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Journal articles on the topic 'Democracy – Switzerland'

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Published: 10 March 2023

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1

Barber, Benjamin. "Participation and Swiss Democracy." Government and Opposition 23, no. 1 (1988): 31–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017257x00016997.

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AS THE GREAT HISTORIAN LOUIS HARTZ TAUGHT US IN HIS remarkable study The Liberal Tradition in America, anyone wishing to focus on the special character of a regime would do well to begin by taking the measure of what is absent rather than what is present. Like America, Switzerland has long been regarded as an exception to many of the conventional rules of historical and democratic development — Sonderfall Schweiz is how the Swiss portray and perhaps boast a little about their national exceptionalism. Switzerland possesses a unique form of democratic government the hallmarks of which are participatory democracy, neutrality and radical federalism (decentrahsm or localism, what the Swiss sometimes call Kantönligeist). These hallmarks give to it a character which stands in stark contrast to traditional Anglo-American democracy. The student of comparative politics will observe at once that a great many of Switzerland's leading political features seem to have no analogue in either the English common law or the American Constitution. Swiss democracy is English democracy minus most of English democracy's salient features: which is to say, it is scarcely English democracy at all.The powerful idea of natural rights as the armour of the individual against illegitimate authority (originally against the illegitimacy of absolute monarchy, later against the hyper-legitimacy of majoritarian tyranny) is largely missing, for example. Missing too is the tradition of an independent judiciary devoted to the protection of wholly private rights against an alien, power-mongering state. When Alexis de Tocqueville, whose liberal premises suited America so well, went looking in the Alps for something like the English liberties, he went astray. Not finding English liberties, he quite misunderstood Switzerland's regime.

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2

Ari, Asim, and Nicolas Schmitt. "Democracy Education in Switzerland, Known for its Strong Democracy." International Journal of Instruction 14, no. 3 (July 1, 2021): i—iv. http://dx.doi.org/10.29333/iji.2021.1430a.

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3

Solomonova, Svetlana A. "FEATURES OF DIRECT DEMOCRACY IN SWITZERLAND." Law Enforcement Review 4, no. 1 (May 25, 2020): 49–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.24147/2542-1514.2020.4(1).49-55.

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The subject. The article is about the peculiarities of referendum and popular initiative which are the main forms and institutions of direct democracy in Switzerland. The purpose of the article is to determine the peculiarities of direct democracy in Switzer-land and characterize its main forms: referendum and popular initiative. In order to achieve the objective the following tasks can be defined: 1) to find the origins and identify the variations of forms of direct democracy in Switzerland; 2) to trace the evolution of en-shrining on the statutory level of such institutions of direct democracy in Switzerland as referendum and legislative initiative from the time of their conceiving till the enactment of the actual Constitution; 3) where relevant, to perform a brief comparative analysis of the forms of direct democracy in Switzerland and similar institutions shaped in other countries; 4) to define the role and meaning of referendum and legislative initiative in history as well as in the modern stage of the development of the Swiss State. The methodology of the study includes the use of general scientific methods (description, deduction, induction, analysis and synthesis) together with formal juridical and compara-tive juridical approach. In addition, throughout the article and, in particular, while working with sources of law, historical approach and systematic approach were practiced. The main results and scope of their application. The article presents the analysis of such forms of direct democracy in Switzerland as referendum and popular initiative, character-izing each form. The principle of democracy expressed by the practice of referendum and legislative initiative is present in its entirety. No country in the world has come as close to applying direct democracy to national political issues as Switzerland. Since the mid-nineteenth century, when the country's first Federal Constitution was adopted, Switzer-land has managed to hold more referendums than all other countries combined in the same time frame. Conclusions. Referendum enables Swiss citizens to dismiss the measures taken by their representatives and the initiative gives the citizens possibility to put laws into practice in-dependently from the legislative powers. Swiss experience vividly demonstrates that used sensibly and taking into consideration national legislative traditions such forms of consult-ing with the people can be quite promising and efficient for other European countries.

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4

Lehmbruch, Gerhard. "Consociational Democracy and Corporatism in Switzerland." CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 23, no. 2 (1993): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3330858.

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Matyja, Mirosław. "Is direct democracy in Switzerland dysfunctional?" Przegląd Politologiczny, no. 4 (December 15, 2016): 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pp.2016.21.4.2.

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6

Matyja, Miroslaw. "Federal System and Direct Democracy in Switzerland." Polit Journal: Scientific Journal of Politics 1, no. 3 (August 25, 2021): 91–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.33258/polit.v1i3.484.

