Relevant bibliographies by topics / Democracy Singapore

Academic literature on the topic 'Democracy Singapore'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 29 January 2023

Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles

Select a source type:

Contents

Consult the lists of relevant articles, books, theses, conference reports, and other scholarly sources on the topic 'Democracy Singapore.'

Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.

You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.

Journal articles on the topic "Democracy Singapore"

1

Ganesan, N. "Democracy in Singapore." Asian Journal of Political Science 4, no. 2 (December 1996): 63–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02185379608434084.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
2

Sim, Jasmine B. Y., and Malathy Krishnasamy. "Building a democratic society: exploring Singapore students ' understandings of democracy." Asian Education and Development Studies 5, no. 1 (January 4, 2016): 37–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-07-2015-0033.

Full text
Abstract:
Purpose – One would not commonly associate democracy with Singapore, instead scholars have often described Singapore as an illiberal democracy and an authoritarian state. At the same time, all Singaporean school students recite the national pledge of allegiance in school every morning, in which they pledge “to build a democratic society based on justice and equality”. What do students know about democracy? Are they able to distinguish the characteristics of democratic systems from non-democratic ones? The purpose of this paper is to report on Singapore students’ understandings of democracy. Design/methodology/approach – Using a qualitative instrumental case study design, 64 students from three secondary schools were interviewed and the social studies curriculum was analysed. Findings – Overall, students had poor knowledge of democracy. Consistent with a lack of knowledge of democracy, most students also showed a relatively uncritical acceptance of hierarchy and deference to authority, and held a superficial understanding of citizenship. Civics lessons through social studies, and the school environment did little to promote students’ engagement with democracy. Research limitations/implications – The authors argue that it is important that students be given the opportunities to develop a basic conceptual knowledge of democracy, as they are not capable of discriminating democratic characteristics from non-democratic ones without it. At the very least, students should know the relevance of what they pledge relative to their nation’s model of democracy, or in the absence of a clear model, be encouraged to struggle with the various existing models of democracies so that, as the future of Singapore, they might determine and adapt the ideals that they deem best for the nation. Originality/value – This paper is an original study of Singapore students’ understandings of democracy.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
3

Yan, Miao. "Singapores’ Media System." Scientific and Social Research 3, no. 3 (October 4, 2021): 25–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.36922/ssr.v3i3.1141.

Full text
Abstract:
Singapore is working hard to become an economic and cultural information center in Southeast Asia and even the world. The Singaporean government has different controls on the opening up of the country and the freedom of speech of the people. On the one hand, they hope that the state can provide more social space and political resources to express democracy and attract investment from foreign companies. On the other hand, it limits the freedom of speech of the people and foreign media. The impact of such a contradictory regulatory system on the Singapore media system and its impact on national development is worth exploring. This article will also focus on how Singapore’s distinctive media systems face the challenges of globalization.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
4

Tan, Kenneth Paul. "Singapore in 2014." Asian Survey 55, no. 1 (January 2015): 157–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2015.55.1.157.

Full text
Abstract:
In the “new normal” following the 2011 general election, Singapore seems poised for further development toward liberal democracy. However, the ruling People’s Action Party is attempting to reinvent itself and regain its hegemonic position, which requires finding credible solutions for very challenging problems to do with policy, communication, and public image.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
5

Paul, Kenneth, and Andrew Sze-Sian Tan. "Democracy and the Grassroots Sector in Singapore." Space and Polity 7, no. 1 (April 2003): 3–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13562570309245.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
6

Thio, L. a. "Singapore: (S)electing the president diluting democracy?" International Journal of Constitutional Law 5, no. 3 (June 13, 2007): 526–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/icon/mom017.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
7

Rai, Mugdha, and Simon Cottle. "Television News in Singapore: Mediating Conflict and Consent." Asian Journal of Social Science 36, no. 3-4 (2008): 638–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853108x327137.

