Journal articles: 'Democracy Singapore'

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Ganesan, N. "Democracy in Singapore." Asian Journal of Political Science 4, no. 2 (December 1996): 63–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02185379608434084.

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Sim, Jasmine B. Y., and Malathy Krishnasamy. "Building a democratic society: exploring Singapore students ' understandings of democracy." Asian Education and Development Studies 5, no. 1 (January 4, 2016): 37–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-07-2015-0033.

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Purpose – One would not commonly associate democracy with Singapore, instead scholars have often described Singapore as an illiberal democracy and an authoritarian state. At the same time, all Singaporean school students recite the national pledge of allegiance in school every morning, in which they pledge “to build a democratic society based on justice and equality”. What do students know about democracy? Are they able to distinguish the characteristics of democratic systems from non-democratic ones? The purpose of this paper is to report on Singapore students’ understandings of democracy. Design/methodology/approach – Using a qualitative instrumental case study design, 64 students from three secondary schools were interviewed and the social studies curriculum was analysed. Findings – Overall, students had poor knowledge of democracy. Consistent with a lack of knowledge of democracy, most students also showed a relatively uncritical acceptance of hierarchy and deference to authority, and held a superficial understanding of citizenship. Civics lessons through social studies, and the school environment did little to promote students’ engagement with democracy. Research limitations/implications – The authors argue that it is important that students be given the opportunities to develop a basic conceptual knowledge of democracy, as they are not capable of discriminating democratic characteristics from non-democratic ones without it. At the very least, students should know the relevance of what they pledge relative to their nation’s model of democracy, or in the absence of a clear model, be encouraged to struggle with the various existing models of democracies so that, as the future of Singapore, they might determine and adapt the ideals that they deem best for the nation. Originality/value – This paper is an original study of Singapore students’ understandings of democracy.

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Yan, Miao. "Singapores’ Media System." Scientific and Social Research 3, no. 3 (October 4, 2021): 25–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.36922/ssr.v3i3.1141.

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Singapore is working hard to become an economic and cultural information center in Southeast Asia and even the world. The Singaporean government has different controls on the opening up of the country and the freedom of speech of the people. On the one hand, they hope that the state can provide more social space and political resources to express democracy and attract investment from foreign companies. On the other hand, it limits the freedom of speech of the people and foreign media. The impact of such a contradictory regulatory system on the Singapore media system and its impact on national development is worth exploring. This article will also focus on how Singapore’s distinctive media systems face the challenges of globalization.

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Tan, Kenneth Paul. "Singapore in 2014." Asian Survey 55, no. 1 (January 2015): 157–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2015.55.1.157.

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In the “new normal” following the 2011 general election, Singapore seems poised for further development toward liberal democracy. However, the ruling People’s Action Party is attempting to reinvent itself and regain its hegemonic position, which requires finding credible solutions for very challenging problems to do with policy, communication, and public image.

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Paul, Kenneth, and Andrew Sze-Sian Tan. "Democracy and the Grassroots Sector in Singapore." Space and Polity 7, no. 1 (April 2003): 3–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13562570309245.

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Thio, L. a. "Singapore: (S)electing the president diluting democracy?" International Journal of Constitutional Law 5, no. 3 (June 13, 2007): 526–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/icon/mom017.

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Rai, Mugdha, and Simon Cottle. "Television News in Singapore: Mediating Conflict and Consent." Asian Journal of Social Science 36, no. 3-4 (2008): 638–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853108x327137.

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AbstractSingapore's television media, notwithstanding the island's economic successes, is widely considered to be tightly controlled and regulated by the government. The role of Singapore's television news in enabling or curtailing democratic processes, however, remains largely unnoticed and under-theorised. This article reports on recent research which secures added empirical purchase on Singapore's TV journalism today and does so by identifying, mapping and pursuing into the production domain the repertoire of communicative frames that differentially characterise contemporary TV news in Singapore. Our findings document that there is considerably more complexity in the ecology and communicative frames of TV news than has so far been acknowledged or explored and these complexities have direct bearing on debates about the mediation of conflict and consent in Singapore's brand of 'democracy'.

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Osterberg-Kaufmann, Norma, and Kay Key Teo. "Uncoupling Conceptual Understandings and Political Preferences: A Study of Democratic Attitudes among Singapore's Highly Educated Young People." Pacific Affairs 95, no. 3 (September 1, 2022): 497–526. http://dx.doi.org/10.5509/2022953497.

