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SCHOLTES, Julian. "The abuse of constitutional identity : Illiberal constitutional discourse and European constitutional pluralism." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2022. https://hdl.handle.net/1814/73873.
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Defence date: 21 January 2022<br>Examining Board: Professor Gábor Halmai, (EUI); Professor Martijn Hesselink, (EUI); Professor Alexander Somek, (University of Vienna); Professor Neil Walker, (University of Edinburgh)<br>‘Constitutional identity’ has become a key argument in the negotiation of authority between national legal orders and the legal order of the European Union. Many national constitutional courts have declared that the reach of EU law is limited by certain core elements of the national constitution, often labelled ‘constitutional identity’. However, the rise of ‘illiberal democracies’ within the European Union, especially exemplified by the democratic backsliding of Hungary and Poland, has put constitutional identity into a questionable spotlight. Both countries have been leaning on the constitutional identity to both erode European legality and defend their authoritarian constitutional projects againstEuropean criticism. This dissertation deals with the question of how to delimit legitimate invocations of constitutional identity from abuses of constitutional identity. It develops a typology of constitutional identity abuse in three dimensions: The generative, the substantive, and the relational. The generative dimension is concerned with how a constitutional identity claim has come about, its relation to constituent power, constitutional enactment and amendment, the independence of courts, and the regulation of historical memory. The substantive dimension deals with what a constitutional identity claim entails, digging into the normative expectations invoked by the concept and the ways in which it ought to be regarded as intertwined with and embedded in a normative conception of constitutionalism. Finally, the relational dimension is concerned with how a constitutional identity claim is advanced. Advancing a constitutional identity claim in the European legal space evokes notions of diversity, dialogue, recognition, and pluralism, which need to be reciprocated. In each of these dimensions, ways in which constitutional identity can be abused will be identified, using Europe’s ‘backsliding democracies’ Hungary and Poland as the primary case studies, while discussing other countries where appropriate.
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Lundgren, Åsa. "Europeisk identitetspolitik EU:s demokratibistånd till Polen och Turkiet /." Uppsala : Statsvetenskapliga föreningen i Uppsala : Distributor, Universitetsbiblioteket, Uppsala, 1998. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/39356907.html.
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Szewczyk, Bart Michael Julius. "European citizenship and national democracy : sources of EU legitimacy in the common interest and in service of human dignity." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610301.
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CORKIN, Joseph. "A manifesto for the European Court : democracy, decentred governance and the process-perfecting judicial shadow." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/7030.
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Defence date: 29 January 2007<br>Examining Board: Prof. Christian Joerges, (EUI) ; Prof. Damian Chalmers, (London School of Economics) ; Prof. Alec Stone Sweet, (Yale University) ; Prof. Neil Walker, (EUI)<br>PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
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Michailidou, Asimina. "The European Union online the role of the internet in the European Union's public communication strategy and the emerging European public sphere." Thesis, Loughborough University, 2007. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/3055.
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The focus of this thesis is on the vertical Europeanisation of the online public debate and more specifically on the EU's online public communication strategy, i.e. the top-down process of the unmediated, direct, online communication between the EU and the general public. The empirical data has been collected in four stages, namely public communication policy-making; public communication policy implementation online; online public communication policy impact on key Internet audiences; and interviews with key senior Commission officials. The review of the EU public communication documents has shown that the Commission has unambiguously committed to facilitate direct communication with the EU public as part of the process of building the EU citizens' trust towards its institutions and in addressing the issues of transparency and democratic legitimation of the EU's decision-making process, while the Internet is seen as a key tool in facilitating direct communication. However, after monitoring three of the EU's official websites for a year and analyzing the views of 221 Internet users on the EU's Information and Communication strategy online, it has become evident that the Commission has not yet fulfilled these commitments. The interviews with key Commission officials have revealed that behind this gap between policy and online implementation lie: a) an institutional culture which conflicts with the aims of the Commission's public communication strategy; and b) constant institutional restructuring in the last six years. Very recently the Commission has begun to address some of the shortfalls in the online implementation of its public communication strategy, yet there is no indication that the results of the online debate regarding the EU's future will be incorporated in the decision-making process, while further study is required in the future in order to assess any change in the institutional culture in relation to its public communication strategy.
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Győrffy, Dora. "Democracy and deficits : the new political economy of fiscal management reforms in the European Union /." Budapest : Akademiai K, 2007. http://www.gbv.de/dms/zbw/526360356.pdf.
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Paparouni, Evgenia. "La rhétorique des institutions européennes: le débat sur les perspectives financières 2007-2013." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209385.
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Abstract (version française suit)<p>Although the EU is a privileged point of focus for political science studies, its discursive activity has not received all the attention it deserves. This corpus analysis adopts a descriptive approach, based on the Neo-Aristotelian trend in argumentation theory, by using both analytical categories of classical rhetoric and (emic or etic) categories that belong to the conceptualization of the debate entertained by its own participants. The corpus consists of public interventions by representatives of the three main EU Institutions (Commission, European Council and Parliament). The speeches were pronounced between June and December 2005. Since it is discussed every seven years, the topic of the Financial Perspectives offers the possibility of making diachronic comparisons; it also allows identifying values, projects and means of the European construction at a rhetorical level. The last six months of 2005 followed two significant events: the conflicting attitudes of European Governments regarding the Iraq war and the rejection of the Constitutional Treaty by referendums.<p>In the absence of any other metaphysical or natural foundation, the technocratic enterprise provides the European project with a rational and secular justification that is not always assumed as such, though, by the presidents of the Commission. The conceptual metaphors stemming from the preambles to the treaties convey the idea that European integration will be achieved by triggering a gradual process that should lead to the realization of an ultimate aim.<p>From a rhetorical point of view, the Financial Perspectives are in need of legitimacy. In 2005, the rhetorical invocation of dates/milestones, abundantly used by former presidents of the Commission, does not seem to work anymore. Both the requirement of unanimity in the legislative procedure and the habitus of European deliberation make it necessary to find an agreement; this consequently promotes “consensus” as a meta-communicational argument. The notion of a “consensus” runs against such theoretical (epistemological) and pragmatic objections that it proves imperious to wonder about its origin and roots. One should take into account not only scholarly conceptions of “consensus” (Habermas, the Deliberative Democracy movement), but also naïve and popular visions of it.<p>The EU Institutions are aware of the difficulty they meet in awakening citizens’ interest, and they have developed their Communication Policy in order to give themselves the means to overcome this obstacle. A systematic reflection on their strategy should take into account the divergent opinions of Moravscik and Hix, as well as the possibility of grounding the EU project anew on a revival of ancient homonoïa.<p>DISCLAIMER. The content of this thesis represents solely the views of its author and cannot in any circumstances be regarded as the official position of the European Commission.<p><p><p><p><p><p><p>Résumé<p>Quoique l’Union Européenne (UE) soit un objet de prédilection pour les politologues, son activité discursive n’a pas reçu toute l’attention méritée.<p>La thèse offre une analyse de corpus effectuée sur base d’une grille de lecture incluant des catégories rhétoriques étiques et émiques. Elle adopte une approche descriptive puisée dans le versant néo-aristotélicien de l’étude de l’argumentation. Le corpus a été constitué d’interventions publiques tenues par les représentants des trois principales Institutions Européennes (Commission, Conseil Européen, Parlement Européen) entre juin et décembre 2005. Le sujet des Perspectives Financières, débattu à intervalles réguliers, permet des comparaisons diachroniques ;il permet aussi de contraster les valeurs, les projets et les moyens de la construction européenne. La conjoncture des six derniers mois de 2005 présente la particularité supplémentaire que le projet de Traité Constitutionnel venait d’être rejeté et que les gouvernements européens s’étaient auparavant divisés sur l’intervention en Irak.<p>En l’absence d’un fondement métaphysique ou naturel, l’entreprise technocratique fournit au projet politique européen une justification rationnelle et laïcisée, même si elle n’est pas assumée explicitement en tant que telle par tous les présidents de la Commission. Les métaphores conceptuelles mobilisées dans les préambules des traités traduisent le fait que l’unification européenne devrait s’accomplir à la fois par l’entremise de réalisations progressives et à travers la poursuite d’un objectif lointain.<p>Sur le plan rhétorique, les Perspectives Financières sont en manque d’une légitimité emblématique. La clause des rendez-vous, des étapes cruciales, abondamment utilisée dans le passé par les présidents de la Commission, cesse de fonctionner en 2005. La nécessité d’un accord, issue tant de la lettre de la procédure législative par unanimité que de la coutume des délibérations, est devenue matière à un argument méta-communicationnel qui en est arrivé à englober toute circonstance susceptible de faciliter le « consensus ». Cette dernière notion soulève des réticences théoriques (épistémologiques) et pragmatiques qui imposent de s’interroger sur son origine. La problématisation que nous avons opérée tient compte non seulement des conceptions savantes du « consensus » (Habermas, courant de la Démocratie Délibérative), mais aussi de ses variantes populaires ou vulgarisées.<p>Les Institutions Européennes sont conscientes de la difficulté qu’il y a à motiver l’intérêt citoyen, et elles ont voulu, à travers leur Politique de Communication, se donner les moyens de dépasser cet obstacle. La thèse mène, à ce propos, une réflexion plus générale qui tient compte des avis opposés de Moravcsik et Hix, et d’une éventuelle refondation dans l’homonoïa de la rhétorique classique.<p>DISCLAIMER. Le contenu de cette thèse représente le point de vue de son seul auteur et ne peut en aucune circonstance être considéré comme la position officielle de la Commission Européenne. <p><br>Doctorat en Langues et lettres<br>info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Salmerón, Ramírez Melissa. "Observación electoral internacional y promoción de la democracia: una aproximacion a las relaciones de la unión europea con los países del mediterráneo." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/405582.