Full text
Abstract:
AbstractSingapore's television media, notwithstanding the island's economic successes, is widely considered to be tightly controlled and regulated by the government. The role of Singapore's television news in enabling or curtailing democratic processes, however, remains largely unnoticed and under-theorised. This article reports on recent research which secures added empirical purchase on Singapore's TV journalism today and does so by identifying, mapping and pursuing into the production domain the repertoire of communicative frames that differentially characterise contemporary TV news in Singapore. Our findings document that there is considerably more complexity in the ecology and communicative frames of TV news than has so far been acknowledged or explored and these complexities have direct bearing on debates about the mediation of conflict and consent in Singapore's brand of 'democracy'.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
8

Osterberg-Kaufmann, Norma, and Kay Key Teo. "Uncoupling Conceptual Understandings and Political Preferences: A Study of Democratic Attitudes among Singapore's Highly Educated Young People." Pacific Affairs 95, no. 3 (September 1, 2022): 497–526. http://dx.doi.org/10.5509/2022953497.

Full text
Abstract:
Democracy is subject to constant and seemingly interminable contestation in academic and policy contexts, and yet, empirically and methodologically robust analysis of what the term means in practice for actual citizens has remained an area of relative lacuna. Admittedly, large-N surveys have attempted to address this research gap by examining attitudes to numerous components of democracy, but without the fine-grained detail required to overcome simply reproducing the focus on liberal procedural, Western precedent-based, top-down approaches to understanding such a complex and varied political system. This article proposes a methodological approach, based on the requirements of comparative political theory and research into how people view democracy. This allows us to explore political attitudes and the meaning of democracy with a bottom-up approach using the methods of repertory grid and in-depth interviews. Singapore is a particularly exciting case for comparative political science: although it has all the advantageous conditions that, according to classic modernization theory, promote the development of democracy, it is still not a democracy.<br/> To what extent will the conceptualization of democracy by citizens in a country like Singapore resemble theoretical definitions, and how suitable do they consider democracy to be for Singapore? What are their expectations for a good government or regime? This article examines what highly educated Singaporeans, ranging in age from their twenties to their forties, think about democracy. In doing so, the article also pursues the goal of comparing methods between repertory grid interviews and in-depth interviews in order to work out potential interfaces, and points of connection, between the two methods to allow for the most productive research outcomes. We find that, conceptually, these Singaporeans' perceptions of democracy appeared very similar to what is usually discussed as electoral democracy in established literature. When evaluating the performance of a government or a regime, however, liberal ideas of freedom and fairness competed with more pragmatic approaches that reflect the principles of progress and success as well as community and performance-focused orientations. As a result, our respondents did not prioritize democratic practices as much as other aspects of governance like e ciency. Our findings on the influence of state ideology on highly educated young people in Singapore strengthen the arguments of political myth as an integration and legitimization strategy in autocratic regimes and democratizing strong states or regimes with a particularly pronounced ideological hegemony.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
9

Rehman, Sharaf. "Management and communication practices in Singapore: lessons from a model economy." UR Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 17, no. 4 (2020): 165–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.15584/johass.2020.4.10.

Full text
Abstract:
With its 5.8 million inhabitants, retaining its unique version of democracy, and remaining a traditional yet progressive city, Singapore stands as a model economy for other Asian and middle eastern economies. From 1819 to 1963, Malaysia and Singapore – as one country – were a British colony. In 1963, when British rule ended and Malaysia gained her independence, Singapore remained a part of Malaysia. However, the racial tension between Malay, the ethnic Chinese, and other non-Malay groups escalated and turned violent. In 1965, Singapore cut her ties with Malaysia and became a sovereign, independent state. While retaining its collectivistic culture, Singapore has gained a competitive edge as a high-end shopping centre in the region. During the past 60 years, the Singaporean economy and businesses have shifted their focus from the manufacturing of electronic components, computer hard drives, small appliances, and garments to financial services, banking, insurance services, and asset management. Relying on data collected through interviews, observations, and a brief questionnaire, this case study of Singaporean businesses presents a description of the management styles and communication strategies of 78 business managers in Singapore, representing the service, retail, and manufacturing sectors. The data reveal that Human Resources Approach to management is the most common style of management. Analysis of communication content, style, and flow demonstrates that cultural customs such as respect for the elderly, caring for and mentoring the younger generation, loyalty to one’s family, and conformity to family traditions are the driving forces of the businesses in Singapore. The analysis suggests that it is the dominant culture of a society that shapes the business practices and business values in any given society.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
10

Thompson, Mark R. "Democracy with Asian Characteristics." Journal of Asian Studies 74, no. 4 (November 2015): 875–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911815001187.

