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1
Nurali, Rinawati Acan. "PERKEMBANGAN DEMOKRASI DI TUNISIA." Thaqafiyyat : Jurnal Bahasa, Peradaban dan Informasi Islam 20, no. 2 (August 1, 2021): 163. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/thaq.2021.20204.
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This paper discusses the development of democracy in Tunisia. The goal is to understand the development of Tunisian democracy which is full of dynamics of the effects of the Arab Spring. This research uses the library method. Data collection through journals and books. The results of this study found that the long journey of the Tunisian people, in achieving independence from the occupation of the Tunisian government itself, was a road that was not easy, steep and sharp. Many became victims, in the name of the revolution. Both physically and psychologically. However, the struggle is carried out not only in the name of religion but also human humanity at stake, the rights and obligations desired by the Tunisian people, who become their driving force in their journey to achieve a democratic government. Of course, this requires a sacrifice in the long journey of democracy in Tunisia. Although in some Middle Eastern countries the process of democratization is still uncertain, Tunisia is not. Tunisia has become a hope for countries in the Middle East to rise from adversity. Tunisia has successfully held elections to democratically appoint a leader. Tunisian democracy is getting better with the inauguration of a new constitution that provides equality between men and women so that Tunisia becomes a pioneer of feminism in the Middle East. Although we cannot compare it with other contexts of Islamic government, Tunisia is a system that continues to rise to renew the slump of democracy by removing the influence of secular, far-right ideologies, and the monarchical system. Therefore, the political dynamics of the state system is a transition period whether it will lead to destruction or even towards democratic maturity, thus there is still optimism for the implementation of Islamic democracy in the Tunisian government system in the midst of all the dynamics that are faced.
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Ahn, So Yeon. "The Rise of Populism and Crisis of Democracy: The Case of Tunisia." Institute of Middle Eastern Affairs 21, no. 3 (December 31, 2022): 29–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.52891/jmea.2022.21.3.29.
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Initially igniting the Arab Spring, Tunisia is the sole participating country that managed to transition toward democracy. However, during the period of political transition since then, the economic crisis has increased. Under the mounting political grievance of Tunisian citizens, populism has risen, which usually emerges when democracy is in crisis. The Tunisian citizens elected current president Kais Saied as an alternative to established politics. However, as the president attempts to decrease the power of political parties, the future of democracy in Tunisia has become more fragile. This study examines the process of transitioning politically to democracy in Tunisia over the past 11 years and explores the current crisis through the lens of populism and democracy. The result confirms that Tunisian citizens’ political grievance stems from the economic crisis and not the transition to democracy. With this reasoning, if the current president cannot address citizens’ political frustration, conditions might enable a second Jasmine Revolution in Tunisia.
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Bassil, Noah, and Nourhan Kassem. "The Subtle Dynamics of Power Struggles in Tunisia: Local media since the Arab Uprisings." Media and Communication 9, no. 4 (December 17, 2021): 286–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/mac.v9i4.4452.
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This article contributes to the analysis of local media and democratic transformation in Tunisia since the Arab Uprisings. It aims to assess the extent to which pluralism, freedom of expression, and participation—central tenets of democratisation—are evident at the local level. Tunisian local media, unlike the national media, is relatively free of governmental control. Local media is also decentralised. It is this autonomy from the government which makes the analysis of local media fundamentally important for understanding politics in Tunisia. While national media is linked to the most powerful elements in the country, the diversity of voices within the media at the local level provides an opportunity to grasp the grievances, struggles, and agency of people in Tunisia, especially the most marginalised communities. This article will detail the changes in the media landscape, especially for local media, in Tunisia and connect our analysis of local media to better understand the Tunisia that has developed between dictatorship and democracy and the extent that the fledgling Tunisian democracy can withstand its most recent test.
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Abdel-Samad, Mounah. "Legislators’ Need for Civil Society Expertise: Tunisian Civil Society Legislative Advocacy Opportunity." Nonprofit Policy Forum 8, no. 3 (December 20, 2017): 299–319. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/npf-2016-0027.
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AbstractThe primacy of the Tunisian revolution and the country’s successful democratic transition (Stepan 2012, “Tunisia’s Transition and the Twin Tolerations.”Journal of Democracy23:89–103) make Tunisia an exemplar for analyzing legislators’ demand for advocacy by civil society organizations or CSOs. Several researchers (Cavatorta 2012, “Arab Spring: The Awakening of Civil Society. A General Overview.”http://www.iemed.org/observatori-es/arees-danalisi/arxius-adjunts/anuari/med.2012/Cavatorta_en.pdf, Benoit 2011, “The Counter-Power of Civil Society and the Emergence of a New Political Imaginary in the Arab World.”Constellations: an International Journal of Critical and Democratic Theory18:271–283. doi:10.1111/j.1467-8675.2011.00650.x, Kubba 2000, “Arabs and Democracy: The Awakening of Civil Society.”Journal of Democracy11:84–90) have explored the role of Tunisian civil society in the democratic transition; however, no study examined legislators’ demand for CSOs’ legislative advocacy in Tunisia. By exploring factors influencing legislators and their demand and need for legislative advocacy, this study sheds light on the inner works of policy makers and ways to influence them. This study finds that, contrary to the idea that governments in developing countries do not want civil society participation in politics, Tunisian legislators are open to and eager for legislative advocacy. Based on 40 survey conducted face to face with Tunisian legislators in the National Constituent Assembly, and archival analysis of the National Constituents Assembly sessions’ minutes from 2011 until 2014, this study finds that Tunisian legislators have a high level of trust in CSOs, want their expertise, and are influenced by them when voting in parliament. These results have several potential impacts on understanding of the relationship between CSOs and government and more specifically legislature.
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AKKAŞ, Necmi Enes. "THE REFLECTION OF THE ARAB SPRING TO THE DEMOCRATICATION OF TUNISIA: RASHID AL GANNUSHI AND THE NAHDA MOVEMENT PARTY." SOCIAL SCIENCE DEVELOPMENT JOURNAL 7, no. 30 (March 15, 2022): 289–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.31567/ssd.558.
