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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Democracy; Constitutionalism; State/civil society'
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1
Kilibarda, Danica. "Serbia between the past and the future." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.288046.
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Mukai, Akiyo. "State, civil society and democracy, the case of South Korea and Taiwan." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp04/mq22803.pdf.
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DeWiel, Boris Cedric. "Democracy as diversity, civil society, pluralism and the limits of the state." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/tape15/PQDD_0026/NQ34666.pdf.
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Bienvenu, Fiacre. "Making African Civil Society Work: Assessing Conditions for Democratic State-Society Relations in Rwanda." FIU Digital Commons, 2018. https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3822.
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This dissertation offers a single case in-depth analysis of factors precluding civil society from democratizing African polities. Synthesizing existing literature on Rwanda, I first undertake an historical search to trace the origins and qualities of civil society in the colonial era. This effort shows, however, that the central authority—commencing before the inception of the Republic in 1962—consistently organized civil society to buttress its activities, not to challenge them. Next, using ethnographic research, I challenge conventional economic and institutional accounts of civil society’s role in democratization. I show that institutional change and the economic clout of organized groups are marginal and transient in effect, and hence possess considerable limitations to democratize state and non-state-groups relations. I argue that the Genocide and its historical materials, social and economic precariousness, and neo-patrimonial power configurations have erected a prevailing political culture that still conditions how Rwanda’s state-society relations are imagined, realized, and challenged. Conversely, just as that political culture has lengthened the reach of the state into society, limiting the potential autonomy of civil society, it has also been the basis for rebuilding the society, restoring the state’s authority, and enacting major state-building oriented reforms. Consequently, for CSOs to induce a liberal democratic order in domestic politics, subsequent activism will require long-term strategic and organic investment of actors into the dispersed, parochial strands of democracy first, not into ongoing confrontational, yet fruitless, political warfare that hinders social capital formation and that civil society is not yet equipped to win.
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Koga, Natalia Massaco. "Shifts in the relationship between the state and civil society in Brazil's recent democracy." Thesis, University of Westminster, 2012. https://westminsterresearch.westminster.ac.uk/item/8z807/shifts-in-the-relationship-between-the-state-and-civil-society-in-brazil-s-recent-democracy.
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This thesis investigates the shifts in the relationship between the state and civil society in Brazil between 1995 and 2010. Following a period when ‘civil society’ was nearly abandoned as an analytical category, a number of studies from the 1980s onwards have developed links between ideas of democracy and civil society. Seeking to understand the roles played by civil society and their relevance for Brazil’s recent democracy, this work proposes an analytical framework that associates a relational approach with the application of analytical tools from Chantal Mouffe’s agonistic theory of democracy. The thesis’ period of analysis covers the administrations of presidents Fernando Henrique Cardoso and Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. The main hypothesis examined is that during this period there occurred a shift from an ‘apoliticalconsensual’ to a ‘political-conflictual’ pattern of relationship between state and civil society. The work undertaken in this investigation is conveyed through eight sections. Following a brief introduction, Chapter 1 is dedicated to a review of the literature on civil society; it also includes a justification of the use of the relational approach and an introduction to this thesis’ main analytical categories. Chapter 2 traces an overview of the historical trajectory of civil society in Brazil and its key characteristics. Chapter 3 explores the discourses and practical measures relating to civil society which have been adopted by the Cardoso and Lula governments. Chapter 4 discusses the literature on participation in Brazil and its formulations on the modes of interaction between the state and civil society. It also explores tenets of Mouffe’s agonistic theory and proposes an analytical framework through which the case studies will be interpreted. Chapters 5 and 6 examine the two selected case studies: respectively, the National Council for Health and the 1st National Conference of Communications. The concluding chapter outlines the thesis’ main findings. This thesis intends to expand understanding of the realms of civil society action; the forms of relationship between civil society organisations and the state; and, finally, the projects’ potentialities for expanding participation and deepening democracy in Brazil.