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The main aim of this work is to present and analyze the structure and the way of operating of the Swiss instruments of direct democracy, as well as its significance for the country’s development. The Swiss example is the best case of functioning democracy in the world. Throughout the centuries, the Swiss political system has evolved into a mature and efficient democracy. The process of its improvement is still going on. Today, the political system of Switzerland can be described as parliamentary-cantonal. In 1848, the country adopted the Federal Constitution and a system based on referenda, while local issues, such as taxes, judiciary, schooling, police, and welfare were left to the cantons. In 1874, the document was amended and the optional referendum was introduced. In 1891, another amendment cemented the unique system by rooting in strongly in direct democracy. The current constitution of Switzerland was adopted by the majority of voter through a referendum that took place in 1999.

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7

TRECHSEL, ALEXANDER H., and PASCAL SCIARINI. "Direct democracy in switzerland: do elites matter?" European Journal of Political Research 33, no. 1 (January 1998): 99–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1475-6765.00377.

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8

KRIESI, HANSPETER, and DOMINIQUE WISLER. "Social movements and direct democracy in Switzerland." European Journal of Political Research 30, no. 1 (July 1996): 19–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.1996.tb00666.x.

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9

Bochsler, Daniel, Regula Hänggli, and Silja Häusermann. "Introduction: Consensus Lost? Disenchanted Democracy in Switzerland." Swiss Political Science Review 21, no. 4 (November 19, 2015): 475–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/spsr.12191.

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10

Gribovsky, Vasiliy. "Referendum on Immigration in Switzerland." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS, no. 18 (December 1, 2020): 74–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran620207479.

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Referendums are one of the pillars of Swiss democracy. Due to them, citizens have the opportunity to directly express their opinion on particular issues of the political life. One of these referendums was held on September 27, 2020. The most discussed issue was the initiative «For proportionate immigration», put forward by the nationalist Swiss people’s party (SVP). It assumed the return of control over migration processes to the jurisdiction of Bern and, accordingly, the termination of one of the seven sectoral agreements between Switzerland and the European Union. The main political forces of the country (Christian Democrats, Social Democrats, Liberals, Greens), as well as trade unions and employers' associations did not support the proposal of the nationalists. They formed a Committee of resistance. In the end, the «For proportionate immigration» initiative received only 38,29% of electoral support and, consequently, was not adopted. The author comes to the conclusion that the main reason for the failure of the SVP initiative was the awareness of the Swiss that the break of one sectoral agreement with Brussels will lead to the denunciation of the entire package of agreements and, consequently, to a sharp decrease in the degree of interaction between Switzerland and the EU member-states. Thus, the referendum became a serious political defeat for the nationalists, and Switzerland retained its former level of relations with the EU.

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11

Bogdanor, Vernon. "Federalism in Switzerland." Government and Opposition 23, no. 1 (1988): 69–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017257x00017012.

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‘FEDERALISM’, CLAIMED THE SWISS PHILOSOPHER, DENIS DE Rougemont, ‘rests upon the love of complexity, by contrast with the brutal simplicity which characterises the totalitarian spirit’. It would be hard to deny that complexity is the most striking feature of federal government in Switzerland. To comprehend it fully, one would have to analyse the history, politics and atmosphere of each of the twenty-six cantons, for each is a political system in itself; and there is no such animal as a ‘typical’ canton. Political scientists have studied one or two cantons in some depth, and there are also impressionistic accounts of cantonal life, but there is no really satisfactory comparative analysis of the cantons as a whole. Further, many Swiss cantons are ‘closed' societies, difficult for the foreigner to penetrate and not easily accessible to the academic inquirer. The political scientist needs to acquire the skills of the anthropologist in addition to those of the analyst of political institutions if he is to make headway. It is difficult, therefore, to give anything more than a very general impression of the principles lying behind federal government in Switzerland, an impression which is bound to be, to some degree at least, misleading. For of no country more than Switzerland is it more correct to say that the truth lies in the minute particulars and not in generalities.The complexity of Swiss federalism is a consequence of the fact that the Swiss have embraced more completely than any other democracy that essential principle, the leitmotiv, of federalism — the sharing of power. Switzerland is indeed an extreme example of federalism, just as it is an extreme example of the application of the principles of democracy and of neutrality in foreign affairs.

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12

Frey, Bruno S., and Iris Bohnet. "Democracy by Competition: Referenda and Federalism in Switzerland." CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 23, no. 2 (1993): 71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3330860.