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The Republic of Tunisia, located in North Africa, is an Arab state that gained its independence from France on March 20, 1956 and witnessed the firsts. The official name of Tunisia, which came under the rule of the Turks in 1574, has remained as Tunisia since then. Tunisia, the country of firsts, was the first constitution made under Ahd-ül Aman in 1861 and the first non-governmental organization Tunisian Workers' Union was established in 1924. The first action that ignited the Arab Spring started when 26-year-old computer engineer Mohammed Bouazizi set himself on fire in front of the governor's office on 17 December 2010. While ethnic and sectarian turmoil led to coups d'etat and civil war in the Middle East and North African countries where the Arab Spring spread, Tunisia's weak army organization as well as the experiences of civil and political sectors in the historical process were effective in overcoming the troubles it experienced during the revolution without being dragged into civil war. One of the important factors positively affecting Tunisia's democratization process is the Ennahda Movement Party, which represents a moderate Islamist democratic politics. The name Ennahda, which is defined as the Arab awakening, the Arab resurrection, the Arab Renaissance, was given to the party led by the philosopher and politician Ghannushi. When the effects of the Arab Spring on democratization are evaluated, the Ennahda Movement Party is an important event for the development of Tunisian democracy. The study will analyze the contributions of the Ennahda Movement Party and its leader, Rashid Al-Ghannushi Gannuşi, which made significant contributions to the democratization of Tunisia, to the democratization of Tunisia. Within the scope of the study, the reflections of the Arab Spring on the Tunisian revolution and the political process will be explained.
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Mahmoud, Abdesselem. "Urban sustainability challenges : Democracy and spatial injustices in Tunisia." JOURNAL OF SOCIAL SCIENCE RESEARCH 7, no. 2 (April 20, 2015): 1281–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.24297/jssr.v7i2.3563.
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In this paper, the author addresses spatial injustices in Tunisia, and seeks to which extent social and territorial inequalities could hamper democracy. Many urban disparities and social anomies such as informal sector, terrorism, unemployment, and usustainable development process threaten the vulnerable democracy transition in Tunisia. The author described and analyzed urban planning process since independency to noawadays. He analyzed the successive economic development policy makings undertook by a mono-party Nation-State. The top down development policies implemented until nowadays entailed a big gap between coastal areas and inland. The former benefitted of its site across the sea shores and proximity to Tunis and former regime. Many factors fostered export industries and tourism activities. The latters were left behind due to their lack of resources and urban planning policy dominated by neo liberal capitalist development in favor of Tunis urban primacy and the littoral where concentrated most foreign and local investments. Urban disparities and inequalities in Tunisia join in a networked society where local and global actors play a key role in economic, social, and urban development process in Tunisia. Tunisian society is a subsystem within a global system (Wallerstein2012), and what is happening is not conjonctural, but it is due to global social movements (Sassen 2007 ; Castells 2012 ; Braudel, 1992 ; Amin, 2003). Terrorism, pollution, inequalities are not per se, but are the negative results of a a myriad of factors: economic, politics, cultural, emotional, aesthetics, social and urban morphologies. Many economic, social, and political actors intervened and interconnected in public and private arenas and triggered those anomies. Fair urban policies are expected to be achieved through a multilevel governance in order to implement the revolution objectives in Tunisia. Otherwise, a representative democracy only, won't fulfil the well-being expected by large Tunisian people. Sustainable urban governance requires a multi-scalar bottom-up and top-down policy-making. In Tunisia, after democratic transition success, the state should be revamped, and compensate its deficit. A sustainable urban planning implies a holistic policy framework involving private and public sectors, and civil society actors locally, regionally, and globally.
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Feather, Ginger. "Proactive versus Reactive Sexual and Reproductive Health Rights: A Comparative Case Study Analysis of Morocco and Tunisia." FEMINA POLITICA - Zeitschrift für feministische Politikwissenschaft 29, no. 2-2020 (November 30, 2020): 76–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.3224/feminapolitica.v29i2.07.
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Morocco and Tunisia, two progressive Muslim-majority countries, took vastly different approaches to women’s sexual and reproductive health rights (SRHR). Sharing a French colonial past and Maliki Islamic tradition, Tunisia is an emerging democracy with a long history of top-down women’s rights advances and state-promoted SRHR. Tunisian women have benefitted from SRH education, access to contraception, emergency contraception, and state-funded first trimester abortion. Tunisia targets vulnerable populations, including unmarried, minor, rural, and poor women, with special clinics and subsidies. Finally, Tunisia holds men responsible for children they father outside of wedlock. In contrast, Morocco’s bottom-up feminist-driven approach to SRHR, including access to contraception, emergency contraception, and abortion, is circumscribed and exclusionary, targeting married couples. The criminalization of extramarital sexual relations and most abortions force single women with unwanted pregnancies to resort to unsafe abortion. Moroccan men who father children outside of marriage enjoy legal impunity from paternal responsibilities. Nevertheless, the recent rise of Islamic parties in both countries poses a potential threat to Tunisia’s proactive laws and policies governing SRHR, while adding another obstacle to adequate SRHR provision in Morocco.
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Rohde, Achim. "Resurrecting Maghreb Pluriel ?: Jews and Postauthoritarian Tunisia." Jewish Social Studies 28, no. 2 (March 2023): 173–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/jewisocistud.28.2.07.
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Abstract: The Tunisian revolution of 2011 marked a partial reconfiguration of the political elite and the beginning of a protracted democratization process whose long-term success is far from secured. In this article, I discuss societal/political/cultural transformations toward democracy in Tunisia since 2011 through the prism of its tiny Jewish minority. The perceived homogeneity of Tunisian society has come under increasing scrutiny since the revolution, and this includes a heightened visibility of the country's Jewish community and a degree of public debate on related topics. I focus on three cases: the preservation of Jewish cultural heritage, the demise of an NGO designed to fight racism and antisemitism in Tunisia, and the commemoration of the German occupation of Tunisia during World War II. Addressing contemporary Tunisian history "from the margins" enables a more nuanced understanding of political struggles that accompany processes of de-/re-territorializing Tunisian collective identities.
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Rohde, Achim. "Resurrecting Maghreb Pluriel ?: Jews and Postauthoritarian Tunisia." Jewish Social Studies 28, no. 2 (March 2023): 173–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/jss.2023.a901517.