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Democracy is subject to constant and seemingly interminable contestation in academic and policy contexts, and yet, empirically and methodologically robust analysis of what the term means in practice for actual citizens has remained an area of relative lacuna. Admittedly, large-N surveys have attempted to address this research gap by examining attitudes to numerous components of democracy, but without the fine-grained detail required to overcome simply reproducing the focus on liberal procedural, Western precedent-based, top-down approaches to understanding such a complex and varied political system. This article proposes a methodological approach, based on the requirements of comparative political theory and research into how people view democracy. This allows us to explore political attitudes and the meaning of democracy with a bottom-up approach using the methods of repertory grid and in-depth interviews. Singapore is a particularly exciting case for comparative political science: although it has all the advantageous conditions that, according to classic modernization theory, promote the development of democracy, it is still not a democracy.<br/> To what extent will the conceptualization of democracy by citizens in a country like Singapore resemble theoretical definitions, and how suitable do they consider democracy to be for Singapore? What are their expectations for a good government or regime? This article examines what highly educated Singaporeans, ranging in age from their twenties to their forties, think about democracy. In doing so, the article also pursues the goal of comparing methods between repertory grid interviews and in-depth interviews in order to work out potential interfaces, and points of connection, between the two methods to allow for the most productive research outcomes. We find that, conceptually, these Singaporeans' perceptions of democracy appeared very similar to what is usually discussed as electoral democracy in established literature. When evaluating the performance of a government or a regime, however, liberal ideas of freedom and fairness competed with more pragmatic approaches that reflect the principles of progress and success as well as community and performance-focused orientations. As a result, our respondents did not prioritize democratic practices as much as other aspects of governance like e ciency. Our findings on the influence of state ideology on highly educated young people in Singapore strengthen the arguments of political myth as an integration and legitimization strategy in autocratic regimes and democratizing strong states or regimes with a particularly pronounced ideological hegemony.

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Rehman, Sharaf. "Management and communication practices in Singapore: lessons from a model economy." UR Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 17, no. 4 (2020): 165–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.15584/johass.2020.4.10.

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With its 5.8 million inhabitants, retaining its unique version of democracy, and remaining a traditional yet progressive city, Singapore stands as a model economy for other Asian and middle eastern economies. From 1819 to 1963, Malaysia and Singapore – as one country – were a British colony. In 1963, when British rule ended and Malaysia gained her independence, Singapore remained a part of Malaysia. However, the racial tension between Malay, the ethnic Chinese, and other non-Malay groups escalated and turned violent. In 1965, Singapore cut her ties with Malaysia and became a sovereign, independent state. While retaining its collectivistic culture, Singapore has gained a competitive edge as a high-end shopping centre in the region. During the past 60 years, the Singaporean economy and businesses have shifted their focus from the manufacturing of electronic components, computer hard drives, small appliances, and garments to financial services, banking, insurance services, and asset management. Relying on data collected through interviews, observations, and a brief questionnaire, this case study of Singaporean businesses presents a description of the management styles and communication strategies of 78 business managers in Singapore, representing the service, retail, and manufacturing sectors. The data reveal that Human Resources Approach to management is the most common style of management. Analysis of communication content, style, and flow demonstrates that cultural customs such as respect for the elderly, caring for and mentoring the younger generation, loyalty to one’s family, and conformity to family traditions are the driving forces of the businesses in Singapore. The analysis suggests that it is the dominant culture of a society that shapes the business practices and business values in any given society.

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Thompson, Mark R. "Democracy with Asian Characteristics." Journal of Asian Studies 74, no. 4 (November 2015): 875–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911815001187.

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In the last three decades, a number of Asian thinkers supportive of, or opposed to, authoritarian rule have developed culture-based theories of democracy that challenge, or buttress, a liberal, “Western” understanding of democratic rule. The most famous expression was the “Asian values” discourse of government-linked intellectuals in Singapore and Malaysia, but there has also been a “political Confucianist” critique of “Western democracy” in China as well as claims that only “Thai-style democracy” is appropriate in Thailand. Less well known is a pro-democratic stance in Asia rooted in the region's major religious traditions. These apparently contradictory discourses have been dialectically related in the post–Cold War era: authoritarian rulers reacted to universalist claims about democracy with assertions of cultural particularism which, in turn, triggered a reaction by Asian democrats who pointed to the liberal character of world religions practiced in the region. While the civilizational critique of “Western” democracy (the origins of which can be traced to Imperial Germany and Meiji Japan) has contributed to democratic decline in the region, there has also been push back by offering an interpretation based on East Asia's major religious traditions to show that “Asian values” are not incompatible with democracy.

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Margolin, Jean-Louis. "Singapore 40 years on. Slow road to democracy." Asia Europe Journal 3, no. 1 (March 2005): 95–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10308-004-0136-2.

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Kurlantzick, Joshua. "Democracy Endangered: Thailand's Thaksin Flirts with Dictatorship." Current History 102, no. 665 (September 1, 2003): 285–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2003.102.665.285.

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Ultimately, if reformist elements … do not restrain [Prime Minister Thaksin], Thailand could develop into a larger version of Singapore: a state with a veneer of democratic politics covering a one-party system.

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13

Kenley, David. "New Culture Turns One Hundred: A Centennial Reflection on the May Fourth and New Culture Movement in Singapore." Translocal Chinese: East Asian Perspectives 16, no. 1 (April 7, 2022): 35–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24522015-16010003.