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Los Acuerdos Euromediterraneos de Asociacion y los Planes de Acción que enmarcan las relaciones entre la Unión Europea y los Países del Sur y del Este del Mediterráneo tienen como elemento esencial y condicionante el respeto a los principios democráticos. Una de las fuentes con las que cuenta la UE para obtener información en este sentido son los hallazgos de sus misiones de observación electoral. El objetivo general de la tesis fue analizar la repercusión que estos hallazgos tuvieron en la política de la Unión Europea hacia los Países del Sur y del Este del Mediterráneo, en el periodo entre 2000 y 2014. Los principales hallazgos muestran que durante el primer lustro del siglo XXI la Unión Europea no envió misiones de observación electoral a ninguna de las elecciones celebradas en los países en cuestión, algunos de ellos gobernados por regímenes autoritarios. Ello no obstó para que la Unión Europa mantuviese relaciones con dichos gobiernos. En los casos en los que la Unión Europea envió misiones, la información recabada por éstas tuvo poca o ninguna incidencia en las relaciones con los gobiernos aludidos. La tesis concluye que ha habido una incoherencia entre la formulación de la promoción de la democracia en la política de la Unión Europea (el discurso o retórica en pro de la democratización y la condicionalidad vinculada a ésta) y su implementación. Esto sugiere que la Unión Europea actúa como un actor internacional normativo cuando busca extender sus normas democráticas a través de medios no coercitivos como la observación electoral, pero si este fin entra en conflicto con sus intereses de seguridad, éstos reciben prioridad.<br>The commitment to embrace and respect democratic principles is an essential element, and a condition, of the Euro-Mediterranean Association Agreements and Action Plans that frame the relations between the European Union and the southern and eastern Mediterranean countries. One of the European Union’s sources of information on this area are the findings of its election observation missions. The goal of this dissertation was to analyze the impact that these findings had on the EU’s policy towards the southern and eastern Mediterranean countries, in the period between 2000 and 2014. The main findings show that in the beginning of the 21st century the European Union did not send election observation missions to any of the elections in the southern and eastern Mediterranean countries, some of which were ruled by authoritarian regimes. This did not, however, preclude relations between the European Union and those governments. In cases where the European Union did sent missions, the information gathered had little or no impact on relations with the aforementioned governments. This thesis concludes that there is an inconsistency between the formulation of the promotion of democracy in European Union’s policy (pro-democratization rhetoric and the conditionality attached to it) and its implementation. This suggests that the European Union acts as a normative actor when seeking to extend its democratic standards through non-coercive means such as electoral observation, but if this approach conflicts with its security interests, security is given priority.
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Juma, Nyabinda Richard. "An Inquiry into the Compatibility of the Demo-Conditionality with State Sovereignty in International law : With Special Focus on The European Union and the African, the Caribbean and the Pacific Countries Relations." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Juridiska institutionen, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-136109.
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This study examines the issue of compatibility of demo-conditionality with state sovereignty in international law. From a practical perspective, it examines the state of the science with respect to the enforcement of demo-conditionality, in the context of the unique relationship between the European Union and the African, Caribbean and Pacific countries. The practicality of any argument declaring certain norms to be compatible with state sovereignty rests on an assumption that it is possible to distinguish which norms are compatible from those which are not. The validity of such an assumption depends on whether a universal workable test with which to draw this distinction, and its accompanying requirements, has been or can be developed. Therefore, the starting point of this study is to investigate whether such a universal test exists, and if so, what its requirements are. The author reaches a legally appropriate conclusion as to which norms are compatible with the principle of state sovereignty and which not in the international legal system. Thereafter, an investigation is undertaken with regard to the legal premises invoked to justify the compatibility of the demo-conditionality with state sovereignty. To this end, two levels of analysis (also referred to here as two paths) are followed. The first level of investigation concerns the proposition for demo-conditionality’s being premised upon adherence to new treaty obligations governing the parties’ observance of democratic norms. In this context, the examination focuses on Article 25 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, 1966 as the relevant provision. Other single-issue human rights instruments are also examined to establish whether they compliment Article 25. The second level of investigation explores the possibility for demo-conditionality's compatibility being premised upon obligations of State parties, which arise from the various development co-operation instruments adopted over the years. Here, emphasis is placed upon the question of whether or not these instruments advocate the inclusion of demo-conditionality in development co-operation between donors and recipients of aid. This study ultimately reaches a legally appropriate conclusion, at both levels of analysis, concerning demo-conditionality's compatibility with the principle of state sovereignty. At this juncture, a recommendation is made as to which of the two paths is the legally safer one for the pursuit of the demo-conditionality in development co-operation. On the question of what constitutes a more successful international approach to the establishment of democratic governments in the South, this study has undertaken a comparative analysis, making suggestions with respect to two models: the "Enforcement Model", based upon coercive enforcement measures, and the "Managerial Model", based upon an approach of co-operative dialogue. Finally, the study examines the state of the science with respect to enforcement of demo-conditionality, with a focus on the special relationships between the European Union and the African, Caribbean and Pacific countries. This is designed to provide a degree of insight into the practical aspects associated with the enforcement of demo-conditionality.
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Gajic, Sandra. "Le jeu des négociations entre l'Union européenne et la Serbie : les critères politiques (2000-2018)." Thesis, Bordeaux, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018BORD0463.