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Abstract: The Tunisian revolution of 2011 marked a partial reconfiguration of the political elite and the beginning of a protracted democratization process whose long-term success is far from secured. In this article, I discuss societal/political/cultural transformations toward democracy in Tunisia since 2011 through the prism of its tiny Jewish minority. The perceived homogeneity of Tunisian society has come under increasing scrutiny since the revolution, and this includes a heightened visibility of the country's Jewish community and a degree of public debate on related topics. I focus on three cases: the preservation of Jewish cultural heritage, the demise of an NGO designed to fight racism and antisemitism in Tunisia, and the commemoration of the German occupation of Tunisia during World War II. Addressing contemporary Tunisian history "from the margins" enables a more nuanced understanding of political struggles that accompany processes of de-/re-territorializing Tunisian collective identities.
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Sahide, Ahmad, Yoyo Yoyo, and Ali Muhammad. "Tunisia's Success in Consolidating Its Democracy One Decade Post-the Arab Spring." Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik 26, no. 1 (June 29, 2022): 49. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/jsp.65912.
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The political turmoil in Tunisia at the end of 2010 opened the door to the democratization of Arab countries. This event, widely known as The Arab Spring, presented a dream for the Arab community to live a better life under a democratic system. However, after a decade of progress, only Tunisia has succeeded in consolidating its democracy among the Arab countries that have been affected by the political turmoil. This paper tries to read the success factors for Tunisia in consolidating its democracy by using the theory of democracy from Robert Dahl, Jack Snyder, and Georg Sorensen. This study concludes that democracy in Tunisia is already included in the category of matured democracy according to Snyder's theory or has entered the category in which a democratic culture has begun to develop (Sorensen) and fulfills the elements of a democratic state according to Dahl. This success is inseparable from internal and external factors. The internal factor is the foundation of a civil society built before The Arab Spring and the openness of viewpoints of political actors after the political upheaval. Meanwhile, the external factor is the absence of America as the dominant actor in Tunisia because Tunisia is considered a ferry country. Tunisia also proves that Islam and democracy can go hand in hand, and this is a refutation of the pessimistic views of the scholars on Islam and democracy that can go hand in hand.
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Jerad†, Nabiha. "The Tunisian Revolution: From Universal Slogans for Democracy to the Power of Language." Middle East Journal of Culture and Communication 6, no. 2 (2013): 232–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18739865-00602006.
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This article, published posthumously, focuses on the use of language in the Tunisian revolution. It argues that language during the revolution and in the context of the Arab spring more widely was a performative political act by people from diverse backgrounds who united around the common cause of democracy and dignity. It examines the diversity of enunciations during the revolution, verbal as well as written (in the form of graffiti and protest banners), and relates them to the social history of Tunisia. The article then turns to the linguistic faultlines in the wake of the Tunisian revolution between secular and ‘Islamist’ camps in Tunisia, and the linguistic dimension of political debate in the country and its relationship to social history.
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Diehl, Eva. "Participatory Democracy as a Constitutional Requirement: Experiences with Citizen Participation in Post-Revolutionary Tunisia." Recht in Afrika 23, no. 2 (2020): 215–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/2363-6270-2020-2-215.
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The Tunisian Constitution of 2014 requires local authorities to adopt mechanisms of participatory democracy. This paper presents how citizen participation in development planning has been implemented by the Tunisian administration in the frame of two Tunisian-German cooperation projects funded by the German Federal Ministry of Economic Cooperation and Development (BMZ) and implemented by the Deutsche Gesellschaft für Internationale Zusammenarbeit (GIZ) GmbH. The first project example consists of a multi-stakeholder dialogue for integrated water resource management in Kairouan, central Tunisia, whereas the second example is about citizen participation in planning small-scale investments in local infrastructure in different parts of the country. External facilitation, inclusiveness, transparency, expectation management and commitment from all levels of the administration are described as success factors for implementing participatory processes. Similar cooperation projects supporting citizen participation should be aware of on-going power struggles at different levels, as well as the challenges of local legal implementation. Both examples illustrate areas of tension between the remnants of the authoritarian past in Tunisia, and innovative democratic approaches. Furthermore, the examples allow to observe how ambiguities regarding the distribution of decision-making power between national, regional and local level become manifest in the on-going process of decentralisation in Tunisia.
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Boiten, Valérie Julie. "The Semantics of Civil: The EU, Civil Society and the Building of Democracy in Tunisia." European Foreign Affairs Review 20, Issue 3 (October 1, 2015): 357–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2015032.
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This article examines the conceptual substance of the European Union’s (EU’s) support to civil society in the Mediterranean, a vital part of its renewed policy of democracy promotion since the so-called ‘Arab spring’. Grounded in a field study of two EU-financed projects in Tunisia, the article discusses the normative understandings of civil society and democracy-building that are being promoted by the EU. It then assesses to what extent these understandings are adhered to on the ground, by the Tunisian actors in charge of implementing the EU-policy. It appears that the EU’s enthusiasm for a ‘broad’, developmental agenda of democracy promotion is waning, as it frames the democratizing role of civil society primarily in a political vein. While the local actors abide by the EU’s liberal normativity, they challenge the political framings that condition the European model. In Tunisia, democracy-building is perceived as a bridgehead to prosperity and equitable development. As a result, the local civil society projects privilege socio-economic areas of activity, in a consensus-based and depoliticized framework – in other words, a ‘developmental’ approach to democracy-building. The article postulates that this discrepancy arises from the inadequacy of the EU’s political approach to the fragile context of a fledgling democracy.
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Feltrin, Lorenzo. "Labour and democracy in the Maghreb: The Moroccan and Tunisian trade unions in the 2011 Arab Uprisings." Economic and Industrial Democracy 40, no. 1 (August 24, 2018): 42–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0143831x18780316.
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This article focuses on the part played by Moroccan and Tunisian labour in the 2011 Arab Uprisings and their outcomes, aiming to add fresh evidence to the long-standing debate over the place of social classes in democratisation processes. In Morocco, most labour confederations supported a new constitution that did not alter the undemocratic nature of the political system. In Tunisia, instead, rank-and-file trade unionists successfully rallied the single labour confederation in support of the popular mobilisations, eventually contributing to democratisation. The most important facilitating factor for these divergent processes and outcomes was the different level of working-class power existing in the two countries. On the eve of the Uprisings, working-class power was higher in Tunisia than in Morocco and this enabled Tunisian workers to mobilise more effectively. Democratisation in Tunisia, however, has so far failed to address the demands for social justice that were at the core of the Uprisings.