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13

Matyja, Miroslaw. "Direct Democracy and the Rights of Cultural Minorities in Swiss." Polit Journal: Scientific Journal of Politics 1, no. 2 (May 31, 2021): 47–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.33258/polit.v1i2.444.

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The minorities in Switzerland are in the first place ethno-linguistic minorities, whose are unified by a common language. Therefore, since the foundation of the Confederation in 1848 the Helvetic state has been considered a multilingual country. The confederation and cantons are obliged to protect linguistic minorities. The grounds of the Swiss social structure, with traditional multiculturalism and four national languages are two principles: language freedom (Sprachenfreiheit) and territoriality (Territorialitätsprinzip). Switzerland has no official state religion. Predominant religion is Christianity, the largest religious minorities is established by Islam. The largest Christian denominations are Catholic Church (37.7%) and Swiss Reformed Church (25.5%). The influx of new cultural minorities to Switzerland began after the Second World War and was directly connected with economic migration, with the large influx of gastarbeiters from southern European countries and refugees from the Third World and from the former Yugoslavia.International law includes the protection of national, yet not cultural minorities. In Switzerland the protection of national minorities is also based on international standards. Is the Swiss multiculturalism an example for other countries?

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Terziyski, Miroslav. "Review of Handbook of Direct Democracy in Central and Eastern Europe after 1989." Postmodernism Problems 12, no. 3 (December 5, 2022): 495–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.46324/pmp2203495.

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In the modern world, democracy is a dominant form of rule. Different societies are implementing both indirect and direct democracy. Various factors define the level of realization of one of the two. The dominant form of government is a representative democracy. Switzerland is an excellent example of higher usage of direct democracy with its federal, cantonal, and municipal referendums. Nowadays, the issue of direct democracy deserves special attention. In this context, the Handbook of Direct Democracy in Central and Eastern Europe after 1989 accentuates the implementation of direct democracy in 21 European countries.

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15

Obinger, Herbert. "Federalism, Direct Democracy, and Welfare State Development in Switzerland." Journal of Public Policy 18, no. 3 (December 1998): 241–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x98000129.

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Inspired by the New Institutionalism in political science, the article examines the impact of political institutions on welfare state development in Switzerland. This article suggests that the strength of federalism and direct democracy have proved to be stumbling blocks for the expansion of the Swiss welfare state. Direct democracy and federalism have not only geared the path of welfare state evolution in a more liberal direction, but have also dampened social expenditures.

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16

Frey, Bruno S., and Iris Bohnet. "Switzerland—a paradigm for Europe?" European Review 3, no. 4 (October 1995): 287–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798700001605.

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Learning from the Swiss experience, this article argues that federalism and direct democracy are effective mechanisms for dealing with the diversity of interests, languages, cultures and religions in Europe. These institutions only partly harmonize economic, social and cultural politics. By far more important is that federalism and referenda foster competition between the various interests, but do so within a well-defined basic constitutional design so that competition produces beneficial effects. Federalism is not an alternative to referenda but rather a prerequisite for the effective working of a direct democracy. In small communities, the information cost of voters deciding on issues or judging representatives' performance are much lower than in a large jurisdiction. The more fiscal equivalence is guaranteed, the better the benefits of publicly supplied goods can be acknowledged and the corresponding costs be attributed to the relevant political programmes or actors. Thus, while federalism provides for cheaper information, referenda enable citizens to use this knowledge effectively in the political process. The interdependence of federalism and referenda also works the other way around: referenda improve the working of federalism. Besides the possibility of voting with their feet, citizens may also vote directly. This represents a double incentive for politicians to take their citizens' preferences into account; otherwise, they may lose their tax base to another jurisdiction or may be forced by referenda and initiatives to meet the demands of the voters.

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17

Kergomard, Zoé. "Au-delà du «retard» suisse. Interroger l’histoire du suffrage féminin et de la démocratie à partir de «1971»." Didactica Historica 8, no. 1 (2022): 15–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.33055/didacticahistorica.2022.008.01.15.

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On the occasion of the 50th anniversary of women’s suffrage at the federal level, this article proposes to seize «1971» as an opportunity for critical reflection on the history of democracy. The long history of the introduction of women’s suffrage in Switzerland, if it allows us to reflect on the complex mechanisms specific to the national context that may have hindered the suffragist struggle, can also be linked to a transnational history of suffragist movements and democracy. Behind the simple account of a «delay» specific to Switzerland, it is then the gendered construction of modern democracies that can be questioned.

