrust for understanding the pan-democrats’ struggle for realizing universal suffrage in Hong Kong since the 1980s, the nature of current political predicament they found themselves in and the current political impasse between the pan-democrats and Beijing. Findings The dilemma facing Hong Kong’s pan-democrats and Beijing’s leadership is attributed to the institutional constraints of Basic Law on Hong Kong’s system of governance, the clashing visions of Beijing-led Chinese-style democracy and Western-style liberal democracy as advocated by the pan-democrats and the mutual political distrust between the two parties. The findings suggest that this triangular model will remain relevant in understanding the political predicament of the pan-democrats under Chinese rule and the political impasse between Hong Kong and mainland China over universal suffrage for the coming decades. Originality/value This paper provides a new interpretation of the current political impasse between Hong Kong and mainland China over the issue of universal suffrage. It offers new insights into the nature of current political predicament the pan-democrats found themselves in amidst their fight for realizing universal suffrage since the 1980s by constructing a triangular model of institutional constraints, clashing visions of democracy and mutual political distrust.

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41

García, Roberto. "Has the Deliberative Model of Democracy an epistemic value?" Panorama 7, no. 12 (July 17, 2013): 23–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.15765/pnrm.v7i12.367.

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Deliberative democracy is a normative ideal of democracy. This model is a proposal for the regeneration of the legitimacy of our institutions, but also a mechanism for decision making. It is based on two different dimensions: a procedural dimension where the model demands the inclusion and an equal capacity to influence the final decision of all those affected (Cohen, 1989; Bohman, 1996; Habermas, 1992 ...) and a substantive dimension where the political decisions are made through a collective procedure of argumentation and public discussion. If these conditions are recognized, the decisions will be more rational and better decisions. This paper has two aims. First I will present the key elements of this epistemic conception of political legitimacy. Second I will show the challenges it faces. On a one hand, the counterfactual of many of its postulates and on the other, the obvious problems of bias consensualist of this model.

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Riccio, Monica. "Democracy as a “Universal Value” and an Intercultural Ethics." Cultura 8, no. 2 (January 1, 2011): 73–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10193-011-0020-1.

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Rostbøll, Christian F. "The Non-instrumental Value of Democracy: The Freedom Argument." Constellations 22, no. 2 (June 2015): 267–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-8675.12159.

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Klein, Philip A., and Edythe S. Miller. "Concepts of Value, Efficiency, and Democracy in Institutional Economics." Journal of Economic Issues 30, no. 1 (March 1996): 267–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00213624.1996.11505776.

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Wolkenstein, Fabio. "Membership ballots and the value of intra-party democracy." Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 21, no. 4 (March 10, 2016): 433–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13698230.2016.1159400.

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Beckman, Ludvig. "Democracy and genetic privacy: The value of bodily integrity." Medicine, Health Care and Philosophy 8, no. 1 (April 2005): 97–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11019-004-4020-z.

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Schwartzberg, Melissa. "Democratic Rights: The Substance of Self-Government. By Corey Brettschneider. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2007. 192p. $29.95." Perspectives on Politics 6, no. 2 (June 2008): 361–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592708080687.

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In his book, Corey Brettschneider defends a “substantive” conception of democracy—a “value theory of democracy”—against purely procedural accounts of democracy. Whereas “proceduralists” seek to define democracy strictly through reference to the (majoritarian) means by which decisions are rendered, Brettschneider fears that this leaves democracy rootless, at risk of producing undemocratic outcomes. His effort at solving the problem of “democratic autophagy”—the argument that democracy will consume itself through its own procedures, as I term it in Democracy and Legal Change—is twofold. First, he specifies the values that democratic rights should reflect and preserve. Second, he argues that even nonmajoritarian institutions, such as judicial review, act in a democratic fashion insofar as they help us to ensure that our laws actually do cohere with these values. The former effort is remarkably successful. In my view, however, the latter claim is less persuasive, partially because of the difficulty inherent in translating abstract substantive commitments into law.

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Pavicevic, Djordje. "Post-democratic critique of democracy: Transformation or collapse of democracy." Sociologija 58, no. 4 (2016): 505–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc1604505p.

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The article reconsiders analytical value of the concept of postdemocracy. The thesis of the article is that significance of the concept of postdemocracy lies in its ability to be used as a tool of conceptual criticism, not in its informative value for criticism of democratic regimes. The question is: whether it is possible, from post-democratic perspective, to claim that realistic judgment on particular ?democratic practices? could be wrong judgement on democracy? Three different conceptions of postdemocracy are offered as answers to the question. They are considered as reaction to self-proclaimed ?triumph? of democracy and universalization of minimalistic conception of democracy. The first is the conception of English sociologist Colin Crouch which is based on criticism of participation failure and electoral policies of existing democracies. The second is Sheldon Wolin?s conception which is suspicious of representativeness of representative democracy. Third conception is based on Jacques Ranciere?s critique of legitimacy scheme of liberal democracy. These three critiques suggest that democracy is in bad shape as well as that the meaning of the notion of democracy is hooked by economic and political elites. The conclusion is that the concept of post-democracy is more useful as a platform of critical reconsideration of democracy than more frequently used concepts of crisis, deficit, decline or transformation. The question of adequacy of particular conceptions of post-democracy is not raised in this article.

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Burgess, Robin, Remi Jedwab, Edward Miguel, Ameet Morjaria, and Gerard Padró i Miquel. "The Value of Democracy: Evidence from Road Building in Kenya." American Economic Review 105, no. 6 (June 1, 2015): 1817–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.20131031.

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Ethnic favoritism is seen as antithetical to development. This paper provides credible quantification of the extent of ethnic favoritism using data on road building in Kenyan districts across the 1963–2011 period. Guided by a model, it then examines whether the transition in and out of democracy under the same president constrains or exacerbates ethnic favoritism. Across the post-independence period, we find strong evidence of ethnic favoritism: districts that share the ethnicity of the president receive twice as much expenditure on roads and have five times the length of paved roads built. This favoritism disappears during periods of democracy. (JEL D72, H54, J15, O15, O17, O22, R42)

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Maring, Luke. "Uncovering a Tension." Journal of Philosophical Research 43 (2018): 159–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jpr201887129.

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It is common to assume (a) that democracy is intrinsically valuable, and (b) that nation-states have the authority to exclude would-be immigrants from their territory. Are (a) and (b) in tension? This paper argues that they are. Every account of democracy’s intrinsic value suggests that nation-states lack the authority to exclude would-be immigrants. In fact, reflection on democratic values suggests an even more heterodox conclusion: nation-states should not be the privileged sites of decision-making that we often take them to be.

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