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Ash Shiddieqy, Ahmad, Padlan Padil Simamora, and Dinda Difia Madina. "Contemporary Islamic Politics in Tunisia: The Journey of Islamic Democracy Post-Arab Spring." MILRev : Metro Islamic Law Review 3, no. 1 (April 11, 2024): 119. http://dx.doi.org/10.32332/milrev.v3i1.8976.
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This study aimed to examine contemporary Islamic politics in Tunisia, specifically the democratic system Post-Arab Spring. The political struggle of Muslim countries triggered the Arab Spring movement, with Tunisia pioneering a Jasmine Revolution from 2010-2011 to obtain global attention. Furthermore, the investigation constitutes a literature review to analyze contemporary Islamic politics in Tunisia, specifically Post-Arab Spring. The influence of Islamic politics is an important issue, specifically in strengthening demands for democracy by analyzing the struggle in Tunisia. Therefore, this study provides the main focus of state democracy, which is a phenomenon of historical studies and political struggles. The analysis process is carried out in four stages, namely source finding, criticism, interpretation, and writing. The results show that there is a harmonious coexistence between Islam and democracy in Tunisia compared to other countries in the Middle East. The principles of democracy are evident in the organization of elections, freedom of speech, religious tolerance, and recognition of gender equality.
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Ghannouchi, Rached. "Islam and Democracy in Tunisia." Journal of Democracy 29, no. 3 (2018): 5–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.2018.0040.
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Blagojević, Jelisaveta, and Marijan Premović. "The Political and Historical Identity of the North African Mediterranean Region: A Case Study: Tunisia." Transylvanian Review 31, no. 3 (February 19, 2024): 117–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.33993/tr.2022.3.07.
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The paper outlines the importance of historical identity in the Southern Mediterranean region through a case study of Tunisia. It explores Tunisia’s political development up until the fall of the Ben Ali regime in January 2011, and its influence on the post-Arab spring period of constitutionalism of the new democratic government system. The theoretical framework of this paper involves a strategic approach to transition, emphasizing the influence of the historical relationship between religion (Islam) and politics on the role of the Islamic party in transition. The influence of the historical relationship between the military and politics on the role of the military in transition is also evaluated. These transition actors are chosen for a deeper investigation because of their historically negative image in Arab societies. In line with all available data, this article shows that the pre-independence ‘twin tolerations’ between the State and religious citizens as well as the civilian control over the military positively influenced Tunisia’s contemporary democratic development. Post-independence Bourguiba’s ‘state-controlled Islam’ and Ben Ali’s ‘zero tolerance’ towards Islamists, somewhat paradoxically, contributed to the reaffirmation of Tunisian Islamic values and Ennahda’s concept of Muslim democracy. The political and economically marginalized position of the military determined its promotional role in the democratic transition. Applying the single case study as comparison method developed by Landman and Linz-Stepan, we came to the conclusion that, due to the positive role of Ennahda and the military, Tunisia achieved a successful democratic transition even though its democracy is not yet fully consolidated.
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Høigilt, Jacob, and Kjetil Selvik. "Debating terrorism in a political transition: Journalism and democracy in Tunisia." International Communication Gazette 82, no. 7 (January 10, 2020): 664–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1748048519897519.
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In March 2015, in the midst of a political transition, Tunisia was rocked by a terrorist attack at the Bardo Museum in downtown Tunis in which 21 people were killed. How did Tunisian journalists manage the tension between a heightened sense of insecurity and the country’s uncertain democratic development? This article analyses journalistic commentary on the causes and implications of terrorism four years into the transition sparked by the Arab uprisings. It provides an empirically nuanced perspective on the role of journalism in political transitions, focusing on journalists as arbitrators in public debate. We argue that influential Tunisian journalists fell back on interpretive schema from the Ben Ali era when they tried to make sense of the Bardo attack, thus facilitating the authoritarian drift of the Tunisian government at the time. They actively contributed to the non-linearity of a political transition, despite enjoying real freedom of speech.
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Gabsi, Zouhir. "Rap and Mizoued Music: Claiming a Space for Dissent and Protest in Post-Arab Spring Tunisia." Sociological Research Online 25, no. 4 (February 2, 2020): 626–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1360780419898494.
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The Arab Spring in Tunisia has brought with it positive changes, such as freedom of expression and democracy. However, Tunisians have found that these applauded achievements have not improved their living conditions. After Ben Ali was ousted in 2010, the decline of Tunisia’s economy was exacerbated by internal and external factors such as global recession, a dysfunctional liberal economy, internal political infighting, and corruption. To ventilate their frustration and dismay with the government and the overall socio-economic situation in Tunisia, some Tunisians turn to the music of rap and Mizoued in search for a new space where there is solace and escapism. Mizoued music and rap deal with core issues about the living conditions in Tunisia, such as ḥarga (border jumping, clandestine migration). Most rappers and Mzēwdiyye (Mizoued players) represent the houma (neighbourhood), and it is their connection with frustrated youths and struggling Tunisians that influenced these two genres to merge and gain popularity in their shared history of marginalization. The purpose of this article is twofold. First, it analyses the points of convergence and divergence of these two genres in terms of themes and authenticity. Second, it discusses how rap and Mizoued discourses use the notion of ‘space’ in the development of the artists’ trajectories and narratives in three domains: cultural, political, and sociological. Within these domains, Bourdieu’s social concepts of habitus, cultural capital, and field throw light on how ‘taste’, power’, and ‘class’ are exercised in the three domains.
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Khoiri, Miftahul, and Nur Anwar. "ISLAM DAN DEMOKRASI DI TUNISIA." Batuthah: Jurnal Sejarah Padaban Islam 1, no. 2 (September 29, 2022): 148–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.38073/batuthah.v1i2.1056.
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Tunisia is a country in the Middle East. Even though they are in the Middle East region which is included in the Arab region, they remain democratic. It all started with the enactment of the jasmine revolution from 2010-2011 which drew the world's attention. Starting from Tunisia, the spirit of revolution which became known as the Arab Spring swept across other Middle Eastern countries. The research study that the author wrote is related to Islam and democracy in Tunisia, to provide an overview of one of the countries in the Arab world which has revolutionized the governance order to become more flexible. In this research study, the historical method was used, which consisted of four stages, namely, finding sources, criticizing, interpreting, and writing. The results of this research study can be said that, Islam and democracy in Tunisia are well developed. This is marked by the existence of a national dialogue when there is a dispute or conflict between groups. When the jasmine revolution occurred in Tunisia which shocked the world, no one would have thought that Tunisia would rise quickly. After carrying out the process of government transition, Tunisia has sped up leaving other Middle Eastern countries in matters of democracy. Tunisia is now the only post-Arab Spring Middle Eastern country that has been able to rise up and implement democratic principles in its country. After the revolution, democratic values were so visible, such as the existence of elections, freedom of opinion, giving space to women, freedom of religion, expression, the emergence of majlis ta'lim Islamic religious studies, the birth of mass organizations is proof that Islam and democracy in Tunisia complement each other.