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Gabritchidze, Anna G. "Transition in the Post-Soviet State: From Soviet Legacy to Western Democracy?" Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1289943668.
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Durusan, Firat. "Debates On Civil Society: From Centre-periphery To Radical Civil Societarianism." Master's thesis, METU, 2008. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12610292/index.pdf.
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The radical democratic conception of civil society strives for theoretically constructing and politically defending civil society as a social sphere autonomous from both the economy and state. As a position taken against Marxist and liberal theories, radical civil societarianism views the cultural and normative structures of modern societies as independent from and prior to systemically conceived economic and political relations. These structures is purported to give way to spontaneous social solidarity characterising civil society. With the mechanisms of domination and exploitation defined outside civil society, this approach ends up with excessive
voluntarism characterising social relations thereof. Similarly, in the Turkish context, the dominant centre-periphery approach is predicated upon the external contradiction between the vertical state-society relations and horizontal relations between social actors. It is argued that the dominance of the former has caused the underdevelopment of civil society which is a particular expression of the latter. In any case, social conflicts are detached from structural political and economic mechanisms and conceived in voluntaristic terms. Consequently, the normative position radical civil societarianism takes vis-à-vis social movements fails to go beyond an imposition of the arbitrary notion of &ldquo
civility&rdquo
through the discourse of self-limitation.
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Nelson, Inga Katrin. ""Each Generation of a Free Society": The Relationship between Montana's Constitutional Convention, Individual Rights Protections, and State Constitutionalism." PDXScholar, 2011. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/311.
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In the mid-1970s, state courts began to interpret state constitutions independently of the federal constitution in a way that provided greater protection for individual rights at the state versus federal level. Scholars have generally attributed the rise of this movement, known as state constitutionalism, to the actions and scholarship of judges and point to the cause as a fear that the Burger court would rollback Warren court era protections for individual rights. In reality, the concept of state constitutionalism had been present throughout the 1950s-1970s period of state constitutional revision and was deeply influenced by concerns over the status of the federal system. Montana's 1972 Constitutional Convention illustrates the role that constitutional revision had in the subsequent adoption of state constitutionalism. In particular, the creation, adoption, and interpretation of two provisions--the privacy and dignity clauses--shows that the public was engaged in a conscious decision to go beyond the federal protections for individual rights. Montana's experience suggests that further research is needed in order for scholars to fully understand the rise and adoption of state constitutionalism.
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Mattos, Marco Aurélio Vannucchi Leme de. "Os cruzados da ordem jurídica. A atuação da ordem dos advogados do Brasil (OAB), 1945-1964." Universidade de São Paulo, 2011. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-06062011-164833/.
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A presente tese examina a atuação da Ordem dos Advogados do Brasil (OAB), por meio de sua instância diretiva máxima, o Conselho Federal, entre 1945 e 1964. A ação pública do órgão, neste período, pode ser decomposta em três fases. Em meados da década de 1940, o Conselho Federal engajou-se profundamente na oposição ao Estado Novo. Na década de 1950, forçado pelas transformações que atingiam a advocacia, o organismo centrou-se numa agenda eminentemente corporativa. Finalmente, no início da década de 1960, o Conselho retomou uma postura fortemente politizada para combater o governo Goulart. Destacam-se, no trabalho, quatro eixos temáticos: 1.) o perfil da elite dirigente da OAB; 2.) a relação da Ordem dos Advogados com o Estado; 3.) a relação da Ordem com a sociedade civil; 4.) a relação da Ordem com a categoria profissional que representava.The present thesis examines the performance of OAB (Ordem dos Advogados do Brasil), through its highest authority, Federal Council, between 1945 and 1964. The public action of the organ, in this period, can be decomposed in three phases. In the middle of the 1940s, Federal Council was deeply engaged in the opposition to the New State. In the 1950s, forced by the changes that reached the advocacy, the organism was centered in an eminently corporate agenda. Finally, in the beginning of 1960s, the Council recovered a strongly politicized posture to fight Goulart administration. Four themes are accentuated in the work: 1.) the profile of OAB elite; 2.) the relationship between OAB and the State; 3.) its relationship with the civil society; 4.) its relationship with the professional category that it represented.