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18

Lutz, Georg. "THE INTERACTION BETWEEN DIRECT AND REPRESENTATIVE DEMOCRACY IN SWITZERLAND." Representation 42, no. 1 (April 2006): 45–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00344890600583776.

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19

Luthardt, W. "Direct Democracy in Western Europe: The Case of Switzerland." Telos 1991, no. 90 (January 1, 1991): 101–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.3817/1291090101.

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20

Vatter, Adrian, and Isabelle Stadelmann-Steffen. "Subnational Patterns of Democracy in Austria, Germany and Switzerland." West European Politics 36, no. 1 (January 2013): 71–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2013.742737.

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21

Stadelmann-Steffen, Isabelle, and Adrian Vatter. "Does Satisfaction with Democracy Really Increase Happiness? Direct Democracy and Individual Satisfaction in Switzerland." Political Behavior 34, no. 3 (May 10, 2011): 535–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11109-011-9164-y.

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22

Menchik, Jeremy. "Soft Separation Democracy." Politics and Religion 11, no. 4 (June 26, 2018): 863–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048318000329.

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AbstractHow do nonsecular democracies govern religion? Despite two decades of research on the many ways that church and state overlap in modern democracies, scholars lack an adequate answer to this question. Many consolidated democracies have a soft separation between church and state rather than a wall. These are not defective versions of democracy, but rather poorly understood institutional arrangements. To remedy this lacuna, this paper investigates institutional arrangements in six consolidated democracies with a soft separation between church and state: Bulgaria, Greece, Romania, India, Indonesia, and Switzerland. After describing the institutional workings of these states, the paper develops hypotheses for the origins of soft separation democracy as well as addressing the challenges of this form of government. The paper concludes by suggesting three other potentially fruitful lines of analysis as well as elucidating the implications of soft separation democracy for U.S. foreign policy.

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23

Ewert, Christian. "Book Review." Democratic Theory 7, no. 1 (June 1, 2020): 108–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/dt.2020.070108.

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24

Prieto, Moisés. "Erasing the Fear from the Eyes: A Micro-Narrative on Emotions in Spanish Migration to Cold-War Switzerland." Emotions: History, Culture, Society 4, no. 2 (December 9, 2020): 252–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2208522x-02010095.

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Abstract In the summer of 1964, Miguel Soto, a Spanish immigrant to Switzerland, was arrested and imprisoned during his summer vacation in Spain, due to his participation in an anti-Francoist demonstration in Switzerland. This incident is the starting point for an inquiry into the problems – denunciation, political surveillance, xenophobia and anti-communism – that politically committed foreigners were confronted with in their home country and in Switzerland, and into the strategies they used to overcome them. Soto’s experience, including an oral history interview with him and archival material, reveals the regime of fear under which such immigrants lived, and questions the quality of democracy in post-war Switzerland.

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Tonella, Denise. "Storia della Svizzera. Nuova mostra permanente al Museo nazionale di Zurigo." Didactica Historica 6, no. 1 (2020): 155–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.33055/didacticahistorica.2020.006.01.155.

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The new permanent exhibition on the history of Switzerland at the National Museum in Zurich covers an area of 1 000 m2 and uses almost 1 000 objects to illustrate the development of Switzerland over the last 550 years. The exhibition begins at the end of the Middle Ages and ends with the challenges facing Switzerland today. The offer for schools is free of charge and includes specially developed guided tours, worksheets and an independent tour on a tablet dedicated to the formation of the modern Federal State and direct democracy.

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26

Grimm, Dieter. "Constitutional Adjudication and Democracy." Israel Law Review 33, no. 2 (1999): 193–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021223700015971.

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Constitutional adjudication is as old as democratic constitutionalism. But for a long period of time, the United States of America remained alone in subjecting democratic decision-making to judicial review. While constitutions had become widely accepted already in the 19th century, it took almost two hundred years until constitutional adjudication has gained world-wide recognition. In the 19th century, only Switzerland entrusted its Supreme Court with competencies in the field of constitutional law, yet, not including review of federal legislation. All other attempts to introduce constitutional adjudication failed. This is also true for Germany where the constitution of 1849 had provided for judicial review in an ample manner. But the constitution adopted by the revolutionary Paulskirchen Assembly did not enter into force because the monarchs refused their consent after the revolution had been put down.

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27

Dorn, David, Justina A. V. Fischer, Gebhard Kirchgässner, and Alfonso Sousa-Poza. "Direct democracy and life satisfaction revisited: new evidence for Switzerland." Journal of Happiness Studies 9, no. 2 (April 5, 2007): 227–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10902-007-9050-9.