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Sadiki, Larbi. "The Search for Citizenship in Bin Ali's Tunisia: Democracy versus Unity." Political Studies 50, no. 3 (August 2002): 497–513. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.00381.
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Commitment to unity can hinder democracy, rendering the search for pluralism into an exercise in political singularity. I contest the thesis within the theory of democratic transition that national cohesion and ethnic homogeneity are essential preconditions for democracy. Tunisia is an ethnically homogeneous society, but seems to be unable to seize on the opportunity to transcend the threshold of democracy. The Tunisian example suggests that democracy (that is, an ethos of toleration of difference), should be rethought as one essential precondition for cohesion within democratising polities. The analysis unpacks how ‘fragmented’ politics works in the North African country. Politics becomes ‘fragmented’ when ‘loyalty’ to the state's discourse of ‘citizenship’ and ‘identity’, becomes the one distinguishing feature by which political community is defined and membership within it is determined. National unity is another word for political uniformity. Thus understood the state's imperative of unity and uniformity contradicts political pluralism and demotes rather than promotes democratic development.
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Umair, Raja, Hafiz Sajid Iqbal Shaikh, and Faryal Umbreen. "Tunisian Political Climate from Aristocracy to Democracy and Presidential Coup: An Emerging Challenge to the Islamic Movements." Journal of Islamic Thought and Civilization 12, no. 2 (December 13, 2022): 299–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.32350/jitc.122.21.
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The popular uprising brought forth change in Tunisian presidential palace during 2011 as it entered a state of liminality while becoming a consolidated democracy from authoritarianism. However, after a decade of democratic transition, only the democratic success story of the Arab Spring is in danger after the decree of Tunisian President. This article aims to highlight that by using Article 80 of the constitution, President has seized more power; and it narrates how it contradicts the constitution and negatively impact on political scenario. Furthermore, this study provides an analysis that how certain regional countries are trying to jeopardize the democratic system. Thus, the Islamic movement of Tunisia has been possessing a lion share on Country’s political arena and is considered as the vanguard of Islamic identity and democratic process since 2011 revolution. Finally, it concludes that amid a lenient policy of Rashid Al-Ghannouchi, the founder of the Movement and speaker of the Parliament, towards Islamic doctrine in Tunisian political arena, coup from Tunisian president. Leadership of Al-Nahdah again playing a vital role to stable political climate through dialogue, but it seems that the situation is still in danger. In this article, the primary and secondary data has been analyzed by using Discourse analysis method with its approach of Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA).
Keywords: Authoritarianism, Constitutional imploration, Democracy, Ennahda, islamic movement, Political crises, Presidential coup, Tunisia
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Boutieri, Charis. "The Democratic Grotesque." Cambridge Journal of Anthropology 39, no. 2 (September 1, 2021): 59–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/cja.2021.390205.
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How do we understand the presence of the grotesque in negotiations of democratic life after a revolution? At the peak of procedural democratic consolidation, carnivalesque revelries in Tunisia became the object of public aporia and repugnance. The dissimilar interpretations of these revelries across generations evince an agonistic process of prizing open both the parameters of nationhood and democratic ideals within existing social relations. The concept of the ‘democratic grotesque’ captures the sensorial and affective ways Tunisian citizens negotiate the affordances and limitations of democracy in the post-revolutionary nation. The democratic grotesque has the double potential to revise intellectual and public understandings of democratic dispositions that emanate from liberal democracy and to blur the boundaries between revolution and democracy.
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King, Stephen J. "Racism and the Rollback of Tunisian Democracy." Current History 122, no. 848 (December 1, 2023): 348–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2023.122.848.348.
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Tunisia was the last surviving democracy to emerge from the Arab Spring, and had recently enacted legislation to combat racial discrimination. But President Kais Saied, since coming to power in a 2019 election, has returned the country to authoritarian rule. He has also rolled back progress on race relations, scapegoating sub-Saharan African migrants for Tunisia’s economic troubles. The failure of previous governments to root out corruption and consolidate the democratic transition with a new socioeconomic pact opened the way for a return to dictatorship.
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Grami, Amel. "The debate on religion, law and gender in post-revolution Tunisia." Philosophy & Social Criticism 40, no. 4-5 (March 27, 2014): 391–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0191453714526405.
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In a society transitioning to democracy from an authoritarian regime, drafting a new constitution is an important step in the establishment of a civil and democratic state. Indeed, the demand of Tunisians to write a new constitution reflects their ambitions, aspirations and hopes; but reality shows a huge gap between the expectations of the majority of Tunisians and the result of the drafting process. The Tunisian transition is characterized by a fierce debate between the secular and the religious forces. This unfolding confrontation forms the backdrop to the process of drafting a new constitution, amid anxiety surrounding the place of Islam in the new political system. However, fears of the resurrection of a new theocratic dictatorship are mitigated by a dynamic civil society in which voices that were silenced or misused by the former regime of Zine Al-Abidine Ben Ali are becoming distinctly vocal. Their action has become increasingly visible, evolving around the place of religion, law and gender in the new constitutional framework. This article focuses on the debate on religion, law and gender in post-revolution Tunisia.
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Mzid, Nouri. "Social Dialogue and Democracy in Tunisia." Revue de droit comparé du travail et de la sécurité sociale, no. 4 (December 1, 2019): 6–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/rdctss.1297.
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Pickard, Duncan. "Prospects for Implementing Democracy in Tunisia." Mediterranean Politics 19, no. 2 (May 4, 2014): 259–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629395.2014.917796.