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La Serbie n’est certainement pas ce que l’on pourrait désigner comme étant un Etat typique de l’Europe centrale et du Sud-Est. Alliée fidèle de la Russie et de la Chine, elle a subi les plus longues sanctions internationales en Europe et des bombardements de l’OTAN en 1999. Depuis la chute du régime de Milošević en 2000, l’ « enfant terrible » du continent a vocation à adhérer à l’Union européenne, or la tendance n’est clairement pas à l’élargissement. Face aux nombreuses crises (économique, migratoire et démocratique), l’UE parait impuissante à plusieurs égards. Symbole pendant longtemps du développement, de la paix et de la démocratie, elle doit faire face à une perte d’attractivité ces dix dernières années. Toutefois, malgré les doutes de part et d’autre, Bruxelles ne peut pas se permettre de ne pas tendre la main à la Serbie qui a une place centrale dans les Balkans, de par son poids démographique et sa position géostratégique. Le 1er mars 2012, la Serbie a officiellement obtenu son statut de candidat à l’UE. En signant l’accord d’association et de stabilisation, Belgrade s’est engagé à aligner sa législation sur l’acquis communautaire et donc à effectuer de nombreuses réformes. Or, sur fond d’acculturation et de déculturation juridique, des voix s’élèvent contre les réformes en chaîne dans le seul but d’intégrer l’institution européenne. L’un des objectifs de cette thèse est d’éclairer la nature et l’avancée de ces réformes à travers les critères politiques, définis lors du Conseil européen de Copenhague en 1993. Elle étudie les difficultés que la Serbie partage avec tous les Etats du Sud-Est de l’Europe et les difficultés qui lui sont propres, tout en questionnant sur la nécessité et les conséquences de ces changements. L’étude des négociations entre Bruxelles et Belgrade est aussi l’occasion d’apporter un éclairage sur le fonctionnement de l’institution européenne et de constater les limites de l’ambigüité constructive chère à l’UE. Finalement, le comportement de l’Union européenne à l’extérieur de ses frontières est symptomatique de son comportement à l’intérieur<br>Serbia is certainly not a typical state of Central and Southeastern Europe. A loyal ally of Russia and China, it suffered the longest international sanctions in Europe and NATO bombings in 1999. Since the fall of the Milošević regime in 2000, the "enfant terrible" of the continent is destined to join the European Union. However, the trend is clearly not toward a enlargement. Facing multiple crises (economic, migratory and democratic), the EU seems powerless in many ways. Although the EU has been regarded as a symbol of development, peace and democracy, it has suffered a loss of attractiveness in the last ten years. However, despite doubts on both sides, Brussels cannot afford not to reach out to Serbia, which has a central position in the Balkans, because of its demographic weight and its geostrategic position. In March 2012 Serbia was granted EU candidate status. By signing the Stabilisation Agreement, Belgrade is committed to a gradual harmonization of legislation with the acquis of the European Communities and thus implement many reforms. However, in a context of legal acculturation and deculturation, some voices are rising to denounce a chain of reforms for the sole purpose of joining the European institution. One of our aims is to clarify the nature and progress of these reforms through the political criteria, defined at the Copenhagen European Council in 1993. We will hence study the difficulties that Serbia shares with all the states from Southeast Europe and its own problems, by questioning the necessity and consequences of these changes.The study of the negotiations between Brussels and Belgrade is also an opportunity to examine the functioning of the European institution and to note the limits of constructive ambiguity cherished by the EU. Finally, the behavior of the European Union outside its borders is symptomatic of its behavior inside
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Mouhib, Leila. "Les politiques européennes de promotion de la démocratie: une analyse des rôles du Parlement et de la Commission dans les cas tunisien et marocain, 2006-2012." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209503.
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Partant du constat de la constitution de la promotion de la démocratie comme enjeu des relations internationales et de politique étrangère, la présente recherche s’interroge sur les politiques menées en la matière par l’Union européenne dans le cadre des relations avec ses voisins méditerranéens, particulièrement le Maroc et la Tunisie. L’analyse se concentre sur l’Instrument européen pour la démocratie et les droits de l’homme, sur la période 2007-2012.<p>L’objectif est de comprendre et d’expliquer les pratiques des différents groupes d’acteurs impliqués dans ces politiques, au sein de la Commission (DG Relex/SEAE, DG Devco, délégations) et du Parlement (sous-commission DROI).<p>La position défendue est la suivante :les pratiques européennes de promotion de la démocratie au Maroc et en Tunisie sont fonction de l’identité des groupes institutionnels qui les mettent en œuvre. Pour chaque groupe institutionnel, peuvent être mis en évidence des normes, intérêts et ressources qui contribuent à défendre et renforcer l’identité institutionnelle. Dès lors, des pratiques qui peuvent paraître incohérentes au premier abord (pourquoi agir au Maroc et pas en Tunisie ?pourquoi créer l’IEDDH et, parallèlement, évincer l’objectif de promotion de la démocratie de la coopération bilatérale avec la Tunisie ?) prennent tout leur sens lorsqu’on parvient à restituer la fonction sociale qu’elles assurent.<p><br>Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales<br>info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Karlsson, Christer. "Democracy, legitimacy and the European Union /." Uppsala : Uppsala University Library, 2001. http://www.gbv.de/dms/sub-hamburg/329961624.pdf.
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Rasco, Clark Joseph. "Demographic trends in the European Union : political and strategic implicaitons /." Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Jun%5FRasco.pdf.
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Li, Xin. "European identity, a case study." Thesis, University of Macau, 2009. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555548.
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Krasniuk, S. O. "Adult learning technologies in the European Union countries." Thesis, Київський національний університет технологій та дизайну, 2018. https://er.knutd.edu.ua/handle/123456789/10707.
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Powel, Brieg Tomos. "From democracy to stability : European Union Democracy promotion in Tunisia 1995-2007." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10036/73634.
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Very little scholarship has been published on politics in Tunisia in the last two decades, resulting in scant coverage of the country’s political relations with the European Union (EU). Likewise, few studies of the EU’s democracy promotion and Mediterranean policies have provided any in-depth analysis of Tunisia. Meanwhile, much has been made by scholars of role played by democracy promotion in the EU’s foreign policy, particularly focusing on understandings of the Union as a ‘normative power’ or as an advocate of the ‘democratic peace theory’. By assessing EU democracy promotion in Tunisia, this thesis argues that democracy promotion has become a predominantly functional part of this foreign policy; its principal role being a means of realising the Union’s principal objectives of achieving security and stability for Europeans. By analysing the discourse of actors involved with the EU’s democracy promotion, the thesis traces a shift in EU policy from a more normative position in the mid-1990s to a more realist and securitised one since the turn of the twenty-first century. Tunisia has evolved over the last two centuries as a state strongly committed to European-influenced socio-economic reforms, but reforms which have led to little political contestability and few changes in government. However, as the EU forged a new approach to its Mediterranean neighbours, it established the promotion of democracy in its neighbours as an integral part of its foreign and security policies. Democracy was to be promoted in Tunisia within multilateral and holistic policy frameworks, such as the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership, and by a range of methods that encourage reform of many levels of the region’s societies. Yet it appears that these reforms are failing to deliver the political reforms they once promised. Furthermore, democracy is gradually slipping off the EU’s agenda, and its policy objectives converge with those of the Tunisian government as security concerns come to dominate its policy discourses. In the Tunisian context at least, democracy is a purely utilitarian device used to achieve security. When that security already exists, democracy loses its utility, and fades from its once prominent place in the EU policy in Tunisia.
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Busschaert, Gautier. "Participatory democracy in the European Union : a civil perspective." Thesis, University of Leicester, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/28976.