Full text
Abstract:
In the last three decades, a number of Asian thinkers supportive of, or opposed to, authoritarian rule have developed culture-based theories of democracy that challenge, or buttress, a liberal, “Western” understanding of democratic rule. The most famous expression was the “Asian values” discourse of government-linked intellectuals in Singapore and Malaysia, but there has also been a “political Confucianist” critique of “Western democracy” in China as well as claims that only “Thai-style democracy” is appropriate in Thailand. Less well known is a pro-democratic stance in Asia rooted in the region's major religious traditions. These apparently contradictory discourses have been dialectically related in the post–Cold War era: authoritarian rulers reacted to universalist claims about democracy with assertions of cultural particularism which, in turn, triggered a reaction by Asian democrats who pointed to the liberal character of world religions practiced in the region. While the civilizational critique of “Western” democracy (the origins of which can be traced to Imperial Germany and Meiji Japan) has contributed to democratic decline in the region, there has also been push back by offering an interpretation based on East Asia's major religious traditions to show that “Asian values” are not incompatible with democracy.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
More sources

Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Democracy Singapore"

1

Subramaniam, Surainder. "Situating global ideas in local discourses a comparative study of the transferability of values, norms, and cultures of liberal democratic governance in contemporary Malaysia and Singapore /." access full-text online access from Digital dissertation consortium, 2001. http://libweb.cityu.edu.hk/cgi-bin/er/db/ddcdiss.pl?3020987.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
2

Gahre, Connor J. "SELLING AUTHORITARIANISM: SINGAPORE AND CHINA’S BRANDING PROCESSES." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1561577957887846.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
3

Tan, Kenneth Paul Sze Sian. "Political management in Singapore : a study of the People's Action Party government's efforts at shaping consensus on what kind and how much of democracy for Singapore." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.246543.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
4

Gustafsson, Karl-Martin. "Development Policies as Social Contract : Political leadership in Indonesia, Singapore and Malaysia." Thesis, Jönköping University, JIBS, Political Science, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-1525.

Full text
Abstract:

This thesis will show how authoritarian governments rest legitimacy on their ability to create socio-economic development. It will point to some methods used to consolidate power by authoritarian leaders in Indonesia, Singapore and Malaysia. An authoritarian regime that successfully creates development is strengthened and does not call for democratic change in the short run. It is suggested that the widely endorsed Lipset hypothesis, that development will eventually bring democratic transition, is true only when further socio-economic development requires that the economy transfers from being based on industrial manufacturing to knowledge and creativity – not on lower levels of development. Malaysia and Singapore have reached – or try to reach – this level of development today, but restrictions on their civil societies have still not been lifted.

This thesis describes modern political history in Indonesia, Singapore and Malaysia in a Machiavellian tradition. The historical perspective will give a more or less plausible idea of how authoritarian regimes consolidated au-thority and what role development policies played in the leaders’ claims for authority. The conclusion will give a suggestion on how the political future in these three countries might evolve. It will point to the importance of an active and free civil society as a means to develop the nations further, rather than oppression.

This thesis will try to point to the dos and don’ts for authoritarian regimes. The ideas of Plato, Machiavelli and Hobbes provide the structures and methods that authoritarian regimes apply. It will be shown that a regime will disintegrate when it fails to comply with Plato’s and Machiavelli’s ideas. Although ancient, Plato and Machiavelli provide methods and structures that seem to carry relevance to the modern history of Southeast Asia.

I will point to how authoritarian rule can be maintained in the long run. What is required from the political leadership, what are their strategies and methods? What makes people to tolerate or topple authoritarian regimes? Why do some authoritarian regimes successfully create development while others do not? These are some of the questions this thesis will try to answer.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
5

Sim, Soek-Fang. "Asian values, Asian democracy : the legitimation of authority and de-legitimation of dissent in everyday popular discourse in singapore in the late 1990s." Thesis, Goldsmiths College (University of London), 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.272271.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
6

Azad, Abul Kalam. "Determinants of Asian Democratisation (1981-2005)." AUT University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10292/952.