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Boduszyński, Mieczysław P. "A Revolution Gone Wrong: What Happened in Egypt Since 2011. H. A. Hellyer. A Revolution Undone: Egypt's Road Beyond Revolt (New York: Oxford University Press, 2017). Pp. 320. $29.95 cloth. ISBN 9780190659738. David Kirkpatrick. Into the Hands of Soldiers: Freedom and Chaos in Egypt and the Middle East (New York: Viking, 2018). Pp. 384. $28.00 cloth. ISBN 9780735220621." Review of Middle East Studies 53, no. 01 (May 16, 2019): 117–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rms.2019.5.
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Nearly nine years after a Tunisian street vendor named Mohamed Bouazizi set himself ablaze in provincial Tunisia, a sense that the aspirations of the Arab Spring were always doomed to fail has set in among pundits and policymakers. The United States, and to a large extent the European Union, have all but given up on any pretense of democracy promotion in the region and have instead turned again to well-trodden policy repertoires emphasizing a realpolitik approach.
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Merone, Fabio, and Francesco Cavatorta. "Salafist movement and sheikh-ism in the Tunisian democratic transition." Middle East Law and Governance 5, no. 3 (2013): 308–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763375-00503004.
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The article examines the complexity of Tunisian Salafism in the context of the Tunisian transition to democracy. Building on primary sources and original field work, the article highlights the theoretical and practical divergences that affect the Salafist camp in Tunisia in its struggle to continue a revolutionary project for a sector of disenfranchised youth unwilling to support a process of renewal of political institutions that they perceive as contributing their marginalization. In addition, the article explores the ways in which, paradoxically, the emergence and public presence of Salafism can contribute to the strengthening of democratic debate in the country.
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GREWAL, SHARAN. "From Islamists to Muslim Democrats: The Case of Tunisia’s Ennahda." American Political Science Review 114, no. 2 (January 20, 2020): 519–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055419000819.
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What drives some Islamists to become “Muslim Democrats,” downplaying religion and accepting secular democracy? This article hypothesizes that one channel of ideological change is migration to secular democracies. Drawing on an ideal point analysis of parliamentary votes from the Tunisian Islamist movement Ennahda, I find that MPs who had lived in secular democracies held more liberal voting records than their counterparts who had lived only in Tunisia. In particular, they were more likely to defend freedom of conscience and to vote against enshrining Islamic law in the constitution. Interviews with several of these MPs demonstrate that they recognize a causal effect of their experiences abroad on their ideologies, and provide support for three distinct mechanisms by which this effect may have occurred: socialization, intergroup contact, and political learning.
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Grami, Amel. "Women, Feminism and Politics in Post-Revolution Tunisia." Feminist Dissent, no. 3 (November 27, 2018): 23–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.31273/fd.n3.2018.292.
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During periods of flux generated by Tunisia's transition to democracy, all classes of women found the ‘political opportunities’ to push for change even if they did not necessarily share the same ambition or dream. The mobilisation, contestations, confrontations and struggle of Tunisian women in the post-revolution period alert us to the need to examine the factors behind this activism and the extent of its visibility. It is important to revisit the Tunisian women's movement in order to understand its interaction with other forms of power such as politics, religion, and class; as well as the extent to which such activism is a renegotiation of women’s identities and status in post-revolution Tunisia. Indeed, the extent to which the rise of Islamism and its conservative gender ideology can affect feminist movement activities has been one of the main issues of debate. The divide between Tunisian women - secularist and feminist versus Islamist women (Nahdhawiyat) begs to be explored. This divide can be understood as the expected materialisation of binaries that manifestly reveal the hard task of pursuing accountability of feminist movements regarding broader and universal feminist issues of epistemology, agenda, and ethics within the new local context.
This article is an attempt to address the binary framings of secular/liberal/elitist/Westernised feminist movements against the re-emerging religious/indigenous/ethical and conservative discourse. It aims to shed light on the influence of such opposed frames and their impact on women’s struggles for empowerment, and the accountability of both state and non-state actors.
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Weilandt, Ragnar. "Socio-economic challenges to Tunisia’s democratic transition." European View 17, no. 2 (October 2018): 210–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1781685818805681.
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Among those countries that faced the so-called Arab Spring in 2011, Tunisia is the last one for which hope for a successful democratic transition remains justified. However, the country’s comparatively favourable institutional evolution has led to a dangerous complacency not only in Europe but across the West. While important reforms have been implemented, democracy has so far failed to fulfil the high expectations it has raised within the population. Tunisians’ discontent with their living conditions and the new system’s perceived inability to deliver are fundamental threats to the country’s transition. This article argues that the EU has a major interest in making Tunisia a democratic and socio-economic success story, as failure would not only constitute a lost opportunity to create a role model in the region but would also jeopardise European security interests. The EU should therefore provide more substantial support with the aim of realising socio-economic improvements in Tunisia.
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Abdennadher, Raef, Lazhar Ayed, and Bronwyn P. Wood. "Political advertising and voting behaviour in a nascent democracy." Journal of Islamic Marketing 10, no. 3 (September 9, 2019): 827–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jima-11-2017-0128.
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Purpose This paper aims to investigate the impact of political advertising on voter attitude and the processes of decision-making in the specific context of the inaugural democratic experience of post-revolutionary Tunisia. Design/methodology/approach The study was conducted in Tunisia, where the target respondents included Tunisian’s eligible to vote during the presidential campaign of October 2014. The study uses questionnaires for data collection using a convenience sampling technique. Findings The major findings of the study are that the persuasion power of advertising has a direct impact on voter involvement, trust and attitude towards voting. Specifically, involvement significantly influences a voter’s attitude. The hypothesis on the impact of trust on attitude, and the hypothesis related to the mediating role of trust and involvement were rejected. Research limitations/implications The study recommends specialists in political advertising and politicians themselves give consideration to the trust and involvement considerations of the Tunisian voter, to enhance and optimize the quality and credibility of political advertising in the future. Practical implications The research offers some interesting findings for professionals in political advertising, for companies operating in political research, or advertising agencies. In this context, advertising agencies need to give prescient consideration to the trust of the voter by developing a credible and believable discourse. Social implications In the context of a nascent democracy, it is very important to educate people so they become familiarized with the practices of democracy, and to give them the ability to make the right choice. The study recommends specialists in political advertising and also politicians give consideration to the trust and involvement considerations of the Tunisian voter, to enhance and optimize the quality and credibility of political advertising. Originality/value This research paper related to political advertising can be used to formulate appropriate political advertising strategies and to ameliorate and optimize the advertising discourse in the context of a nascent democracy.