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Abstract Centennial commemorations of the May Fourth Movement in Singapore demonstrate how practices of remembrance reinforce but also transcend national and cultural boundaries. Throughout 2019, Singaporeans reflected on the iconoclastic, anti-imperialist, and pro-democracy elements of May Fourth while simultaneously challenging public memories as observed in China. As such, these commemorations shed important light on memory studies, postcoloniality, and Singapore Chinese identity.

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Stevens, Hallam, and Monamie Bhadra Haines. "TraceTogether: Pandemic Response, Democracy, and Technology." East Asian Science, Technology and Society 14, no. 3 (July 21, 2020): 523–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/18752160-8698301.

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Abstract On 20 March 2020, in the midst of the COVID-19 pandemic, the Singapore government released a new app called TraceTogether. Developed by the Ministry of Health, SG United, and GovTech Singapore, the app uses the Bluetooth capability of smartphones to store information about other smartphones that have come into close proximity with your own. These data facilitate the government’s process of “contact tracing” through which they track those who have potentially come into contact with the virus and place them in quarantine. This essay attempts to understand what kinds of citizens and civic behavior might be brought into being by this technology. By examining the workings and affordances of the TraceTogether app in detail, the authors argue that its peer-to-peer and open-source technology features mobilize the rhetorics and ideals of citizens science and democratic participation. However, by deploying these within a context that centralizes data, the app turns ideals born of dissent and protest on their head, using them to build trust not within a community but rather in government power and control. Rather than building social trust, TraceTogether becomes a technological substitute for it. The significant public support for TraceTogether shows both the possibilities and limitations of citizen science in less liberal political contexts and circumstances.

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Mutalib, Hussin. "Illiberal democracy and the future of opposition in Singapore." Third World Quarterly 21, no. 2 (April 2000): 313–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01436590050004373.

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Tam, Andrew. "Singapore Hawker Centers: Origins, Identity, Authenticity, and Distinction." Gastronomica 17, no. 1 (2017): 44–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/gfc.2017.17.1.44.

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Foodways in Singapore embody the anxieties of the island-state—namely heritage, race, identity, and authenticity. Hawking in Singapore was initially seen as a nuisance that had to be tolerated and later regulated by both the colonial administration and newly independent government. The relocation of hawkers to centralized food centers marked the imposition of order and hygiene onto a squalid industry. Street peddlers, once an administrative problem, were refashioned into a potent symbol of Singapore's heritage. Hawker food has also been used as a trope of multiculturalism to unite a racially diverse people. The influx of foreign workers from the mid-1980s presented new tensions that shed light on the cultural power of food to articulate inclusion and exclusion. Markers of authenticity, namely historical traditions and artisanal expertise, map haphazardly onto the realities of actual foodways. Finally, a breed of connoisseurs, who grew up in a cosmopolitan nation-state, was birthed in the 1990s. Embracing the low culture of hawker food, local foodies impute new cultural meanings to hawker food that embody the tension between distinction and democracy.

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Abbas, Muhammad Hasyim Ibnu, Januar Kustiandi, Amin Syaifudin, and Achmad Nurdiono. "The Role of Democratization and Economic Freedom on Corruption: A Case study of ASEAN." SRIWIJAYA INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF DYNAMIC ECONOMICS AND BUSINESS 6, no. 3 (September 26, 2022): 291. http://dx.doi.org/10.29259/sijdeb.v6i3.291-308.

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This study aims to determine the interaction effect of democracy and economic freedom on corruption in ASEAN, 2012-2021. The tool analysis used in this study is typology analysis to determine the position of each ASEAN country based on the level of Corruption, democracy, and economic freedom, and it was amplified by panel data regression with a fixed effect. Typology analysis shows that the higher the level of democracy and economic freedom, the better the Corruption Perception Index (CPI). Regression analysis also shows that when a country possesses economic freedom level below 6.25, then democracy has a negative effect on corruption. Likewise, when the level of democracy of a country is below 4.4 then a change of economic freedom will reduce the CPI instead. This corresponds to the typology analysis in which Malaysia and Singapore have levels of democracy and economic freedom over 4.4 and 6.25—on average—during 2012-2021.

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Zhang, Qianfan. "Democracy and Meritocracy: A False Dichotomy." Journal of Chinese Philosophy 47, no. 3-4 (March 3, 2020): 213–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15406253-0470304007.

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In this article I refute the conceptual viability of “political meritocracy” and its application to mainland China. I begin with the methodological individualistic definition of “merit,” arguing that electoral democracy based on one-person, one-vote is the genuine form of meritocracy. I then respond to several challenges to electoral democracy and argues that they can—perhaps can only—be properly addressed by improving democracy itself. I further refute the proposition that China is a case for political meritocracy and argue that Singapore would not have been meritocratic but for its functioning (albeit defective) elections based on one-person, onevote. I conclude with a call for contemporary neo-Confucians to develop political doctrines responsibly in order to make Confucianism relevant today.