Full text
Abstract:
As a culturally distinctive region, Asia was chosen as the sample for this study. This empirical study investigated what the major trends of democratisation were in Asia between 1981 and 2005: why some countries became democratic while other countries failed to follow suit during that period. The main research hypothesis was: “That is it was mainly economic development that drove democratisation in Asia between 1981 and 2005”. Although some studies have studied the impact of economic development on democratisation in Asia, their findings have been inconclusive and focuses sometimes different. [To investigate the research hypothesis, 24 Asian countries were selected…measurement tools used etc…] For this research work, statistical and case study methods were applied. The data used in the analyses were collected from established data sources e.g. Freedom House (Freedom in the World, n.d.) and United Nations Statistics Division (UN Stat, n.d.). Repeated Measures in Linear Mixed Modeling (LMM) were used to analyse the quantitative data. Three case studies supplemented the findings of statistical analyses. Historical information and institutional and legal facts were also used in the case studies. This study found that increases in the level of economic development along with its equitable distribution in society and positive roles of political actors increase the level of democratisation in Asia. Some pro-democratic political and social institutions, such as tradition of parliamentarianism, and international organisations, for example Bretton wood institutions, also led to democratisation. A low extent of national political divide was found to result in a considerably high level of democratisation in a country where confrontation between major political forces is the main feature of politics. This study also found that a partial democracy with Asian values, economic legitimacy, a lack of corruption and a “systematic control” over opposition politicians can survive, and is not prone to higher level of democratisation. The Taiwan case revealed that, amongst other factors, the role of political actors and economic equity along with economic development is also vital for democratisation. The Singapore case explained how a “hybrid regime” in a rich country outsmarts democratisation. The study of Bangladesh provides an idea about other elements, e.g. lower level of political confrontation, that push for higher levels of democratisation.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
7

Devillers, Ploy-Païline. "Poelmika s univerzální funkčností liberální demokracie: případ Singapuru." Master's thesis, 2019. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-392982.

Full text
Abstract:
Presenting an authoritative one-party rule since fifty years, the case of Singapore does not concord with the various theories of democratization. After proving that Singapore is not a Liberal-Democracy, we argue that the country manages to create a model of stability both in terms of politics and economy, that act as trade- offs to liberal characteristics. The approach uses a qualitative analysis of the electoral framework, a cultural comprehension of contemporary elements and data on its economic success. Ultimately, this thesis aims at studying the idea that Liberal-Democracy is not a model that necessarily needs to be implemented for the functioning of all nations.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
8

Klapal, Petr. "Jednostranické režimy ve srovnání: Čína, Malajsie a Singapur." Master's thesis, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-305670.

Full text
Abstract:
Diploma thesis Single-Party Regimes in Comparison: China, Malaysia and Singapore is devoted to non-democratic regimes in which one party dominates and which legitimize by the concept of Asian values. The first part deals with the most important typologies and to approaches to explore single-party regimes. The second part introduced changes and the very concept of Asian values according to which democracy is unsuitable for Asian countries because of cultural differences. Other parts are devoted to describe the regimes in China, Malaysia and Singapore, which are classified into different typologies. The aim of the work is to show that Asian values don't explain the genesis of these regimes or their forms of non- democratic governance.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
9

Hara, Abubakar Eby. "The claims of 'Asian values' and 'Asian democracy' : some implications for international society, with special attention to Singapore, Malaysia and Indonesia." Phd thesis, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/147939.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
10

Ooi, Su-Mei. "The Transnational Protection Regime and Democratic Breakthrough: A Comparative Study of Taiwan, South Korea and Singapore." Thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1807/26219.