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Zheltov, Viktor V. "REVOLUTION OF DIGNITY IN THE WORLD OF ISLAM: NOTION AND POLITICAL EXPRESSION." Society and Security Insights 5, no. 1 (March 31, 2022): 91–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.14258/ssi(2022)1-07.
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The article uncovers the content of the notion of "revolution of dignity", that actively showed itself in the Arab world, namely on the example of the specific Tunisian revolution. The notions of "revolution" and "revolutionary politics" in the Muslim world, designed to uphold the Divine law and ensure the subordination of citizens to the authorities, are characterized. The content of the formulas "people want" and "people wish" as phenomena of political subjectivity is revealed. The place and role of Islam in the revolutionary transformations of the country are defined. The concept of "dignity", its role and place in the Tunisian revolution, as well as in the mass protests of today, are characterized. It is found that the popular nature of the protests in Tunisia with the active participation of believers who took the path of democracy and freedoms as a prerequisite for the implementation of everything related to the human dignity of Tunisians in practice in the country's politics. This dignity was reaffirmed and legally enshrined in the Tunisian Constitution of 2014, which ushered in a new era of constitutionalism in the Arab world.
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Omri, Mohamed-Salah. "Tunisian Literature and the Language Question: The Long View of a Recurring Debate." Comparative Critical Studies 21, supplement (June 2024): 76–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/ccs.2024.0519.
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This paper traces the life and afterlife of Tunisia's literary avant-garde ( al-tali’a al-adabiyya), which thrived between 1968 and 1972. Al-tali’a sought to ‘revolutionize’ literary language and to root Tunisian literature in the multilingual environment and social reality of the country, at a crucial period of social and political change and against the backdrop of a Leftist turn in local dissident politics. Al-tali’a sought to complete the process of language and literary decolonization in intersection with key global tendencies, including Tiermondisme and decoloniality. The language question was articulated, then as in post-2011 Tunisia, in terms of democracy and justice. While the state promoted fostering Tunisianness as state policy, there were other takes on this concept that were progressive, more deeply decolonial and justice-driven. This paper uncovers the genesis of the movement through the work of Izzeddine al-Madani in drama and Tahar Hammami, among others, in fiction and poetry.
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Farag, Mahmoud. "Mass–elite differences in new democracies: Tunisia as a case study (2010–2016)." European Political Science 19, no. 4 (July 2, 2020): 550–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41304-020-00274-x.
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AbstractThis article argues for inductive exploration of mass–elite differences in new democracies. Grounded in the “delegate model” of political representation, I do this by studying issue positions and issue salience of masses before turning to elites. The article demonstrates this approach using Tunisia, the only Arab democracy, by analysing survey data and originally coded party manifesto data. From an issue position perspective, the article uncovers mass–elite incongruence on the democratic–authoritarian and secular–Islamist political dimensions. From an issue salience lens, there is mass–elite congruence on the economic dimension. How mass–elite incongruence unfolds might affect the future of democracy in Tunisia.
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Arfaoui, Lamia, Azza Ziadi, and Sonia Manai. "The Relationship between Democracy and Economic Growth in Tunisia: An Application of Autoregressive Distributed Lag Model." International Journal of Social Science Research 4, no. 1 (March 7, 2016): 137. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ijssr.v4i1.8870.
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This paper aims to identify the nature of the relationship between democracy and economic growth. We will answer the question: Does democracy improve economic growth? We study the case of Tunisia during the period from 1980 until 2014; this country has experienced a democratic transition after the revolution of 14 th January 2011. Our study is divided into two parts. The first part is a literature review of overview on the causality between democracy and economic growth. The second part as an application uses the Autoregressive Distributed Lag Model (ARDL). The choice of the technical SARL aimed the study of the existence of a long-run equilibrium relationship between two variables in level, a procedure co-integration has been proposed by Pesaran et al (2001). The results of different empirical studies were inconclusive. Some generated a negative impact of democracy on growth while others showed the opposite. The empirical results of our work have shown that in a nascent democracy such is the case of Tunisia; democracy has no effect on economic growth in the short term. It is to add an observation rate of GDP during the period post -revolution generated a sawtooth trend which demonstrates the unstable economic situation in the country.
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Vaughan, Kenneth R., Paul Froese, and Chase Lonas. "Was the Arab Spring a Post-Islamist Moment?" Comparative Sociology 21, no. 2 (April 29, 2022): 248–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691330-bja10052.
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Abstract Scholars continue to debate political motives behind the Arab Spring – a debate that centers on the compatibility of democratic and Islamist preferences. Some frame the protests as a boon for democracy and prudential needs of citizens. Others report an Islamist turn against secular autocracies. Here, the authors argue that this framing relies on outdated civilizational narratives and that democratic, Islamist, and prudential concerns present concurrently in the Arab Spring. Using the Arab Democracy Barometer, the authors investigate public opinion in Egypt, Libya, and Tunisia, to estimate evaluations of the Arab Spring. Democratically oriented Egyptians and Libyans were more favorable toward the events, while Tunisians with Islamists preferences were more optimistic. The authors find little evidence of tensions between Islamism and democracy. This is particularly salient when evaluating attitudes about the Arab Spring. The authors argue that the Arab Spring constitutes a “post-Islamist” movement, one which integrates democratic and Islamist preferences into a revolutionary framework.
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Sadiki, L. "Political Liberalization in Bin Ali's Tunisia: Façade Democracy." Democratization 9, no. 4 (December 2002): 122–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/714000286.
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Sadiki, Larbi. "Bin Ali's Tunisia: Democracy by Non-Democratic Means." British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 29, no. 1 (May 2002): 57–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13530190220124061.
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Brym, Robert, and Robert Andersen. "Democracy, women’s rights, and public opinion in Tunisia." International Sociology 31, no. 3 (February 19, 2016): 253–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0268580916629622.
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Karakoç, Jülide. "Modern History and Politics: Democracy or Authoritarianism: Islamist Governments in Turkey, Egypt, and Tunisia, by Sebnem Gumuscu." Middle East Journal 77, no. 3 (June 1, 2024): 503. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/77.34.320.
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Powers, Colin. "Cartelization, Neoliberalism, and the Foreclosure of the Jasmine Revolution: Democracy’s Troubles in Tunisia." Middle East Law and Governance 11, no. 1 (May 2, 2019): 1–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763375-01101003.