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Because representative democracy may be reaching its limits, the EU has turned to participatory democracy. The participatory turn is torn between a moderate and a radical version. The moderate version revitalises the Community Method (CM) by formalising the dialogue of European institutions with organised civil society, while the radical version celebrates its demise as a chance for national governments to coordinate their policies in partnership with civil society through the Open Method of Coordination (OMC). In order to assess the participatory turn, this thesis takes the view that civil society is a pluralist sphere of participation between state and market wherein deliberative democracy realises its full potential. Democratisation proceeds whenever civil society manages to assert influence over state and market without falling prey to their colonising tendencies. This emancipatory process has so far taken place within the context of national welfare states. The fundamental question raised by the turn to civil society is whether multilevel social Europe will be able to continue this trend. Therefrom arise three research questions which this thesis explores in detail. Firstly, does European economic law colonise civil society? Secondly, is social Europe democratic in the sense that it opens European governance to the democratic influence of civil society? And finally, is social Europe effective, that is, able to protect civil society from European economic integration? The first question is essential, for a civil society colonised by markets would be in no position to legitimise social Europe at a time where it more than ever needs its protection. The last two questions require that radical OMC be compared with moderate CM, so as to critically assess whether the former performs better than the latter.
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Guasco, Clément. "Environmental NGOs: Channels of Democracy for the European Union." Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23688.
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The notion of democratic deficit has been at the centre of many debates on theEuropean Union for the last 30 years. The reason is, to a certain degree, linked to the lack oflegitimacy of the European Commission, which is not elected and remote from the Europeancitizens. However, the Commission seems to have found a positive way to increase itslegitimacy by the inclusion of civil-society in the decision-making process. The interactionbetween the Commission and two Environmental NGOs will therefore be analysed in order tomake a constructive contribution to the debate. The present paper does not limit itself tonormative statements on reality and considers that there is more to socio-political relationsthan “true” verifiable facts. Therefore, it is not limited to the formal decision-making process,and goes deeper into the socialisation process at play between the different actors. Theoutcome is that the Environmental NGOs studied appears as valuable models for theimplementation of new democratic channels for the representation and participation ofEuropean citizens.
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Davidge, Tobi C. (Tobi Colleen) Carleton University Dissertation International Affairs. "Citizens of Europe: democracy, gender and the European union." Ottawa, 1995.
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Slapin, Jonathan B. "Institutional design in the European Union how governments negotiated the Treaty of Amsterdam /." Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1459915981&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Tan, Zu Jia. "Analysis on the integration of EU consumer credit markets : a co-integration analysis." Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555572.
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Yucesan, Esin. "Stock Market Integration Between Turkey And European Union Countries." Thesis, METU, 2004. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12605686/index.pdf.
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The objective of the study is to analyze the effects of two breakpoints on the relationships of Istanbul Stock Exchange with the European stock markets and on the relationships among these European stock markets to increase the economic integration. The breakpoints are the execution of the Customs Union Agreement of Turkey with the European Union in 1/1/1996 and the introduction of the Euro in 1/1/1999. While both breakpoints have effects on Turkey&rsquo<br>s economic relations, the European Union countries are expected to be influenced by only the introduction of the Euro. Stock market indices provided by DataStream is utilized. The statistical techniques used include the correlation and cointegration analysis. Results indicate that when examined on pair wise basis Turkish stock market has more liaisons with the European stock markets, in general, after the Customs Union<br>but less liaisons after the conversion to Euro. However, when examined as a group, the cointegration result finds the Euro as influential as the Customs Union. Alternatively, the European stock markets have decreasing integrations as a result of correlation analysis after the Euro, but it is an influential breakpoint according to cointegrating structures.
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Nezhyvenko, Oksana. "Informal employment in Ukraine and European Union transition countries." Thesis, Paris Est, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PESC0047/document.
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L'emploi informel est devenu un sérieux défi pour l'économie ukrainienne et des pays en transition au cours de l'adaptation aux conditions du marché. La tendance du nombre de travailleurs qui participent au secteur informel est en hausse depuis les dernières années. Dans mes recherches, je vais présenter l'état actuel de l'emploi informel en Ukraine et les pays en transition. Une attention particulière est accordée à la répartition du travail entre les différentes catégories de population, en divisant les individus en cinq catégories (employés formels, employés informels, travailleurs indépendants formels, travailleurs indépendants informels et chômeurs) selon la définition de l'emploi informel de l'OIT. Nous examinons le marché du travail en utilisant les données de Ukrainian Longitudinal Monitoring Survey pour l'Ukraine et Survey on Living and Income Conditions pour les pays en transition et nous élaborons la fonction des gains du capital humain pour le marché du travail en appliquant la fonction de répartition des gains de Mincer, afin d'étudier les facteurs qui déterminent les revenus et le choix de l'emploi de l'individu en Ukraine et les pays en transition<br>Informal employment became a serious challenge for the Ukrainian economy and economy of transition countries during the adjustment to market conditions. Trends of the number of workers participating in the informal sector have been rising for the last years. In my research I will present the current state of informal employment of Ukraine and transition countries. Detailed attention is paid to labour distribution across different population categories by dividing the individuals into five categories (formal employee, informal employee, formal self-employed, informal self-employed and unemployed) following the definition of informal employment from the ILO. We examine labour market using the data of the Ukrainian Longitudinal Monitoring Survey for Ukraine and the Survey on Living and Income Conditions for transition countries and we design human capital earnings function for labour market by applying Mincer earnings distribution function in order to investigate the factors that determine the individual’s earnings and choice of the employment status both for Ukraine and transition countries
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Etienne, Anne. "Towards European Integration: Do the European Union and Its Members Abide by the Same Principles?" Thesis, University of North Texas, 2004. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4617/.
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In the last few decades the European Union (EU) and its members have emphasized the importance of human rights and the need to improve human rights conditions in Third World countries. In this research project, I attempted to find out whether the European Union and its members practice what they preach by giving precedence to countries that respect human rights through their Official Development Assistance (ODA) program. Furthermore, I tried to analyze whether European integration occurs at the foreign policy level through aid allocation. Based on the literatures on political conditionality and on the relationship between human rights and foreign aid allocation, I expected that all EU members promote principles of good governance by rewarding countries that protect the human rights of their citizens. I conducted a cross-sectional time-series selection model over all recipients of ODA for each of the twelve members for which I have data, the European Commission, and the aggregate EU disbursements from 1979 to 1998.
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Shi, Feng. "Principles of European Union water law." Thesis, University of Macau, 2007. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b1944040.
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Nadiradze, Rusudan. "Democratic Deficit in the EU : Towards Parliamentary Democracy?!" Thesis, Högskolan Dalarna, Sociologi, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:du-5466.
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Nowadays, the western societies are based on parliamentary democracy. Therefore, weak legislative power of the European Parliament is alleged for the democratic deficit in the EU. How it can be possible that the parliamentary democracy which is practiced on the national level can be achieved beyond the nation-states without diminishing the democracy at the nation-states? If not, how legitimacy can be obtained so that the continued existence and expansion of the EU should be justified? Since expectations for democratization of the EU are still unmet, finding answers to the actual questions is a great appeal. The thesis will explore the fundamental debates and arguments contributing to the democracy in the EU through the parliaments. I will try to reflect to the different ways of thinking and the prospects of establishing parliamentary democracy beyond the nation states.
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Dihel, Nora Carina. "Temporary movements of services providers from Central and Eastern European Countries into the European Union /." [Bucureşti] : Ed. DBH, 2005. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=013195171&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.
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Fee, Emma. "'A Europe without dividing lines': the normative framework of the European neighbourhood policy - emergent jus gentium or consolidation of jus civile?" Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=83952.