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28

Steiner, Adrian, and Otfried Jarren. "In the twilight of democracy: public affairs consultants in Switzerland." Journal of Public Affairs 9, no. 2 (May 2009): 95–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/pa.316.

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29

Prato, Carlo, and Bruno Strulovici. "The hidden cost of direct democracy: How ballot initiatives affect politicians’ selection and incentives." Journal of Theoretical Politics 29, no. 3 (June 29, 2016): 440–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0951629816650762.

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Citizen initiatives and referendums play an important role in modern democracies, from treaty ratifications in the European Union to gay marriage in California, to the control of foreign workers in Switzerland. Departing from the classic opposition between direct and representative democracy, we study the equilibrium effects of direct democracy institutions on the incentives and selection of elected officials. We find that facilitating direct democracy induces a negative spiral on politicians’ role and contribution to society, which may dominate any direct benefit. The theory offers predictions on reelection probabilities and politicians’ performance consistent with recent evidence from the US states.

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Zuyeu, Ilya. "Bilateral Relations between Switzerland and Belarus." European Historical Studies, no. 15 (2020): 102–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2020.15.8.

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The article deals with the Swiss-Belarusian bilateral relations in the political, economic, humanitarian and cultural area from 1991 until nowadays. It provides a brief overview of the studies on this topic published in both countries as well as official reports by the Federal Council, where Belarus was mentioned. The article focuses on the former and current issues of intergovernmental relations between Switzerland and Belarus. It analyses the periods of deterioration caused by divergence of views on democracy and human rights, and the periods of improvement, when sanctions were lifted, the number of high-level visits increased, and new diplomatic and consular representations were established. The article traces the dynamics and structure of foreign trade between the two countries and notes its rapid growth since the mid-2000s, which was facilitated by major Swiss investors, joint ventures and other entities as well as business forums. It also gives data on the financial assistance and humanitarian aid that the Confederation has provided to Belarus, especially to the areas most affected by the Chernobyl nuclear disaster, within its programmes of cooperation with Eastern Europe and via the Swiss Cooperation Office in Minsk (now the Embassy of Switzerland in Belarus). The article also describes the activities of the Belarusian diaspora in Switzerland as well as the cooperation between the educational, scientific and cultural institutions of the two countries. The author concludes that while Belarus is not one of Switzerland’s priority partners, in recent years the bilateral relations between them have been gradually improving.

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Wagschal, Uwe. "Direct Democracy and Public Policymaking." Journal of Public Policy 17, no. 2 (May 1997): 223–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x0000355x.

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ABSTRACTWhat is the impact of direct democracy, e.g. referendums, on public policymaking? The study will present data for Switzerland, the United States, Australia and Germany leading to the conclusion that direct democracy is an effective, but flexible veto player against expansive spending and taxation. The level of public expenditure and taxation is significantly lower in countries that have elements of direct democracy compared to pure representative democracies. Several theoretical arguments support this finding. For example, the social discount rate of voters is lower than that of politicians. Also direct democracy is related to the benefit principle in public finance. Taxpayers want their payments to be related to public services they receive. They are therefore inclined to veto projects not reflecting their preferences. Moreover, referenda have an implicit restraining effect on governments and the mere threat can reduce their capacity to act.

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Pines, Jonathon, and Iain Hagan. "The Renaissance or the cuckoo clock." Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society B: Biological Sciences 366, no. 1584 (December 27, 2011): 3625–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rstb.2011.0080.

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‘…in Italy, for thirty years under the Borgias, they had warfare, terror, murder and bloodshed, but they produced Michelangelo, Leonardo da Vinci and the Renaissance. In Switzerland, they had brotherly love, they had five hundred years of democracy and peace—and what did that produce? The cuckoo clock’. Orson Welles as Harry Lime : The Third Man Orson Welles might have been a little unfair on the Swiss, after all cuckoo clocks were developed in the Schwartzwald, but, more importantly, Swiss democracy gives remarkably stable government with considerable decision-making at the local level. The alternative is the battling city-states of Renaissance Italy: culturally rich but chaotic at a higher level of organization. As our understanding of the cell cycle improves, it appears that the cell is organized more along the lines of Switzerland than Renaissance Italy, and one major challenge is to determine how local decisions are made and coordinated to produce the robust cell cycle mechanisms that we observe in the cell as a whole.

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Ladner, Andreas. "Size and Direct Democracy at the Local Level: The Case of Switzerland." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 20, no. 6 (December 2002): 813–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c0226.