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While frequently hailed as the sole success story of the Arab Uprisings, the consolidation of Tunisia’s Jasmine Revolution has in fact proven deeply problematic. This paper will argue that the frailty of Tunisia’s democratic present is a direct function of liberal democratization, specifically implicating this practice of democratization in the hollowing and cartelization of the political system. In insulating policymaking within a host of nocturnal councils, I will argue that liberal democratization has purposefully obstructed the translation of popular preferences into policy outcomes, thereby preventing the Tunisian people from realizing the social democracy they so clearly desire.
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Lotito, Nicholas J. "Tunisia: A Fledgling Democracy: Tunisia in the Aftermath of the Arab Uprisings, edited by Mohamed Zayani (book review)." Middle East Journal 77, no. 2 (October 1, 2023): 237–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/77.2.306.
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Saidi, Ezzeddine. "Rethinking Civic Education in Tunisia: a Focus on School Curricula and Teacher Training." Journal of Education and Training 7, no. 1 (December 5, 2019): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jet.v7i1.15284.
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The paper explores the status of civic education in Tunisian public schools. It calls for seizing the opportunities offered by Tunisia’s transition to democracy to improve the teaching and learning of civic education. Before 2011, the Tunisian educational system was not very concerned with raising young generations on the principles and values of civic engagement, participatory citizenship, democratic participation, and social justice. Decision makers did not seem to be aware of the opportunities that young generations may enjoy inside and outside the classroom to learn about these values, and to be more actively committed to other issues, such as human rights, economic development, and the rule of law. However, the Tunisian youth have always used modern technology to keep updated about National and world affairs, and the recent huge developments in the domains of social media and citizen journalism have deepened their awareness about the lack of social justice and human rights in the country. The paper focuses on the importance of civic education in the Tunisian educational system to critically reconsider its potential role in educating the young generations on the values and principles of democracy. This is achieved through a review of two major components of the teaching/learning of civic education, namely how the subject is being taught and how the teachers are being prepared.
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Yom, Sean. "Islam, Democracy, and the Future of the Arab World (review article)." Middle East Journal 77, no. 2 (October 1, 2023): 223–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/77.2.30.
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The Problem of Democracy: America, the Middle East, and the Rise and Fall of an Idea, by Shadi Hamid. New York: Oxford University Press, 2022. 312 pages. $27.95. Pacted Democracy in the Middle East: Tunisia and Egypt in Comparative Perspective, by Hicham Alaoui. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2022. 292 pages. $129.99 cloth, paper; $99 e-book.
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Ayari, Farida. "Ennahda Movement in Power: A Long Path to Democracy." Contemporary Review of the Middle East 2, no. 1-2 (March 2015): 135–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347798915577722.
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The coming to power and subsequent loss of the Ennahda in Tunisia after the Jasmine revolution has created one of the most interesting scenarios in the Arab world. In fact, Tunisia has come out as an exception in the larger trend of failing states, civil war and re-emergence of authoritarian military leaders in the post-Arab Spring Arab world. This can be attributed to many factors including the pragmatic approach of the Ennahda leader Rached Gannouchi. The article tries to put the trajectories of Ennahda’s progress towards democratic process in historical perspective and concludes that it was partly the crisis in Egypt and other Arab countries that prompted Ennahda to make important concessions and seek recourse to democratic consensus building.
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Zartman, I. William. "Hirak: Tales from the Maghrib (review article)." Middle East Journal 75, no. 4 (February 1, 2021): 591–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/75.4.30.
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Tisser le temps politique au Maroc: Imaginaire de l'État à l'âge néoliberal [Weaving political time in Morocco: The imaging of the state in the liberal age], by Béatrice Hibou and Mohamed Tozy. Paris: Éditions Karthala, 2020. 656 pages. €35. Les débuts du Hirak en Algeria[The Beginnings of the Hirak Movement in Algeria], edited by Ali Bensaâd and Malika Rahal, two parts. Maghreb-Machrek nos. 244–45, 2020. Paris: ESKA Publishing, 2020. 105 and 99 pages. n. p. Tunisie, l'apprentissage de la démocratie, 2011–2021 [Tunisia, the first steps toward democracy, 2011–21], by Khadija Mohsen-Finan. Paris: Éditions Nouveau Monde, 2021. 257 pages. €17.90.
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Khaddar, M. Moncef. "Oligarchic transitions within the Tunisian ‘autocratic/authoritarian’ system and the struggle for ‘democratic transformations’." Journal of Contemporary Iraq & the Arab World 16, no. 3 (September 1, 2022): 169–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jciaw_00090_1.
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This work focuses on a contextualized understanding of ‘autocratic authoritarianism’ in Tunisia without approaching its peculiarities in reference to the ideal type of capitalist-liberal democracy and teleological democratization assumptions but instead on its own merits as a Tunisian civilian dictatorship (1957–2010). This latter is reminiscent of French colonial authoritarianism (1881–1956) and traditional beylic monarchic absolutism (1705–1957). For more than half a century, the Tunisian autocratic political system functioned as state-manufactured nationalist-populist authoritarianism associated with a presidential hegemonic ruling party, two successive autocratic presidents and their subservient oppressive elites. The diachronic survey of Tunisia’s political system encompasses the early years of autocracy, under the autocratic rule of the first president of the Republic Bourguiba, 1957–87, as well as the various stages of its consolidation into a police-security state with the second autocrat-President, Ben Ali, 1987–2011. This study also explores the reasons behind the durability of the ruling authoritarian-autocratic elites who played a decisive role in shaping state-society relations under the first and second president and left an indelible mark on the Tunisian polity beyond the 2010 ‘popular uprisings’. Therefore, the question is how, throughout the 2010 ‘Jasmine Revolution’, anti-democratic forces mutated in Tunisian politics in such a way that the end of ‘autocracy’, brought about by people’s uprisings, did not translate into social transformations, economic gains and ‘popular sovereignty’? Put more bluntly, why does the ‘revolution’ remain ‘unfinished’ and the transition ‘endless’ or ‘blocked’?
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Dolgov, Boris. "Democracy and Islamism in Arab states (Algeria, Tunisia, Egypt)." Journal of Political Theory, Political Philosophy and Sociology of Politics Politeia 47, no. 4 (2007): 122–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.30570/2078-5089-2007-47-4-122-138.
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