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The primary focus of this work is Article 57 of the Draft European Constitution, concerning the constitutionalisation of a new aspect in EU external relations law, 'the European Neighbourhood Policy'. No comprehensive study of this constitutional article has yet been undertaken in EU legal research. Through the medium of the title of my thesis I wish to examine whether it amounts to an emergent jus gentium for the EU or its antithesis, the consolidation of jus civile. In parallel with the nature of the subject, this study is necessarily a legal-political one. Key points identified are the strategic use of human rights, extraterritoriality of law, foreign direct investment and legal imperialism. A number of recent developments, both judicial and legislative, have provoked this study.
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KARAGIANNIS, Yannis. "Preference heterogeneity and equilibrium institutions: The case of European competition policy." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/15460.
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Defence date: 21 December 2007<br>Examining board: Prof. Adrienne Héritier (EUI)(Supervisor) ; Prof. Christian Joerges (EUI, Law Department) ; Prof. Jacint Jordana (Universitat Pompeu Fabra, Barcelona) ; Prof. Hussein Kassim (Birkbeck College, University of London)<br>PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses<br>One characteristic of European competition policy is its complex governance structure. On the one hand, the European competition regulator has always enjoyed a high degree of formal autonomy from national governments. On the other hand, that regulator has always been embedded in a multi-task and collegial organisation that mirrors intergovernmental politics. Although the literature has often disapprovingly noted this complexity, it has not been explained. Part I elaborates on the theoretical lens for understanding the governance structures of EC competition policy. Despite the prominence of principal-agent models, transaction cost economics seems to offer a more promising venue. The assumption that Member States maximise their total expected gains and postpone excessive bargaining costs leads to the following hypothesis: the greater the preference heterogeneity (homogeneity) between Member States, the higher (lower) the asset-specific investments involved, hence the higher (lower) the risk of post-contractual hold-ups, and hence the more (less) integrated the governance structures created to sustain future transactions. Alternatively, this logic leads to a deterministic hypothesis about the sufficiency of preference heterogeneities for the production of complex governance structures. Part II examines this deterministic hypothesis. Using various sources, and conducting both within- and comparative case- studies, it analyses three important cases: the negotiations of the Treaty of Paris (1951), of the Treaty of Rome (1957), and of the two implementing Council Regulations (1962 and 2003). The evidence shows that (a) the relevant actors do reason in terms of transaction cost-economising, and (b) in the presence of preference heterogeneity, actors create complex governance structures. Nevertheless, it is also found that (c) the transaction cost-economising logic is not as compelling as it may be in private market settings, as bargaining costs are not systematically postponed to the post-contractual stage, and (d) the transaction costs between Member States are not the only relevant costs.
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ERNE, Roland. "Organised labour : an actor of euro-democratisation, euro-technocracy or re-nationalisation? : trade-union strategies concerning the European integration process." Doctoral thesis, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5175.
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Defence date: 28 June 2004<br>Examining Board: Prof. Dr. Ulrich K. Pressus (Freie Universität Berlin) ; Prof. Dr. Franz Traxler (Universität Wien) ; Prof. Dr. Philippe C. Schmitter (EUI) ; Prof. Dr. Colin Crouch (EUI)(Supervisor)<br>Conferring date: 1 October 2004. First made available online on 6 December 2016<br>This thesis addresses two questions: first, has there emerged in Europe a system of industrial relations which crosses national boundaries? Secondly, does organised labour contribute to the process of democratisation of the European Union? Scholars have argued that the EU cannot be democratised because there is no European society as such, no European network of intermediate social institutions, no European public sphere, no European demos and no Euro-democratic citizens’ movement. This thesis has discovered evidence to the contrary.
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PALACIOS, Irene. "Making democratic attitudes work : the effect of institutions on europeans' aspirations and evaluations of democracy." Doctoral thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/54864.
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Defence date: 19 May 2018<br>Examining Board: Prof. Hanspeter Kriesi, European University Institute (Supervisor); Prof. Stefan Dahlberg, University of Bergen; Prof. Laura Morales, Sciences Po; Prof. Alexander H. Trechsel, European University Institute (Co-supervisor)<br>This thesis analyses how the institutional context of democracies shapes the way citizens evaluate, and what they do ideally expect, from their democratic systems. Although there is a long tradition in political science studying the institutional causes of democratic attitudes, the literature has been commonly focused on the effects of a small group of institutions on a set of attitudes that tap very ambiguously what the citizens actually feel about their system. From the side of institutions, these have been mainly identified with institutions of political representation—notably, electoral and party systems—while other formal arrangements equally relevant for the citizens, such as the rule of law or the welfare state, have remained fairly overlooked. As for popular attitudes toward democracy, the traditional indicators have sought to tap into individuals’ overall assessments of the system but have not allowed scholars to distinguish between the diverse elements with which citizens may be differently satisfied, or to identify their ideal aspirations about the system. By drawing on an innovative dataset that measures individuals’ democratic aspirations and evaluations in a nuanced way, as well as on a large range of macrolevel data on the performance of democracy, the thesis provides a comprehensive framework to understand how political institutions affect citizens’ aspirations and evaluations of democracy in European countries. The thesis starts by discussing the extent to which the new empirical concepts of aspirations and evaluations are indeed sound and meaningful and can serve to elaborate a fine-grained theory on public attitudinal beliefs about the democratic system. Next, I sketch out the theoretical framework of the thesis, which develops around the multifaceted connections between institutions and democratic aspirations and evaluations within specific dimensions of democracy. The results of the three empirical studies provide positive support for the two main hypothesized effects of the framework: (i) Aspirations work as a cognitive yardstick for how citizens evaluate institutional performance; and (ii) Institutions activate the effect of aspirations on performance evaluations by connecting what citizens expect from their democratic system to what they actually gain. This approach covers thus a gap in the literature on public opinion by acknowledging the socio-psychological process underlying the formation of public attitudes toward democracy. In the conclusions, the thesis discusses how these findings qualify much of what we know about the causes and implications of different degrees of public attachment to democracy, and draws insights into the institutional designs that really contribute to build people’s positive attitudes toward democracy.
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OGERTSCHNIG, Larissa. "EU democracy assistance : an analysis of theory and practice 1991-2011." Doctoral thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/30900.
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Defence date: 25 January 2013.<br>Examining Board: Professor Gráinne de Búrca, NYU, formerly EUI (Supervisor); Professor Philippe C. Schmitter, EUI; Professor Dimitry Kochenov, University of Groningen; Professor Erwan Lannon, University of Ghent.<br>First made available online on 11 September 2019<br>In the late 1980s/early 1990s the EU started to purse a new policy: that of democracy promotion. It quickly put in place a whole range of instruments that would facilitate the transition to democracy and its consolidation in new democracies. Democracy assistance has over the last two decades, due to its 'positive' features, increasingly emerged as one of the EU's preferred instruments of that policy, expressed in particular in increasing budgets for democracy assistance programmes, new democracy assistance facilities, and explicit policy declarations on the topic. This thesis outlines and analyses the EU's strategy of democracy promotion through the use of democracy assistance from its inception in the early 1990s until 2011, focusing on all major world regions except the enlargement dimension. While revealing numerous details on the strategy, it attempts to also answer the following three more fundamental questions: What is the EU's underlying conception of democracy? What is its preferred model of democratization? And what is its preferred approach to democracy assistance? In looking for answers, the thesis first traces the emergence and evolution of the use of EU democracy assistance, revealing major developments, stumbling blocks, and key features of the policy tool. A discussion of primary law traces the partly difficult development of EC/EU competences to engage in democracy promotion and especially assistance as well as the limited role primary law plays in policy implementation. An outline of the procedural and institutional dimension investigates the role of core actors in policy-making and implementation, including EU institutions, civil society organizations, and third state governments. Further, the thesis provides detailed quantitative data on EU commitments and expenditure under its specific democracy assistance programme - the EIDHR - as well as under mainstream assistance programmes and analyses the thematic and geographical distribution of provided funds.