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YAP, PO JEN. "Democracy, courts and proportionality analysis in Asia." Global Constitutionalism 9, no. 3 (November 2020): 531–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2045381720000179.

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AbstractWhile proportionality analysis (PA) may have originated from Germany, it has not remained a European product. PA has been locally transplanted across Anglophone nations, found in mixed legal systems that are rooted in the common law and even adapted in parts of Latin America and Asia. This article explains why PA is flourishing in parts of Asia – for example, South Korea and Taiwan – and why it is faltering in other countries, such as Singapore and China, where the absence of PA can be attributed to the non-fulfilment of Kant’s first prerequisite for perpetual peace: a republican government (liberal democracy).

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Mei, Lee-Wong Song. "The polemics of Singlish." English Today 17, no. 1 (January 2001): 39–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266078401001055.

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An examination of the culture, identity and function of English in Singapore.The widespread use of English in Singapore has placed Singapore in the Outer Circle, along with India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Ghana, Nigeria, the Philippines and others, in contrast with Australia, the United Kingdom, the United States and others who belong to the Inner Circle (Kachru,1991). Placing countries in different circles – inner vs outer or expanding, based on the concept of nativization – has generated questions of democracy in linguistic ideology and related issues of norms and standards. These are discussed.

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Yunus, Nur Rohim. "Scientific Evidence of a Clash between Das Sollen and Das Sein in the book Oligarchy by Jeffrey A Winters." JOURNAL of LEGAL RESEARCH 4, no. 3 (August 15, 2022): 837–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.15408/jlr.v4i3.27657.

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Winters’ book is a must-read for students of comparative democratizationand its focus on power and coercion is a helpful corrective to New InstitutionalEconomics. One of the central, and most discomforting claims, advanced byWinters is that oligarchy is perfectly compatible with democracy, an insight hetraces back to Aristotle. Civil oligarchies can be democratic, but need not be, asdemonstrated by the case of Singapore. This Asian city-state also serves toremind us about the tentative relationship between the rule of law anddemocracy. Singapore tamed both its oligarchs and its political oppositionthrough the courts

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Gomez, James. "Restricting Free Speech: The Impact on Opposition Parties in Singapore." Copenhagen Journal of Asian Studies 23, no. 1 (March 10, 2006): 105–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/cjas.v23i1.694.

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Although there has been a great deal of publicity surrounding the restriction of free speech with regard to opposition parties in Singapore, in real terms, the value of free speech for such parties is limited. First, defamation laws in Singapore require the opposition parties to exercise extreme caution to ensure political comments do not result in costly defamation suits or even imprisonment. Second, free speech in itself is of limited use politically for opposition parties if the content of this speech is not disseminated widely by the local media. As a result, both the fear of legal suits and the limited dissemination of content continue to restrict the potential of free speech for opposition parties in Singapore. This means the contribution of free speech activities to inter-party debate is low in Singapore, thereby undermining the fundamental role of democracy premised on fair inter-party competition.

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Glok-Llng, Ooi. "Civil Society, Democracy and the Role of the Media in Singapore." Media Asia 27, no. 4 (January 2000): 200–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01296612.2000.11726624.

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Barr, Michael D. "The bonsai under the banyan tree: democracy and democratisation in Singapore." Democratization 21, no. 1 (September 11, 2012): 29–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2012.706606.

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Baber, Zaheer. "Engendering or Endangering Democracy? The Internet, Civil Society and the Public Sphere." Asian Journal of Social Science 30, no. 2 (2002): 287–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853102320405861.

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In recent discussions, the role of the Internet in facilitating democratization has been either exaggerated or underestimated. The general consensus seems to be that that the Internet will eventually go the way of other technologies of communication such as the radio and television that failed to live up to their expected role of agents of democratization. Rather than empower marginal groups and constituencies, the Internet could even contribute to more subtle and omnipotent forms of social control through surveillance. This paper examines these positions by focusing on the Singapore case. The possibilities for the expansion of civil society and the emergence of a robust public sphere as a consequence of the wiring up of the country are examined. The key argument of the paper is that although the Internet does indeed contribute to enhanced surveillance capabilities, its potential for circumventing existing forms of regulation and expanding the limited public sphere in Singapore is also very real.

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Werlin, Herbert H. "Is Lord Acton Right? Rethinking Corruption, Democracy, and Political Power." International Letters of Social and Humanistic Sciences 1 (September 2013): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.18052/www.scipress.com/ilshs.1.1.