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After a brief look the most important characteristics of Swiss municipalities, this paper describes the municipalities' organization according to the principles of direct democracy and means of decisionmaking. Drawing on empirical findings, it then examines size effects more closely. Whether legislative decisions are taken in a direct democratic assembly or in a representative parliament largely depends on the size of a municipality: smaller municipalities have an assembly, larger ones a parliament. By contrast, direct democratic instruments such as initiatives and referendums are not necessarily more widespread in larger municipalities. The use of initiatives and referendums is higher in larger municipalities, but assembly attendance and election turnout clearly decreases with increasing municipal size. The strength of the size effect varies considerably depending on the different variables of direct democracy under scrutiny.

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Leiva Ilabaca, Carolina Cecilia. "Chronicle on the IVR Congress “Dignity, Democracy, Diversity”. Lucerne, Switzerland 2019." Derecho Animal. Forum of Animal Law Studies 10, no. 3 (July 30, 2019): 111. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/da.452.

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FELD, LARS P., JUSTINA A. V. FISCHER, and GEBHARD KIRCHGÄSSNER. "THE EFFECT OF DIRECT DEMOCRACY ON INCOME REDISTRIBUTION: EVIDENCE FOR SWITZERLAND." Economic Inquiry 48, no. 4 (August 5, 2010): 817–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1465-7295.2008.00174.x.

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36

Funk, P., and C. Gathmann. "Gender gaps in policy making: evidence from direct democracy in Switzerland." Economic Policy 30, no. 81 (December 3, 2014): 141–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/epolic/eiu003.

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37

Vatter, Adrian. "Switzerland on the Road from a Consociational to a Centrifugal Democracy?" Swiss Political Science Review 22, no. 1 (February 25, 2016): 59–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/spsr.12203.

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38

Eschet-Schwarz, André. "La démocratic semi-directe en Suisse: entre la théorie et la réalité: 1879–1987." Canadian Journal of Political Science 22, no. 4 (December 1989): 739–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900020230.

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AbstractThe semi-direct democracy in Switzerland during the period 1879-1987 is a favourable ground for checking some assumptions related to the theory of participatory democracy such as those involving the inherent characteristics of the popular majority. This article presents a comparative description of the specific features of the referenda votes and general elections in representative democracies. Some aspects of the political behaviour in the Swiss cantons and at the federal level are analyzed as are the fluctuations in referenda participation in relation to institutional factors, competition intensity and the number of signatures collected. Different aspects of amicable agreement democracy, the functioning of interest groups and their relationship to the level of participation are subjects of comprehensive discussion.

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Hunold, Christian, and Iris Marion Young. "Justice, Democracy, and Hazardous Siting." Political Studies 46, no. 1 (March 1998): 82–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.00131.

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In this essay we examine some issues of justice associated with the siting of hazardous industrial facilities. Utilitarian justifications of siting decisions are inadequate because they fail to address questions of fairness. Approaches that consider questions of distributive equity provide a better framework for siting justice, but are still incomplete. Limiting questions of justice to the distribution of benefits and burdens fails to examine the justice of procedures for deciding such issues of distribution. We argue that justice requires a participatory communicative democratic process for siting hazardous facilities, in two respects. It is prima facie unjust to impose a risk on citizens without their having participated in the siting process. Participatory communicative democratic procedures in facility siting, moreover, when structured according to specific norms of discussion and inclusion, are likely to yield the most just outcomes. We propose procedural as well as substantive conditions for such democratic procedures, and briefly apply these conditions to evaluate the siting of a landfill in Switzerland.

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Čizmić, Mirsad, and Aida Čizmić. "Comparative Solutions of Referendum Democracy Concerning Bosnia and Herzegovina." Društvene i humanističke studije (Online) 7, no. 1(18) (March 4, 2022): 395–420. http://dx.doi.org/10.51558/2490-3647.2022.7.1.395.

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The authors consider the referendum as the most pronounced form of direct democracy, which is direct decision-making where citizens express themselves by direct and secret ballot on a particular issue. It is not a substitute for representative democracy, but its corrective factor. In this paper, the authors give a systematic overview of good practice of referendums as an instrument of direct democracy, primarily in Switzerland, Italy, Croatia, Denmark, Serbia, Slovenia, Germany, USA, UK, etc., but also the place of referendum democracy in the legal order of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The authors will try to show that a referendum in some of these countries can be a great democratic step forward, but that it can often be not only an instrument for direct will but a negation of direct democracy in several cases. In support of this claim, the authors will point out the legal and political aspects of conducting the referendum.