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GAROT, Marie Jose. "La citoyenneté de l'Union : de la liberte de circulation a une démocratie euroéenne." Doctoral thesis, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/4632.
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Defence date: 26 June 1997<br>Prof. Olivier Audéoud, Université de Nancy II ; Prof. Massimo La Torre, Institut Universitaire Européen (superviseur) ; Prof. Francisco Rubio Llorente, Université Complutense de Madrid ; Prof. Francis Snyder, Institut Universitaire Européen<br>PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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DÖRR, Nicole. "Listen carefully : democracy brokers at the European social forums." Doctoral thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/12018.
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Defence date: 04/05/2009<br>Examining Board: Donatella Della Porta (EUI) (Supervisor); Klaus Eder (Humboldt University of Berlin) (External Co-Supervisor); Francesca Polletta (UC IRvine) (by videolink); Peter Wagner (University of Trento)<br>PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses<br>Interested in activists’ practices of translation as a potentially innovatory method of participatory democracy in a multilingual polity like the EU, my Dissertation explores the European Social Forum (ESF) process, a transnational platform created by global justice activists, civil society groups and social movement organisations. I studied the small-scale European preparatory meetings in which hundreds of activists have met six times a year since 2002 to organise the European Social Forums, and form campaigns on global justice, peace, social policies, anti-privatisation, climate change, migration, health, education and other issues. Comparing activists’ deliberative practices in these European meetings with social forum meetings at the national level in Germany, Italy and the UK, I arrived at a surprising result: European meetings reflect a higher degree of inclusivity and transparency within deliberation and decision-making compared to the national level. The puzzle to understand is this: European meetings bring together the same groups and individuals as national meetings, but they work by a novel practice of translation in multilingual deliberations implemented by activists who do a work of cultural and political translation: principled brokers. Principled brokers intervene on the listening side of deliberative processes and may change those culturally specific 'hearing habits' and informal norms of discussion that work against traditionally marginalised groups. My findings show that the inclusion of currently absent groups in debates on the EU depends less on a lack of voice than on efficient translation. Members of marginalised groups felt to be included in settings where elites actively listened. Careful listening, as a condition for public dialogue, occurred in European meetings that worked with practices of translation and allowed for alliances to form between geographically and socially distant groups. In the national meetings though, a lack of care for listening and translation reproduced exclusionary decision-making among informal elites. This comparison of participatory democracy arenas at the national and European level shows that linguistic and cultural homogeneity may impede rather than facilitate an effectively inclusive public dialogue.
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WEIMER, Maria. "Democratic legitimacy though European Conflicts-law? : the case of EU administrative governance of GMOs." Doctoral thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/26447.
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Examining board: Professor Christian Joerges (supervisor) EUI; Professor Loïc Azoulai EUI; Professor Ellen Vos Maastricht University; Professor Maria Lee University College London<br>Defence date: 30 August 2012<br>PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses<br>This thesis aims at addressing the problem of a potential dis-embedding of the EU administration from democratic institutions. For that purpose it explores the potential of a novel approach to EU constitutionalism, namely of European conflicts-law to ensure the democratic legitimacy of EU administrative governance of GMOs. The term administrative governance is being used as referring to a system of administrative action, in which EU administrative actors implement EU law in cooperation with national administrations, as well as with scientific and private experts. In order to analyse the functioning of this system governance is employed as analytical framework. This thesis shows that the conflicts-law approach constitutes a valuable constitutional framework. It helps to identify and better understand the legitimacy problems of EU administrative governance in the field of GMOs. The existent legal rules in this area can to a certain extent be reconceived as embodying conflicts-law mechanisms and ideas. This is most visible in their aim to procedurally organise cooperation between various actors within horizontal network structures of decision-making. However, the implementation of GMO rules in practice has considerably undermined the functioning of conflicts-law mechanisms. The analysis reveals problematic shifts of authority, which go beyond the system of shared responsibility envisaged by the EU legislator. Instead of administrative cooperation between national and supranational actors, hierarchy in the sense of central decision-making by the Commission dominates the process. Moreover, instead of shared responsibility between public authorities and the biotech industry, the applicant has become a powerful player of GMO regulation. This has to some extent also undermined the application of the precautionary principle in this area. This thesis concludes that attempts of EU law to constitutionalise administrative governance of GMOs in a legitimate way have not proven to be successful so far. Finally, this thesis also reveals certain limitations of the conflicts-law approach. It is suggested that conflicts-law at present should not be considered as a fully-fledged theory of European integration. Its strength lies in the ability to re-direct the discussion on democratic legitimacy of EU law, and to offer constitutional ideas for further elaboration of regulatory solutions. However, further conceptual clarifications seem necessary in order to make it operational in concrete cases of EU regulation.
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YIOLITIS, Emily. "Changing modes of governance : subsidiarity, partnership and democracy." Doctoral thesis, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5696.
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LACEY, Joseph. "Centripetal democracy : democratic legitimacy and regional integration in Belgium, Switzerland and the European Union." Doctoral thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/36377.
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Defence date: 29 June 2015<br>Examining Board: Professor Rainer Bauböck, EUI (Supervisor); Professor Philippe Van Parijs, UC Louvain (Co-supervisor); Professor Hanspeter Kriesi, EUI; Professor Nadia Urbinati, Columbia University.<br>This dissertation aims to arrive at a model of democratic legitimacy for the European Union. There is, however, a strain of thought pre-dominant in political theory since the nineteenth century that doubts the capacity of political systems constituted by multiple public spheres to have sustainable democratic systems. This view is referred to here as the lingua franca thesis on sustainable democratic systems (LFT). It states that, in the absence of a common language for political debate, democracy cannot function well in the long-term as citizens existing in distinctive public spheres will inevitably come to have diverging preferences that cannot be satisfactorily resolved by a collective democratic process. Poor quality democratic institutions, as well as acute demands to divide the political system (through devolution or secession) so that state and society become more congruent, are predicted by this thesis. To arrive at a model of democratic legitimacy for the EU, in light of the challenge presented by the LFT, three major steps are taken. Part One attempts to arrive at an account of democratic legitimacy as a realistic ideal for modern political systems. Understanding democracy as a system which strives to maximise citizens’ equal opportunities for control over the decisions to which they are subject, the maximisation of electoral and direct voting opportunities for citizens is recommended, subject to certain practical constraints. Importantly, democratically legitimate institutions are identified as having important external effects, which amount to more than just the peaceful resolution of conflict. Centripetal democracy is the idea that legitimate democratic institutions set in motion forms of citizen practice and representative behaviour that serve as powerful drivers of demos-formation. In the second part of this dissertation, an effort is made to both classify and normatively assess the EU. As a political system the EU is taken to be a demoi-cracy, or a democracy of democracies, whereby the demoi of the member states take sovereign precedence over the European demos constituting the citizens of Europe as a whole. While citizen’s control over their respective governments’ roles in EU decision-making is seen to have significant shortfalls, the major democratic deficiencies are detected in citizens’ control over actors located exclusively at the European level. Overall, the absence of voting opportunities directly connecting citizens to European power ensures that the EU is not controlled by its citizens in a way that is commensurate with the power it wields. If the EU is to democratise, it must be capable of dealing with the dynamics predicted by the LFT. Part Three of this dissertation analyses the sustainability of democracy in two political systems that bear striking resemblances to the EU, namely Belgium and Switzerland. Like the EU, these are multilevel and multilingual political systems attempting to organise themselves in a democratic fashion. Belgium proves to be a near perfect case for corroborating the LFT, its linguistic communities finding it increasingly difficult to coexist in one democratic community. Switzerland, by contrast, has managed to produce one of the most democratically legitimate political systems in the modern world, despite being fractured into linguistically distinct public spheres. As my conception of centripetal democracy predicts, however, the Swiss success in integrating the public spheres within one political system is in no small part related to the arrangement of its democratic institutions. That being said, there are certain conditions that made the development of centrifugal forces more likely and centripetal democracy less likely in Belgium than in Switzerland. In Part Four, where I finally derive a model of democratic legitimacy for the EU, it is demonstrated that while many of the conditions that made centrifugal forces so strong in Belgium are not (or not yet) present in the EU, the conditions for the development of a legitimate democratic process are also generally lacking. This is especially true when it comes to the introduction of direct democracy at Union level, although there may be fewer obstacles to making European institutions more electorally accountable.