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This article examines Lord Acton’s famous assertion, “power tends to corrupt and absolute power, to corrupt absolutely,” including the suggestion that democratization reduces corruption. This assertion requires us to look at the meaning of political power, corruption, and democracy. By making a distinction between primary and secondary corruption (essentially, controllable and uncontrollable corruption) and between liberal democracy (emphasizing competitive politics) and classical democracy (emphasizing consensus-building politics), together with introducing Political Elasticity (PE) theory, a number of difficult questions are raised: 1. What is political power (with Hobbes and Russia, in mind)? 2. What is the linkage between political power and corruption? 3. Why is it that corruption does not necessarily prevent economic development (with China in mind)? At the conclusion the autocracy-corruption linkage is examined, as exemplified by a comparison of Singapore and Jamaica, indicating: (1) that political power, if persuasive, is not necessarily corruptive; (2) liberal or partisan democracy tends to corrupt and lawless democracy, to corrupt absolutely and (3) authoritarian regimes may recognize that controlling corruption is essential for their legitimacy and economic prosperity.

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Nalla, Mahesh K., Sheila R. Maxwell, and Chae M. Mamayek. "Legitimacy of Private Police in Developed, Emerging, and Transitional Economies." European Journal of Crime, Criminal Law and Criminal Justice 25, no. 1 (January 12, 2017): 76–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718174-25012107.

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Research suggests that states that fail to provide political goods, such as security, have low citizens’ confidence in state apparatuses, resulting in greater demand for services by non-state actors like private security. The present study seeks to compare citizen trust and confidence in private security guards, in 6 developed, emerging, and transitional economies in the Americas (the United States), Asia (India, Singapore, South Korea), and Europe (The Netherlands, Slovenia). This study seeks to assess whether democracy levels across the countries and/or contextual factors such as contact, perceived professionalism, nature of work, and civility of security guards affect citizens’ trust across various levels of democracy. The findings show that citizens in countries with full-democracy rankings have less trust in private police compared to citizens in lower democracy levels. Findings also suggest that across all democracies, perceived civility and professionalism of private security officers significantly influence citizens’ trust of private police.

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Clammer, John. "Singapore - Communitarian Ideology and Democracy in Singapore. By Beng-Huat Chua. London: Routledge, 1997. Pp. xiii, 237. References, Index." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 29, no. 2 (September 1998): 458–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463400007876.

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R.S., Milne. "Book Review: Communication Ideology and Democracy in Singapore: By Beng‑Huat Chua." Contemporary Southeast Asia 18, no. 2 (September 1996): 219–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/cs18-2f.

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Karaulova, Maria, Patrick McGovern, and Tim Battin. "Book Reviews." Learning and Teaching 11, no. 2 (June 1, 2018): 92–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/latiss.2018.110206.

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Qiongqiong Chen (2017) Globalization and Transnational Academic Mobility: The Experiences of Chinese Academic Returnees Singapore: Springer, 143 pp., ISBN 9789812878847 Brian Caterino (2016) The Practical Import of Political Inquiry London: Palgrave Macmillan, 117 pp., ISBN 973319324425 Morten Levin and Davydd J. Greenwood (2016) Creating a New Public University and Reviving Democracy: Action Research in Higher Education New York: Berghahn Books, 220 pp., ISBN 9781785333217

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Zandi, Gholamreza, Muhammad Haseeb, and Irwan Shah Zainal Abidin. "THE IMPACT OF DEMOCRACY, CORRUPTION AND MILITARY EXPENDITURE ON ENVIRONMENTAL DEGRADATION: EVIDENCE FROM TOP SIX ASEAN COUNTRIES." Humanities & Social Sciences Reviews 7, no. 4 (September 11, 2019): 333–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.18510/hssr.2019.7443.

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Purpose of the study: The current study aims to examine the relationship between corruption, democracy, military expenditure and environmental degradation in a panel of six ASEAN countries including Malaysia, Indonesia, Philippines, Thailand, Singapore and Vietnam using a panel data from 1995 to 2017. Methodology: In addition, the current study is unique in applying the sophisticated methods of panel Fully Modified Ordinary Least Square (FMOLS) and Dynamic Ordinary Least Square (DOLS) that have been adopted in several earlier quality research. Main Findings: The results of panel estimations conclude that corruption, military expenditure, and democracy have a noteworthy and significant impact on carbon dioxide emission in ASEAN countries. The results of FMOLS and DOLS confirm that there is a positive and significant impact of military expenditure and corruption on carbon dioxide emission. However, we found a negative and significant impact of democracy on carbon dioxide emission in all selected ASEAN countries. Implications: In general, the consequences of both statistical estimations affirm that corruption, democracy, and military expenditure are the critical and noteworthy determinants of carbon dioxide emission in ASEAN nations.

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Han, Christine. "History education and ‘Asian’ values for an ‘Asian’ democracy: the case of Singapore." Compare: A Journal of Comparative and International Education 37, no. 3 (June 2007): 383–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03057920701330271.