Full text
Abstract:
This dissertation explains why Taiwan and South Korea experienced democratic breakthrough in the late 1980s, when Singapore failed to do so. It explains this variation in democratic outcomes by specifying the causal mechanisms underpinning the international-domestic political interface of democratic development in these cases. New empirical evidence discovered in the course of this research has confirmed that transnational networks of nonstate and substate actors were an indisputable source of external pressures on the authoritarian governments of Taiwan, South Korea and Singapore during the late 1970s and early 80s. Foreign human rights activists, Christian missionaries and ecumenical workers, members of overseas diaspora communities, journalists, academics and students, along with legislators in key democratic countries allied to the target governments, were found to have raised the international profile of political repression by flagging them as reprehensible human rights abuses. Within the context of an international normative environment where human rights was increasingly considered a legitimate international concern, these transnational actors generated a negative international opinion of the target governments. Such grassroots pressures had the potential to raise the cost of political repression for these target governments with the effect of curbing repressive state behavior, thereby protecting key domestic actors with the potential to effect democratic breakthrough. The extent to which these external pressures could effectively constrain repressive state behavior depended, however, on the immediate geopolitical circumstances of each case. Geopolitical circumstances were also important because they could affect the strength of the protection regime. Thus, the exposition of the transnational protection regime as the causal mechanism underpinning the international-domestic political interface of democratic development requires that we specify the exact role of agency within the international normative and geopolitical contexts in which they operate. This dissertation develops such an abstracted causal model for the purposes of application in other cases and for policy analysis.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

Books on the topic "Democracy Singapore"

1

Huat, Chua Beng, and Beng Huat Chua. Communitarian ideology and democracy in Singapore. London: Routledge, 1995.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
2

Institute of Southeast Asian Studies., ed. Governing Singapore: Democracy and national development. St Leonards, NSW, Australia: Allen & Unwin, 2000.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
3

Huat, Chua Beng. Communitarian Ideology and Democracy in Singapore. London: Taylor & Francis Group Plc, 2004.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
4

Murdoch University. Asia Research Centre, ed. Communitarian ideology and democracy in Singapore. London: Routledge, 2002.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
5

Vasil, R. K. Governing Singapore. Singapore: Mandarin, 1992.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
6

Vasil, R. K. Governing Singapore: Interviews with new leaders. Kuala Lumpur: Times Books International, 1988.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
7

The Singapore democrats: 30th anniversary commemorative magazine. Singapore]: Singapore Democratic Party, 2010.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
8

Fong, Siao Yuong. Performing Fear in Television Production. Nieuwe Prinsengracht 89 1018 VR Amsterdam Nederland: Amsterdam University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/9789463724579.

Full text
Abstract:
What goes into the ideological sustenance of an illiberal capitalist democracy? While much of the critical discussion of the media in authoritarian contexts focus on state power, the emphasis on strong states tend to perpetuate misnomers about the media as mere tools of the state and sustain myths about their absolute power. Turning to the lived everyday of media producers in Singapore, I pose a series of questions that explore what it takes to perpetuate authoritarian resilience in the mass media. How, in what terms and through what means, does a politically stable illiberal Asian state like Singapore formulate its dominant imaginary of social order? What are the television production practices that perform and instantiate the social imaginary, and who are the audiences that are conjured and performed in the process? What are the roles played by imagined audiences in sustaining authoritarian resilience in the media? If, as I will argue in the book, audiences function as the central problematic that engenders anxieties and self-policing amongst producers, can the audience become a surrogate for the authoritarian state?
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
9

Communitarian Ideology And Democracy In Singapore. Routledge, 1997.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
10

Vasil, Raj. Governing Singapore: Democracy and National Development. Taylor & Francis Group, 2020.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
More sources

Book chapters on the topic "Democracy Singapore"

1

Tan, Netina. "Singapore." In Governance and Democracy in the Asia-Pacific, 48–73. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2020. | Series: Politics in Asia: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315866765-3.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
2

Chua, Beng Huat. "Singapore From Social Democracy to Communitarianism." In Handbuch Kommunitarismus, 643–62. Wiesbaden: Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-16859-9_31.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
3

Chua, Beng Huat. "Singapore From Social Democracy to Communitarianism." In Handbuch Filmtheorie, 1–20. Wiesbaden: Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-16864-3_31-1.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
4

Zolo, Danilo. "The “Singapore Model”: Democracy, Communication, and Globalization." In The Blackwell Companion to Political Sociology, 407–17. Oxford, UK: Blackwell Publishing Ltd, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9780470696071.ch38.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
5

Matijasevich, David. "Radically Open to Radically Closed: The End of Agonism in Post-Colonial Singapore." In Radical Democracy and Its Limits, 125–69. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-23014-2_5.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
6

Yeoh, Lam Keong, Andrew Zhi Jian Yeo, and Hawyee Auyong. "Singapore’s Social Contract Trilemma." In Globalization and Democracy in Southeast Asia, 63–85. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-57654-5_4.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
7