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HERNÁNDEZ, Enrique. "Europeans’ democratic aspirations and evaluations : behavioral consequences and cognitive complexity." Doctoral thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/43804.
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Defence date: 21 October 2016<br>Examining Board: Professor Hanspeter Kriesi, European University Institute (Supervisor); Professor Pedro C. Magalhães, University of Lisbon; Professor Mariano Torcal, Pompeu Fabra University; Professor Alexander H. Trechsel, European University Institute<br>This thesis is a collection of four empirical studies that analyze Europeans’ democratic aspirations and evaluations and their behavioral implications. It is well established that most citizens support democracy in the abstract but that a substantial proportion of them are not fully satisfied with the way democracy works. However, we know significantly less about the specific type of democracy citizens aspire to, about the extent to which they evaluate that their democracies meet these democratic aspirations, and about how these aspirations and evaluations relate to their political behavior. Drawing on an innovative dataset that provides a detailed account of individuals’ democratic aspirations and evaluations I first assess the availability and structuration of these attitudes towards democracy in the belief systems of Europeans. Next, I analyze how democratic aspirations and evaluations and the imbalance between the two relate to political participation and party choice decisions. The empirical analyses reveal that: (i) these attitudes towards democracy are widely available and coherently structured in the belief systems of most individuals; (ii) that democratic aspirations and evaluations, and the imbalance between the two, are significantly related to the likelihood of turning out to vote and demonstrating, but that, at the same time, their impact is contingent on a series of individual- and macro-level factors; (iii) that the imbalance between democratic aspirations and evaluations that individuals perceive for specific elements democracy is significantly related to their likelihood of defecting from mainstream parties and voting for different types of challenger parties. In the conclusion to this dissertation I discuss the potential implications of these findings for the quality and stability of democracies, and how these findings qualify some aspects of the prevailing optimistic outlook about the behavior of those who are critical or dissatisfied with the functioning of their democracies.
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CVIJIC, Srdjan. "Democracy beyond the Demos : bringing the immigrants (back) in." Doctoral thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/4605.
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Defence date: 14 September 2005<br>Examining Board: Prof. Neil Walker , EUI (supervisor) ; Prof. Wojciech Sadurski, EUI ; Dr. Jef P.A. Huysmans, Open University, Milton Keynes ; Dr. Theodora Kostakopoulou, University of Manchester<br>PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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WEBER-PANARIELLO, Philippe A. "The integration of matters of justice and home affairs into title VI of the Treaty on European Union : a step towards more democracy?" Doctoral thesis, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5612.
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Lyttle, David M. J. "Democracy, dictatorship and development : European Union Pacific development policy in action : a study of Fijian society since December 2006 : a thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in European Studies in the University of Canterbury /." 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/3741.
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KIES, Raphaël. "Promises and limits of web-deliberation." Doctoral thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/10477.
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Defence date: 09 June 2008<br>Examining Board:
Prof. Peter Wagner, University of Trento and EUI Supervisor
Prof. Alexander Trechsel, EUI
Prof. Jürg Steiner, University of Carolina
Prof. Hanspeter Kriesi, University of Zürich<br>PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses<br>In this work we will attempt to evaluate which of these scenarios is most likely to become prominent in the future by focusing essentially on three issues: 1) the usage of the online forum by observing how diffuse the phenomenon is and who the users of the online debates are; 2) The offer of the online political forum, by analyzing which are the political actors (civil society, media, institutional actors) who are more susceptible to host the online political debates; and 3) the quality of the online debates by assessing their deliberativeness. By elaborating a sophisticated method for measuring the deliberativeness of the online debates and by analyzing a great variety of online debates our objective is to provide an appreciation of the deliberative potential of the web-debates that avoids shortcuts and inappropriate generalizations, but that recognizes that this may be determined by a multiplicity of factors. From a theoretical perspective the results obtained through our investigations contribute to evaluate whether the deliberative model of democracy could be fostered by the virtualization of the political debates and, more generally, it should also contribute to the elaboration of a deliberative model of democracy that is grounded not only on theoretical principles and suppositions, as this tends to be the case, but also on empirical studies that test its adaptability to the 'real life politics'.
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VAN, SPANJE Joost. "Pariah parties : on the origins and electoral consequences of the ostracism of political parties in established democracies." Doctoral thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/12049.
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Defence Date: 15/05/2009<br>Examining Board: Mark Franklin (EUI); Michael Laver (New York University); Peter Mair (EUI) (Supervisor); Cees van der Eijk (University of Nottingham) (External Co-Supervisor<br>PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses<br>Party politics is about cooperation and conflict between political parties. At certain times, a party may rule out all political cooperation with a particular other party. In these cases, there is only conflict between the parties. This dissertation is about such situations. I define the systematic refusal of a particular party to cooperate politically with a particular other party as the party’s ostracism of the other party. It is the causes and consequences of ostracism that I wish to explain in this thesis. In order to do so, I first define the concepts of the ‘anti-immigration party’ and the ‘communist party.’ Based on both a literature review and an expert survey, conducted in the course of this study, I classify other parties’ responses to the existence of 46 anti-immigration and communist parties in 15 countries in postwar Western Europe as either ‘ostracism’ or ‘no ostracism.’ In the first part of this dissertation, I use the resulting classification as the dependent variable in a comparative-empirical analysis, in order to explain the variation in other parties’ political responses to particular political parties. Using logistic regression analysis on the basis of two different data sets, I find that other parties are likely to systematically boycott a far right party if they do not need to cooperate with it anyway. They are even more likely to do so if it holds anti-democratic ideologies. The ‘ostracism’ / ‘no ostracism’ classification is the main independent variable in the second part of the research, which aims at exploring the consequences of the exclusion of political parties for their electoral support. I argue and empirically demonstrate, by way of different regression analysis techniques on the basis of 15 different data sets, that when ostracized, anti-immigration and communist parties are less able to affect policy outcomes, which is what generally interests voters. As a result, these parties lose votes. There is one main exception to this rule. Anti-immigration parties that operate in a political context where opposition influence in parliament is high, and which are represented in the national parliament, are immune to the deleterious impact of ostracism on their electoral support. It seems that these parties can exercise power over policy-making in spite of being ostracized, thereby remaining attractive to voters. Thus, institutional factors determine whether or not ostracizing a rival party is an effective tool in the hands of targeting parties in order to safeguard democracy - or just to hold on to power.
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KARREMANS, Johannes. "State interests vs citizens’ preferences : on which side do (Labour) parties stand?" Doctoral thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/45985.