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Thompson, Mark R. "East Asian Authoritarian Modernism: From Meiji Japan’s “Prussian Path” to China’s “Singapore Model”." International Studies Review 17, no. 2 (October 19, 2016): 125–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2667078x-01702006.

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The significance of Meiji Japan’s “Prussian path” to authoritarian modernity has largely been ignored in the social sciences because it contradicts prevailing modernization theory. Meiji Japanese reformers, after carefully examining several Western country’s political systems, chose the German model because of its illiberal but modern politics. This argument regarding the authoritarian modernity of Imperial Germany and Meiji Japan contradicts modernization theory which claims that advanced industrialization leads to liberal democracy. Similarly, Meiji Japan’s influence on the “developmental states” of East Asia (East and Southeast Asia) has not been given much weight by modernization theories. More recently, Singapore’s successful combination of non-democratic rule with advanced capitalism has been dismissed as a (literally) small exception to the general democratizing rule, with even autocratic China expected by modernization theorists to democratize soon given its rapid economic growth over the past generation. This article explores the impact of the Imperial German model of authoritarian modernism on Meiji Japan and, in turn, Japanese influence on political development in East Asia as well as the influence of the “Singapore model” on China. It explores three forms of linkages: social structural, state formational, and ideological.

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Ho, Benjamin Tze Ern. "Power and Populism: What the Singapore Model Means for the Chinese Dream." China Quarterly 236 (May 28, 2018): 968–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s030574101800053x.

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AbstractSingapore's political system is sometimes criticized by proponents of liberal democracy as being highly authoritarian and inhibiting of individual freedom. Yet, as the recent 2015 general elections show, Singaporeans have largely consented to such a model as a legitimate social contract between themselves and the government. Given that the Singapore model is widely studied by Chinese officials as a positive pattern for governance, what do the latest results say about the future of the Chinese governing system, and to what extent is the Communist Party able to wield power while catering to populist sentiments, in particular the achievement of the Chinese dream?

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Michael, N. V. "REVIEW OF THE BOOK: Voskressenski, A.D. (Ed.) Is Non-Western Democracy Possible? A Russian Perspective. Singapore: World Scientific, 2017. - 738 p." Vestnik RUDN International Relations 17, no. 3 (2017): 623–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2017-17-3-623-630.

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Lee, Yong-Shik. "Political Governance, Law, and Economic Development." Law and Development Review 12, no. 3 (October 25, 2019): 723–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ldr-2019-0039.

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Abstract Political stability is an important precondition for economic development. While political stability cannot be created by laws alone, an effective legal framework for political governance, such as a constitution, can facilitate political stability. Political stability is not synonymous with democracy; while civil liberty is often considered a key ingredient for prosperity, it has been historically observed that promotion of democracy, while an important value, does not necessarily lead to economic development. Successful economic developments in the East Asian countries, such as South Korea, Singapore, and Taiwan from the 60s to the 80s and in contemporary China show the importance of political stability in achieving economic progress albeit with certain democratic deficits. The system of political governance that creates political stability may differ from one place to another, depending upon political needs, cultural priorities, historical contexts, and popular aspirations. This paper considers these elements and also examines, based on local conditions and priorities, the kind of political leadership that has brought political stability and economic development, the question of democracy, and the legal frameworks conducive to sustaining political stability.

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Hedges, Paul. "Can Interreligious Dialogue Provide a New Space for Deliberative Democracy in the Public Sphere?" Interreligious Studies and Intercultural Theology 2, no. 1 (March 26, 2018): 5–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/35412.

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This paper uses Singapore and the UK as two case studies to explore the concept of deliberative democracy with specific reference to the way that interreligious dialogue is and may be used in the public sphere. The two countries are chosen as representing differently located but broadly secular nations where, nevertheless, religious and interreligious activities have prominence. The differences and similarities of the notion of secular as well as the way that religion and interreligious activity relate to the state are noted. While both countries have promoted interreligious dialogue primarily as a tool for social cohesion it is noted that this activity does not tie easily or neatly into conceptions of deliberative democracy. Employing ideas from Jürgen Habermas and other theorists of deliberation, some central aspects of what deliberation may be in the context of deliberative democracy are explored. It is suggested that interreligious dialogue is far from a simple solution to promote harmonious relations within such a context, but nevertheless it is noted that what is often termed the “dialogue of action” has the potential to improve social cohesion. It is noted that much interreligious dialogue may actually go against some of the principles often sought within deliberative democracy but this is not seen as invalidating the practice within the public sphere.

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Choi, Franky K. H. "How to select good leaders in Asian countries: the case of China and Singapore." Public Administration and Policy 24, no. 3 (November 2, 2021): 264–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/pap-04-2021-0028.