"9 Championing Democracy." In The Singapore Lion, 169–91. ISEAS Publishing, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/9789814279529-012.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
8

"WESTERN DEMOCRACY: CAN IT DELIVER?" In Serving Singapore, 393–440. WORLD SCIENTIFIC, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/9789811205583_0023.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
9

Vasil, Raj. "Conclusion: national development and democracy." In Governing Singapore, 233–51. Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003136835-11.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
10

Vasil, Raj. "Creating a democracy that works." In Governing Singapore, 45–83. Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003136835-4.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

Conference papers on the topic "Democracy Singapore"

1

Tarn, How Tan, Hui Tng Ying, and Andrew Yeo. "Normalization versus Equalization Effects of the Internet for Political Parties: Singapore's General Election 2015 as a Case Study." In 2016 6th International Conference for E-Democracy and Open Government (CeDEM). IEEE, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/cedem.2016.40.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
2

Méndez Landa, Francisco Javier. "ATACAR LA FRONTERA: LA POESÍA COMO POLÍTICA EN LA OBRA DE FRANCIS ALŸS." In IV Congreso Internacional Estética y Política: Poéticas del desacuerdo para una democracia plural. València: Editorial Universitat Politècnica de València, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/cep4.2019.10288.

Full text
Abstract:
Desde finales de los años 90’s el artista belga radicado en México, Francis Alÿs (1959) ha extrapolado su labor artística al abandonar el Centro Histórico de la Ciudad de México como su principal laboratorio social, para incidir en diversas regiones del mundo -principalmente territorios de conflicto bélico, socioeconómico, político y migratorio-, en un afán de imaginar realidades distintas a las establecidas por medio de la activación de relatos urbanos, fábulas, moralejas, actividades fútiles y juegos de niños; deviniendo en variadas y aparentemente inocentes metáforas que esconden complejas y poderosas reflexiones sociales. El presente trabajo plantea trazar una acupuntura que sigue algunas acciones de Francis Alÿs fuera del territorio mexicano para construir un imaginario global desde lo poético de su labor: en un mundo gobernado por la desesperanza, y las tensiones generadas por las fronteras de los países, la voz de Alÿs se vuelve un bálsamo necesario que permite visualizar otras soluciones posibles a los conflictos políticos derivados de la independencia y la consecuente autonomía de un determinado territorio. I. En 1997, Alÿs viaja de Tijuana, Baja California, México a San Diego, California, EUA, -ciudades vecinas separadas únicamente por la valla Internacional-; pero el artista lo hace sin cruzar la frontera norte; imaginando una nueva y absurda ruta migratoria que evade la burocracia necesaria para ingresar legalmente a los Estados Unidos; iniciando su viaje en Tijuana, y prosiguiendo por Ciudad de México, Panamá, Santiago de Chile, Auckland, Sydney, Singapore, Bangkok, Rangún, Hong Kong, Shanghái, Seul, Anchorage, Vancouver, Los Ángeles y concluir finalmente en San Diego, California, arribando 35 días después de haber iniciado su travesía. II. En 2005, Alÿs convoca a lancheros voluntarios de Cayo Hueso, Florida, EUA y de La Habana, Cuba, a construir con sus endebles barcas un sólido puente que permita enlazar estas dos naciones sobre el Golfo de México. III. En 2004, Alÿs recorre la ‘Línea verde’, demarcación establecida para promover un alto al fuego entre Israel y Palestina, con una lata de pintura verde agujereada, trazando con su andar una línea verde, que materializa esta división naturalmente imaginaria. IV. En 2008, Alÿs invita a niños de las comunidades pesqueras de Tánger, Marruecos y Tarifa, España a construir una línea humana que permita liberar pequeños barcos de juguete para navegar de norte a sur, y viceversa el Estrecho de Gibraltar. Para Alÿs, la poesía posee una cualidad disruptiva, capaz de hacernos imaginar otros futuros posibles.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
You might also be interested in the extended bibliographies on the topic 'Democracy Singapore' for particular source types:
Journal articles Books
We offer discounts on all premium plans for authors whose works are included in thematic literature selections. Contact us to get a unique promo code!

To the bibliography