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Defence date: 31 March 2017<br>Examining Board: Professor Pepper Culpepper, formerly EUI/University of Oxford (Supervisor); Professor Hanspeter Kriesi, EUI (Co-Supervisor); Professor Ferdinand Müller-Rommel, Leuphana Universität Lüneburg; Professor Maurits Van der Veen, College of William & Mary<br>This dissertation deals with the question of how the partisan nature of government still matters in the current globalized and post-industrial world. In particular, it compares the representativeness of two contemporary centre-left governments with that of two centre-left executives from the 1970s in the Netherlands and the United Kingdom. According to the more provocative theories about the state of contemporary representative democracy, these countries should be forerunners of a general European trend in which governments care more about technical competence rather than political representation and responsiveness. These tendencies are expected to particularly affect the partisanship of Labour ministers. In order to test these theories, I do a comparative content analysis of how Labour finance ministers/Chancellors justify the yearly government budget in front of the parliament. The justifications are divided into those that characterize the government as representative of the partisan redistributive preferences (input-justifications) VS those that profile it as a competent caretaker of public finances (output-justifications). Following the above-mentioned theories, the hypothesis is that today the output-justifications are more important than in the past. As this approach is relatively novel with regards to the study of responsiveness, the thesis also dedicates one chapter to the justification strategies of a technical and a neoliberal government. The purpose of this extra comparison is to have more empirical evidence of what renders an output-justification different from an input-justification. By incorporating these two cases, thus, I get a deeper comparative insight into what is a typical left-wing/partisan discourse characteristic and what constitutes governmental/institutional talk. This extra comparison, consequently, allows me to reflect more deeply on the findings emerging from the overtime comparison of Labour governments. The findings of my research tell a two-sided story. On the one hand, contrary to my hypothesis, the contemporary cases feature slightly more input-justifications than the governments from the 1970s. On the other, the logic of the discourses suggests that, while in the 1970s the responsiveness to social needs was presented as a policy goal per se, today the input-justifications tend to be more subordinated to justifications about economic and financial considerations. The findings thus speak both to theories according to which today we are not witnessing a decline of political representation, but simply a change in kind, as well to the theories speaking of a gradual hollowing out of political competition. In the iv conclusion of my dissertation I reflect on what is right and wrong on the two sides of the debate.
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Craycraft, Erin E. "European Union trade negotiations with developing countries." 2002. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/52278869.html.
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STEHMANN, Oliver. "Network competition for European telecommunications." Doctoral thesis, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5072.
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Examining board: Jörn Kruse, University of Hohenheim ; Stephen Martin, EUI, supervisor ; Roger Noll, Stanford University ; Louis Phlips, EUI ; George Yarrow, Oxford University<br>Defence date: 7 June 1993<br>First made available online: 31 May 2016<br>The telecommunications industry is in the throes of rapid technological and regulatory change. Markets for terminals and services have been liberalized, and only the provision of networks has remained under the control of national operators. This book analyses from an economist's point of view the benefits which may be expected from the introduction of network competition in Europe, and describes how competition can be reconciled with social objectives. The author first looks at the latest technological developments and discusses the impact of new transmission systems such as mobile phones and satellites, and the convergence of broadcasting and telecommunications. He goes on to weigh up the arguments for and against network competition, looking in particular at the natural monopoly view and at universal service. The third part of the book compares policy in Europe and the USA, with a detailed analysis of the European Commission's approach, and an up-to-date view of the regulatory frameworks in five European member states. Finally, the author sets out a strategy for network competition in Europe which takes into account both the latest developments and the characteristics of the European environment.
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Balvan, Martin. "Tax system of chosen European Union countries." Master's thesis, 2009. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-274910.
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LAFFERTY, Michelle Martine. "European citizens' right to vote." Doctoral thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5451.
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Patrício, Margarida da Silva. "Determinants of CO2 emissions in European Union countries." Master's thesis, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.6/10868.
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The economic growth is one of the main drivers of pollution. Climate change caused by the
increase in emissions has harmful and irreversible effects on economies as a whole.
Currently, climate change represents a challenging issue for policymakers. This research
intends to contribute to the current debate on the factors that contribute to reducing
emissions, supplying empirical evidence of the role of environmental regulation in this
process. In detail, this research aims to bridge a gap in the literature by giving special
attention to the effects of market-based regulation, regulatory incentive policies for
renewables deployment, and foreign direct investment on carbon dioxide emissions. To
accomplish this objective, it uses yearly data from 1995 to 2017 for 17 European Union (EU)
countries. To control for some possible endogeneity, and to study the short- and the longrun effects individually, an Autoregressive Distributed Lag (ARDL) model was used with a
Driscoll-Kraay estimator. The main findings show that environmental regulation is effective
in cutting CO2 emissions in the long-run. Additionally, the policies supporting renewable
energy sources negatively affect CO2 emissions in both the short- and long-run. The
effectiveness of these policies is further demonstrated, with foreign direct investment
reducing carbon dioxide emissions, suggesting that the EU is managing to attract high
quality and innovative investment. The pollution halo hypothesis was validated for EU
countries.<br>O crescimento económico é uma das principais causas da poluição. As alterações climáticas
causadas pelo aumento das emissões têm efeitos prejudiciais e irreversíveis nas economias
como um todo. Atualmente, as alterações climáticas representam um desafio para os
formuladores de políticas. Esta pesquisa pretende contribuir para o debate atual sobre os
fatores que contribuem para a redução das emissões, fornecendo evidências empíricas do
papel da regulação ambiental nesse processo. Em detalhe, esta pesquisa visa preencher uma
lacuna na literatura, dando especial atenção aos efeitos da regulação baseada no mercado,
políticas regulatórias de incentivo à implementação de energias renováveis e investimento
direto estrangeiro nas emissões de dióxido de carbono. Para atingir esse objetivo, foram
utilizados dados anuais de 1995 a 2017 para 17 países da União Europeia (UE). Para
controlar alguma possível endogeneidade e estudar os efeitos de curto e longo prazo
individualmente, o modelo Autoregressive Distributed Lag (ARDL) foi usado com o
estimador Driscoll-Kraay. As principais conclusões mostram que a regulação ambiental é
eficaz no decréscimo as emissões de CO2 a longo prazo. Além disso, as políticas de apoio às
fontes de energia renováveis afetam negativamente as emissões de CO2 no curto e no longo
prazo. A eficácia dessas políticas é demonstrada ainda mais, uma vez que o investimento
direto estrangeiro reduz as emissões de dióxido de carbono, sugerindo que a UE está a
conseguir atrair investimento inovador e de alta qualidade. A hipótese pollution halo foi
validada para os países da UE.
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Hsieh, Yi-Fong, and 謝衣鳯. "The money and inflation in European union countries." Thesis, 2019. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/p8w7wr.
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博士<br>國立政治大學<br>經濟學系<br>107<br>After the 2008 global financial crisis beginning in the U.S., the major economies have been infected by the global systematic financial turmoil. In that case, major monetary authorities have taken preemptive unconventional monetary policies immediately after the interest rate policy fail to keep financial market functioning. Unconventional monetary policy is usually considered as balance sheet policy in peacetime. Recently, a vast of literatures concerning the effects of balance sheet policy shocks reveal that balance sheet policy shocks affected the output and price level positively. Rather, we find that the monetary base and broad money in European Union countries grew disproportionately after the crisis.
In this paper, we apply two panel data models to estimate the inflation effects in European Union countries. We have several findings. First, ECB coordinated central banks to conduct large-scale assets purchase in the euro area, but balance sheet policy has affected these countries differently. Moreover, the Panel VAR results shows that the inflation effect of the mean group is smaller than the results of most empirical literatures. Besides, each individual European Union country responds to balance sheet policy shocks with heterogeneous inflation effects. In addition, some EU countries, such as Belgium, Cyprus, Denmark, Spain, Ireland, Italy, Luxembourg, Poland, Slovenia, and Slovakia, even show deflation replies. Lastly, empirical results of panel data indicate that inflation and monetary base growth rate reveals a significant negative relation, while inflation and M3 growth rate has a positive relation.