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PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to bring out the possibility of selecting good leaders in Asian countries, i.e., China and Singapore.Design/methodology/approachSince comparative historical analysis enhances the objectivity for academic discussion, Deng Xiaoping’s and Lee Kuan Yew’s leadership successions have been chosen as the cases for studies by virtue of “method of agreement”. Incorporating “argument based on the contrary” into the context for macro-historical analysis, this paper characterises the duo’s successful (at least quite successful) leadership successions, thus offering an alternative paradigm beyond Western-style democracy.FindingsBoth cases of post-Mao China and the independent Singapore indicate that in quite a number of Asian countries, good leaders could still be selected beyond universal suffrage as practised among Western Electoral Democracies, mainly because of the elites-driven context. As to the duo’s succession results, Deng Xiaoping’s selection of leaders was somewhat successful, while Lee Kuan Yew’s was phenomenal.OriginalityThis paper offers readers a glance over the possibility of selecting good leaders in Asian countries not fully based on Western-style democracy. Learning from the duo’s leadership successions, the West may treat elite politics as the supplement under Western Electoral Democracies in order to avoid their countries falling into the trap of populism. The West could meanwhile consider the exceptional criteria prized by the duo for leadership successions. Considering such interactions among elites in the real-life context, it could serve as an alternative model to Western-style democracy.

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Teo, Winston. "Social News Use & Citizen Participation among Young Activists in Singapore." JeDEM - eJournal of eDemocracy and Open Government 13, no. 1 (August 24, 2021): 164–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.29379/jedem.v13i1.627.

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This article presents a study of how civically engaged young adults engage with news on social media, within the context of a developing democracy – Singapore. Based on in-depth interviews with 20 young activists, it discusses how they approach social media as a source of news, what motivates them to engage in more than one social news platform, and how social news use fits into their political lexicon. The results reveal that despite their affinity towards news-related content on social media, they are neither partial towards mainstream, nor alternative news providers on this medium. Their primary social news platform is perceived to offer the best means to disseminate news-related information. However, they are also concerned about their privacy and practice certain strategies to mitigate this. Despite its drawbacks, the activists accept social news use as a viable means of political socialisation and mobilisation.

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Ho, Li-Ching, Jasmine B. Y. Sim, and Theresa Alviar-Martin. "Interrogating differentiated citizenship education: Students’ perceptions of democracy, rights and governance in two Singapore schools." Education, Citizenship and Social Justice 6, no. 3 (October 27, 2011): 265–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1746197911417417.

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Across and within democratic societies, youth experiences of education for citizenship vary widely. A growing body of research suggests that students’ experiences of democratic citizenship education will differ according to how academic programmes, community culture, socio-economic status and gender intersect with prevailing conceptions of equality, mutual respect and reciprocity. This qualitative study explores how democratic citizenship education is enacted in two secondary schools with very dissimilar academic programmes and policies. A key finding in the study is fissures in perceptions of civic engagement and democratic rights between students from the two schools, thus suggesting that academic programmes and policies can differentiate the manner in which students are prepared to fulfil their roles as citizens.

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Sreekumar, T. T., and Shobha Vadrevu. "Subpolitics and Democracy: The Role of New Media in the 2011 General Elections in Singapore." Science, Technology and Society 18, no. 2 (July 2013): 231–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0971721813489458.

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Wong, Mathew Y. H., Ying-ho Kwong, and Venisa Yeuk Wah Chau. "Democracy, constitutional framework, and human rights: A comparison of Monaco, Tonga, Hong Kong, and Singapore." International Journal of Law, Crime and Justice 64 (March 2021): 100438. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ijlcj.2020.100438.

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You*, Kevin. "The roles of political inclusion and democracy in economic development: Insights from Singapore and Botswana." Journal of Developing Areas 50, no. 5 (2016): 327–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jda.2016.0067.

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Febriansyah, Muhammad. "John Ingleson. Workers and Democracy: The Indonesian Labour Movement, 1949–1957. Singapore: NUS Press, 2022." International Journal of Asia Pacific Studies 19, no. 1 (January 18, 2023): 197–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.21315/ijaps2023.19.1.10.

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Ho, Li-Ching, Theresa Alviar-Martin, and Enrique N. P. Leviste. "“There is Space, and There are Limits”: The Challenge of Teaching Controversial Topics in an Illiberal Democracy." Teachers College Record: The Voice of Scholarship in Education 116, no. 4 (April 2014): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016146811411600402.