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Pogorletskii, A. "Switzerland: Features of Business Culture and Management." World Economy and International Relations, no. 2 (2013): 42–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2013-2-42-50.

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Despite weaknesses the Swiss management model keeps demonstrating its competitive ability. In large part it is accounted for the fact that not the engineer-technocrat's psychology, but that of a peasant-manager in the nature of the Swiss makes them realists, and the direct democracy allows to consider the interests of all population groups (any Swiss is primarily a citizen of his municipality and a worker of his enterprise, and only after current issues are arranged he is a citizen of his country). “Small, but dignified” neutral Alpine country deserves inspecting of its unique experience of prosperity in a complicated world of global transformations, and specifically by a management science. The Swiss management style is not only interesting, it also helps to explain how to administer in order not only to survive in the age of globalization, but also to demonstrate a high competiveness.

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Christmann, Anna, and Deniz Danaci. "Direct Democracy and Minority Rights: Direct and Indirect Effects on Religious Minorities in Switzerland." Politics and Religion 5, no. 1 (March 16, 2012): 133–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048311000666.

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AbstractMost of the research on the effects of direct democracy on minority rights is empirically limited to the direct effects of direct democracy. This article takes the issue a step further and examines both direct and indirect effects by investigating the rights of religious minorities in Switzerland. The analysis provides two main insights: all direct effects are negative and can be observed when the rights of out-groups like Islamic minorities are at stake. Second, indirect effects on the parliamentary process can be observed, too: parliaments make laws more restrictive toward Islamic minorities if they fear a popular vote. However, they develop strategies to enforce their liberal interests, as shown by the fact that extensions of the rights of religious minorities are passed in total revisions.

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Stolyarov, Yuri. "Comrade Rubakin - the Soviet personal pensioner. A detail in the biography of the great librarian and educator." Scientific and Technical Libraries, no. 4 (April 1, 2017): 94–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.33186/1027-3689-2017-4-94-104.

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Unknown and amazing circumstances of the granting pension to Nikolai (Nicholas) Rubakin (1862-1946), then resident in Switzerland, by the Soviet Government, are revealed. The author takes the chance to review and characterize Rubakin’s attitude towards Soviet realities and Western democracy, and to demonstrate the drama of Rubakin’s life and work. Based on archival documents.

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Dejung, Christof. "“Switzerland must be a special democracy”: Sociopolitical Compromise, Military Comradeship, and the Gender Order in 1930s and 1940s Switzerland." Journal of Modern History 82, no. 1 (March 2010): 101–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/650508.

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Albertazzi, Daniele, and Sean Mueller. "Populism and Liberal Democracy: Populists in Government in Austria, Italy, Poland and Switzerland." Government and Opposition 48, no. 3 (June 5, 2013): 343–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2013.12.

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The enduring electoral success of populist parties across Europe and the increasing opportunities they have gained to access government in recent years bring once more into relief the question of whether populism and democracy are fully compatible. In this article we show how, despite playing different roles in government within very different political systems, and despite the numerous constraints placed upon them (for instance, EU membership, international law and domestic checks and balances), populist parties consistently pursued policies that clashed with fundamental tenets of liberal democracy. In particular, the idea that the power of the majority must be limited and restrained, the sanctity of individual rights and the principle of the division of powers have all come under threat in contemporary Europe. This has contributed to the continuing erosion of the liberal consensus, which has provided one of the fundamental foundations of the European project from its start.

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Rudych, S. "The Role and Place of the Opposition in the Political System of Switzerland." Problems of World History, no. 19 (October 27, 2022): 82–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-19-5.

