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Books on the topic 'Democracy Singapore'

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Author: Grafiati

Published: 10 December 2022

Last updated: 29 January 2023

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1

Huat, Chua Beng, and Beng Huat Chua. Communitarian ideology and democracy in Singapore. London: Routledge, 1995.

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2

Institute of Southeast Asian Studies., ed. Governing Singapore: Democracy and national development. St Leonards, NSW, Australia: Allen & Unwin, 2000.

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3

Huat, Chua Beng. Communitarian Ideology and Democracy in Singapore. London: Taylor & Francis Group Plc, 2004.

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4

Murdoch University. Asia Research Centre, ed. Communitarian ideology and democracy in Singapore. London: Routledge, 2002.

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5

Vasil, R. K. Governing Singapore. Singapore: Mandarin, 1992.

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6

Vasil, R. K. Governing Singapore: Interviews with new leaders. Kuala Lumpur: Times Books International, 1988.

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7

The Singapore democrats: 30th anniversary commemorative magazine. Singapore]: Singapore Democratic Party, 2010.

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8

Fong, Siao Yuong. Performing Fear in Television Production. Nieuwe Prinsengracht 89 1018 VR Amsterdam Nederland: Amsterdam University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/9789463724579.

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What goes into the ideological sustenance of an illiberal capitalist democracy? While much of the critical discussion of the media in authoritarian contexts focus on state power, the emphasis on strong states tend to perpetuate misnomers about the media as mere tools of the state and sustain myths about their absolute power. Turning to the lived everyday of media producers in Singapore, I pose a series of questions that explore what it takes to perpetuate authoritarian resilience in the mass media. How, in what terms and through what means, does a politically stable illiberal Asian state like Singapore formulate its dominant imaginary of social order? What are the television production practices that perform and instantiate the social imaginary, and who are the audiences that are conjured and performed in the process? What are the roles played by imagined audiences in sustaining authoritarian resilience in the media? If, as I will argue in the book, audiences function as the central problematic that engenders anxieties and self-policing amongst producers, can the audience become a surrogate for the authoritarian state?

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9

Communitarian Ideology And Democracy In Singapore. Routledge, 1997.

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10

Vasil, Raj. Governing Singapore: Democracy and National Development. Taylor & Francis Group, 2020.

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11

Chua, Beng Huat. Communitarian Ideology and Democracy in Singapore. Taylor & Francis Group, 2002.

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12

Vasil, Raj. Governing Singapore: Democracy and National Development. Taylor & Francis Group, 2020.

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13

Chua, Beng-Huat. Communitarian Ideology and Democracy in Singapore. Taylor & Francis Group, 1995.

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14

Vasil, Raj. Governing Singapore: Democracy and National Development. Taylor & Francis Group, 2020.

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15

Chua, Beng Huat. Communitarian Ideology and Democracy in Singapore. Taylor & Francis Group, 2002.

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16

Chua, Beng Huat. Communitarian Ideology and Democracy in Singapore. Taylor & Francis Group, 2002.

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17

Vasil, Raj. Governing Singapore: Democracy and National Development. Taylor & Francis Group, 2020.

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18

Kenyon, Andrew T. Democracy, Media and Law in Malaysia and Singapore. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203762232.

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19

Kenyon, Andrew T., Timothy Marjoribanks, and Amanda Whiting. Democracy, Media and Law in Malaysia and Singapore. Taylor & Francis Group, 2013.

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20

Vasil, R. K. Governing Singapore. Taylor & Francis Group, 2021.

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21

Paul, E. C. Obstacles to Democratization in Singapore. Intersentia Limited, 1995.

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22

Vasil, Raj. Governing Singapore: A History of National Development and Democracy. Allen & Unwin Academic, 2001.

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23

Democracy, Media and Law in Malaysia and Singapore: A Space for Speech. Taylor & Francis Group, 2013.

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24

Kenyon, Andrew T., Tim Marjoribanks, and Amanda Whiting. Democracy, Media and Law in Malaysia and Singapore: A Space for Speech. Taylor & Francis Group, 2013.

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25

Kenyon, Andrew T., Tim Marjoribanks, and Amanda Whiting. Democracy, Media and Law in Malaysia and Singapore: A Space for Speech. Taylor & Francis Group, 2016.

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26

Kenyon, Andrew T., Tim Marjoribanks, and Amanda Whiting. Democracy, Media and Law in Malaysia and Singapore: A Space for Speech. Taylor & Francis Group, 2013.

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27

Kenyon, Andrew T., Tim Marjoribanks, and Amanda Whiting. Democracy, Media and Law in Malaysia and Singapore: A Space for Speech. Taylor & Francis Group, 2013.

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28

Corsatea, Mihaiela, and Mauro Gilardi. SINGAPORE: WHICH DEMOCRACY? External Influences and Asian Values in the Formation Process of a Democratic Model. Babelcube Inc, 2017.

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29

Kyi, Aung San Suu. Democratic Transition in Myanmar: Challenges and the Way Forward. ISEAS - Yusof Ishak Institute, 2018.

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30

Weiss, Meredith L. Prejudice before Pride. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252037726.003.0007.