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Background/Context Research indicates that across democratic societies, teachers face numerous intellectual and emotional challenges when handling controversial topics in the classroom. Less attention, however, has been paid to how teachers’ willingness to teach controversial topics intersects with political and other societal factors in different sociopolitical milieu and, in particular, in an authoritarian–democratic and culturally diverse state like Singapore. Focus of Study This study focused on constraints to the teaching of controversial topics relating to diversity and the manner in which teachers navigated their personal beliefs amidst the evolving contours of public and official discourses in Singapore. By attending to the intersections of teachers’ beliefs, state policies, and other sociopolitical factors, we aimed to inform scholarship on the teaching of controversial topics and illuminate states’ powers to demarcate the discursive spaces of teachers. Research Design The study adhered to the qualitative case study design. We collected data from interviews that featured various elicitation tasks to describe 35 social studies teachers’ perceptions and practice of controversial issues discussions relating to topics of diversity. Additionally, we drew on policy and curricular documents to portray the evolving contours of public discourse in Singapore. Findings/Results The findings highlight how the participants, influenced largely by state policies, differentiated between topics that were controversial-appropriate and controversial-taboo. In spite of the numerous legal constraints limiting the nature of public discussion of race and politics, the majority of the teachers regarded these topics as controversial-appropriate. There was, conversely, a consensus among the participants that topics related to sexual orientation were controversial-taboo even though there were no similar laws constraining public discussion of this issue. Conclusions/Recommendations This study challenges conventional assumptions about the impact of state-imposed constraints and controls on the teaching of controversial topics in schools. Under some circumstances, state controls and constraints can result in teachers having more freedom to discuss controversial topics because of the clearly demarcated political and social boundaries. However, if the state's position is ambiguous, this may result in a Kafkaesque situation in which teachers become even more conservative in their curriculum decision making due to a heightened sense of uncertainty and insecurity. Ultimately, the study brings to light the nuanced ways that state control and censorship influence the spaces and limits of issues-centered discussion, and underlines the need for research that attends to various social forces that frame the teaching of controversial topics in different democratic settings.

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NG, YEW-KWANG. "ECONOMIC POLICIES IN THE LIGHT OF HAPPINESS STUDIES WITH REFERENCE TO SINGAPORE." Singapore Economic Review 47, no. 02 (October 2002): 199–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s0217590802000523.

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Recent happiness studies show that income explains only 2% of the variance in happiness. Quality-of-life indicators also correlate less with income but more with advances in knowledge at the world level. Individuals and nations still engage in the rat race for higher incomes due to the competition for relative standing, the ignoring of the environmental disruption effects, our accumulation instinct, the influence of advertising and peer pressure, and the inadequate recognition of the habituation effect. In addition, economists over-estimate the costs of public spending, emphasising the excess burden of taxation, ignoring the negative excess burden in the public spending side and ignoring the grosser inefficiency of private consumption. These considerations suggest that more public spending in the right areas like education, research, and environmental protection may be much more welfare-improving despite some unavoidable inefficiencies. The restriction of private cars in Singapore may be desirable despite being excessive in accordance to the narrower economic analysis. It may also be appropriate to emphasise non-income factors important for welfare, including freedom and democracy.

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Musikawong, Sudarat. "Norén-Nilsson, A. (2016). Cambodia's Second Kingdom Nation, Imagination, and Democracy. Singapore: SEAS Yusof Ishak Institute." Journal of Population and Social Studies 27, no. 1 (July 31, 2019): 344–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.25133/jpssv26n4.024.

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Rani, Surabhi. "Norén-Nilsson, A. (2019). Cambodia's Second Kingdom Nation, Imagination, and Democracy. Singapore: SEAS Yusof Ishak Institute." Journal of Population and Social Studies 27, no. 3 (July 18, 2019): 286–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.25133/jpssv27n3.0018.

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Dixon, Rosalind, and David Landau. "1989–2019: From democratic to abusive constitutional borrowing." International Journal of Constitutional Law 17, no. 2 (April 2019): 489–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/icon/moz038.

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Abstract Constitutional borrowing looks very different today than it did thirty years ago: where in 1989, post-Soviet and Eastern European states were looking west for ideas and inspiration, today they are increasingly looking “eastward”—i.e. to Russia, China, and Singapore—for models of constitutional government. When they do look west, we argue, they are also doing so in increasingly “abusive ways”—i.e. in superficial, shallow, acontextual, or anti-purposive ways designed to use liberal democratic ideas and models not as inspiration but as justification for the erosion of minimum democratic norms and guarantees. This new mix of East-West influence is thus distinctly troubling from the perspective of a commitment to constitutional democracy.

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Van de Vliert, Evert. "Hidden Climato-Economic Roots of Differentially Privileged Cultures." Nature and Culture 11, no. 1 (March 1, 2016): 44–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/nc.2016.110103.

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This theory-based study tests the interactive impacts of the demands of thermal climate and wealth resources on variations in privileged culture represented by mental health, personal freedom, and political democracy. Multiple regression analysis of aggregated survey data covering 106 countries shows that cultures vary from minimally privileged in poor countries with demanding climates (e.g., Azerbaijan and Belarus) to maximally privileged in rich countries with demanding climates (e.g., Canada and Finland). In between those extremes, moderate degrees of privileged culture prevail in poor and rich countries with undemanding climates (e.g., Colombia and Singapore). Rival explanations and competing predictors, including degrees of agrarianism versus capitalism, latitude and longitude, and parasitic disease burden, could not account for these findings in support of the burgeoning climato-economic theory of culture.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Democracy Singapore'

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