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The article considers the role and the way of functioning of the opposition in the political system of the Swiss Confederation.It is shown that the absence of an opposition in the political life of the country in the traditional sense is explained by the agreement or concordance between the main political forces, drawn up officially in the form of the so-called “magic formula”. A federal government functioning according to this principle in combination with a well-developed mechanism of direct, or more precisely, semi-direct referendum democracy: on the one hand, it allows the effective implementation of the constitutional right of citizens to participate in the political life of the country, and on the other hand, it allows to avoid permanent parliamentary and governmental crises. Particular attention is paid to the Swiss People’s Party, a powerful political force that has consistently achieved high results in parliamentary elections over the past ten years and has every right to consider itself as opposition party. In this connection, the author raises the question of the possibility of using the political system existing today in Switzerland, and, even more so, the way the opposition functions, as a model for other countries? The publication reveals in detail how the institution of direct democracy works in practice. It is emphasized that the people’s initiative and the referendum give the citizen the opportunity to constantly influence the constitutional process in the state and bring projects developed by the government to the people’s court. Frequent appeals to voters in this way forces society to constantly worry about topical political issues. At the same time, large authoritative parties use this right less often than small social organizations or extra-parliamentary opposition groups. In addition, the Swiss manage in this way to constantly keep the political course of the government under control, and the Federal Council, according to the country’s constitution, must constantly consult with the people, who express their opinion on political proposals by dropping ballots into the voting baskets. At the same time, it is emphasized that the main challenge to Swiss federalism lies not in the multiculturalism of the nation, which did not develop as a result of the immigration of citizens, as, for example, in the USA, Canada or Australia, but on the contrary, has its roots in the age-old history of the communities that originally lived in Switzerland. Switzerland’s relations with the European Union during the last twenty years are briefly described. Characterizing Ukrainian-Swiss relations, the author emphasizes the importance that Switzerland has for our country, particularly in the context of Russia’s war against Ukraine. The advantages and disadvantages of direct referendum democracy are analyzed. Certain conclusions are drawn regarding the possibility of using Swiss experience in the political life of other countries.

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Erne, Roland, and Markus Blaser. "Direct democracy and trade union action." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 24, no. 2 (April 8, 2018): 217–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1024258918764079.

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Until recently, the political influence of trade unions primarily relied on ties to labour-friendly political parties. Since the 1990s, however, party-union relations have deteriorated, forcing unions to consider complementary political strategies. This article reviews different direct democratic instruments at local, national and EU levels. We distinguish popular consultations initiated by government from above from citizens’ initiatives initiated from below and discuss corresponding trade union experiences in Germany, Italy, Ireland, Slovenia and Switzerland. We also analyse the successful right2water European Citizens Initiative (ECI) of the European Federation of Public Service Unions and the failed fair transport ECI of the European Transport Workers’ Federation at EU level. Whereas unions have successfully used direct democratic instruments to (i) defend social achievements or (ii) as a lever to extract policy concessions, direct democracy is also challenging. Successful direct democratic campaigns require unions that are able to mobilise their own rank-and-file and to inspire larger sections of society.

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Matyja, Miroslaw. "The Swiss Model of Direct Democracy." Technium Social Sciences Journal 1 (December 1, 2019): 41–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.47577/tssj.v1i1.30.

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Due to the challenges that modern representative democracy is facing, citizens and politicians of various countries are looking for new solutions and ways to ensure the optimal functioning of their political and decision making system. In this context, Switzerland appears to be a country relatively immune to the current crisis. Why is that? As a direct democracy where the rule of the people remains the fundamental principle, it provides its citizens with instruments: referendum, popular initiative, popular veto, which allow them to resolve any problems that arise both on the national and local level. The essential characteristic of the Swiss system, which is also its main strength, is that unlike other European democracies it grants its citizens full power over their homeland, making them the actual sovereign. The author of this article discusses various aspects of the Swiss model of democracy and suggests that it offers the best solutions for the optimal development of any country.

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NAKHIMOVSKY, ISAAC. "A REPUBLIC OF CUCKOO CLOCKS: SWITZERLAND AND THE HISTORY OF LIBERTY." Modern Intellectual History 12, no. 1 (July 31, 2014): 219–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244314000146.

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The history of Swiss republicanism was memorably summed up by Orson Welles in the classic filmThe Third Man(1949): whereas the tumultuous and tyrannical politics of the Italian Renaissance produced a great cultural flourishing, Welles observed, “In Switzerland, they had brotherly love, they had five hundred years of democracy and peace, and what did that produce? The cuckoo clock.” Suggestive as it may be, Welles's contrast is as misleading as it is memorable. The Swiss were a fearsome military power at the beginning of the sixteenth century, admired by no less a Florentine than Niccolò Machiavelli, but by the eighteenth century they were no longer capable of defending themselves, and they were summarily occupied by the armies of revolutionary France in 1798. The nature of Swiss democracy was long contested, and in 1847 the Swiss fought a civil war over it. Finally, it must be said, cuckoo clocks were invented in the Black Forest region, on the other side of the Alps. As we shall see, the success of the Swiss watchmaking industry does in fact deserve a place in the history of liberty, but Jean-Jacques Rousseau turns out to be a more helpful guide for understanding its significance.

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Helfer, Luzia, Flurina Wäspi, and Frédéric Varone. "Does Direct Democracy Enhance Politicians’ Perceptions of Constituents’ Opinions? Evidence from Switzerland." Swiss Political Science Review 27, no. 4 (November 30, 2021): 695–711. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/spsr.12495.

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