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This chapter presents evidence for the so-called homophobic anticipatory countermovement, with reference primarily to Southeast Asian cases—particularly Singapore, Malaysia, Indonesia, and the Philippines—and considers the roots and implications of such a sequence. These cases are chosen for their proximity, which is useful for evaluating the extent of global and regional discursive circuits, but also for their diversity. Indonesia and Malaysia are both Muslim-majority states, but Indonesia today is far more democratic than Malaysia; the Philippines is a Catholic-majority democracy; while Singapore is a single-party-dominant state with important Muslim and evangelical Christian minorities. While all but prosperous Singapore are developing states, all are highly exposed to global trade, media, and other circuits. Moreover, all four states offer recent examples of high-profile homophobia, all with roots in Christian or Islamist discourse.

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31

Mayayo, Audrey Hawes, and Mauro Gilardi. Singapur, ¿qué Democracia? Babelcube Inc, 2017.

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32

Weiss, Meredith L. The Roots of Resilience. Cornell University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501750045.001.0001.

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This book examines governance from the ground up in the world's two most enduring electoral authoritarian or “hybrid” regimes—Singapore and Malaysia—where politically liberal and authoritarian features are blended to evade substantive democracy. Although skewed elections, curbed civil liberties, and a dose of coercion help sustain these regimes, selectively structured state policies and patronage, partisan machines that effectively stand in for local governments, and diligently sustained clientelist relations between politicians and constituents are equally important. While key attributes of these regimes differ, affecting the scope, character, and balance among national parties and policies, local machines, and personalized linkages—and notwithstanding a momentous change of government in Malaysia in 2018—the similarity in the overall patterns in these countries confirms the salience of these dimensions. As the book shows, taken together, these attributes accustom citizens to the system in place, making meaningful change in how electoral mobilization and policymaking happen all the harder to change. This authoritarian acculturation is key to the durability of both regimes, but, given weaker party competition and party–civil society links, is stronger in Singapore than Malaysia. High levels of authoritarian acculturation, amplifying the political payoffs of what parties and politicians actually provide their constituents, explain why electoral turnover alone is insufficient for real regime change in either state.

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33

Taking Stock of Regional Democratic Trends in Asia and the Pacific Before and During the COVID-19 Pandemic. International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31752/idea.2020.70.

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This GSoD In Focus Special Brief provides an overview of the state of democracy in Asia and the Pacific at the end of 2019, prior to the outbreak of the pandemic, and assesses some of the preliminary impacts that the pandemic has had on democracy in the region in 2020. Key fact and findings include: • Prior to the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic, countries across Asia and the Pacific faced a range of democratic challenges. Chief among these were continuing political fragility, violent conflict, recurrent military interference in the political sphere, enduring hybridity, deepening autocratization, creeping ethnonationalism, advancing populist leadership, democratic backsliding, shrinking civic space, the spread of disinformation, and weakened checks and balances. The crisis conditions engendered by the pandemic risk further entrenching and/or intensifying the negative democratic trends observable in the region prior to the COVID-19 outbreak. • Across the region, governments have been using the conditions created by the pandemic to expand executive power and restrict individual rights. Aspects of democratic practice that have been significantly impacted by anti-pandemic measures include the exercise of fundamental rights (notably freedom of assembly and free speech). Some countries have also seen deepened religious polarization and discrimination. Women, vulnerable groups, and ethnic and religious minorities have been disproportionately affected by the pandemic and discriminated against in the enforcement of lockdowns. There have been disruptions of electoral processes, increased state surveillance in some countries, and increased influence of the military. This is particularly concerning in new, fragile or backsliding democracies, which risk further eroding their already fragile democratic bases. • As in other regions, however, the pandemic has also led to a range of innovations and changes in the way democratic actors, such as parliaments, political parties, electoral commissions, civil society organizations and courts, conduct their work. In a number of countries, for example, government ministries, electoral commissions, legislators, health officials and civil society have developed innovative new online tools for keeping the public informed about national efforts to combat the pandemic. And some legislatures are figuring out new ways to hold government to account in the absence of real-time parliamentary meetings. • The consideration of political regime type in debates around ways of containing the pandemic also assumes particular relevance in Asia and the Pacific, a region that houses high-performing democracies, such as New Zealand and the Republic of Korea (South Korea), a mid-range performer (Taiwan), and also non-democratic regimes, such as China, Singapore and Viet Nam—all of which have, as of December 2020, among the lowest per capita deaths from COVID-19 in the world. While these countries have all so far managed to contain the virus with fewer fatalities than in the rest of the world, the authoritarian regimes have done so at a high human rights cost, whereas the democracies have done so while adhering to democratic principles, proving that the pandemic can effectively be fought through democratic means and does not necessarily require a trade off between public health and democracy. • The massive disruption induced by the pandemic can be an unparalleled opportunity for democratic learning, change and renovation in the region. Strengthening democratic institutions and processes across the region needs to go hand in hand with curbing the pandemic. Rebuilding societies and economic structures in its aftermath will likewise require strong, sustainable and healthy democracies, capable of tackling the gargantuan challenges ahead. The review of the state of democracy during the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020 uses qualitative analysis and data of events and trends in the region collected through International IDEA’s Global Monitor of COVID-19’s Impact on Democracy and Human Rights, an initiative co-funded by the European Union.

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