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Campos, Emilie Faedo Della Giustina de. "Sociedade civil em foco: Forma e conteúdo das organizações civis em Guarapuava (PR)." Universidade Estadual de Ponta Grossa, 2018. http://tede2.uepg.br/jspui/handle/prefix/2552.
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
O foco deste estudo se direciona para a análise da forma e do conteúdo das organizações da sociedade civil no contexto particular de uma realidade local, o município de Guarapuava (PR). Mais especificamente, a fim de identificar perspectivas de construção democrática desenvolvidas a partir das práticas das organizações civis em relação com o Estado. O referencial teórico gramsciano é o fundamento a partir do qual se desenvolvem as categorias analíticas. Sendo assim, o objetivo geral da pesquisa é compreender perspectivas de construção democrática no espaço local através da análise da forma e do conteúdo das organizações da sociedade civil em Guarapuava (PR). Para tanto, a amostra da pesquisa compreende organizações civis de fins públicos, conforme tipologia própria de classificação desenvolvida para o estudo. Em virtude da característica do objeto, trata-se de uma pesquisa de natureza qualitativa, que utilizou os seguintes instrumentos de pesquisa para o alcance dos objetivos: revisão sistemática de literatura, análise documental, entrevista semiestruturada, observação assistemática e análise de categorias. A tese está organizada em três capítulos. No primeiro, são desenvolvidos elementos conceituais acerca das categorias Estado, sociedade civil e democracia, fundamentados no referencial teórico gramsciano. Com a mesma fundamentação teórica, o segundo capítulo apresenta elementos contextuais nacionais: as diversas expressões assumidas pela sociedade civil brasileira após a redemocratização, bem como determinações conjunturais do início do século XXI. O último capítulo adentra o universo empírico da pesquisa, composto por elementos contextuais locais, e apresenta a análise da configuração do universo organizacional da sociedade civil em Guarapuava. Entre os achados da pesquisa, pela luz dos fundamentos teóricos utilizados, destaca-se que, remetidos a parâmetros democráticos, os objetivos, práticas e resultados delineados pelas organizações não se limitam a formatações específicas: nas relações estabelecidas entre si, expressam tanto marcas de um conservadorismo que se desdobra em desarticulação (por isso “gelatinosa”), quanto elementos de uma organização civil a ser fortalecida; ao se relacionarem com o Estado manifestam sua instrumentalização sob a hegemonia neoliberal, localizando suas práticas no âmbito da “pequena política”, sem deixar de conter posicionamentos de resistência e enfrentamento; o que se reflete no tipo de democracia “disfarçada”, produto desse processo (que não é homogêneo e manifesta também germes de elaboração de outros consensos).
This study aims to analyse the form and content of civil society organizations in the particular context of a local reality of the city of Guarapuava (PR). More specifically, in order to identify democratic perspectives developed from the practices of civil organizations in relation with the State. The Gramscian theoretical framework is the foundation from which the analytical categories are developed. Therefore, the general objective of the research is to understand democratic perspectives in the local space through the analysis of the form and content of civil society organizations in Guarapuava (PR). The research sample comprises civil organizations of public purposes classified according to the typology developed for the study. Due to the characteristic of the object, the research is of a qualitative nature which used the following research instruments to reach its objectives: systematic literature review, documentary analysis, semi-structured interview, unsystematic observation and category analysis. The thesis is organized in three chapters. In the first one, conceptual elements are developed in the categories: State, civil society and democracy based on the Gramscian theoretical reference. On the same theoretical basis, the second chapter presents national contextual elements: the various expressions assumed by the Brazilian civil society after redemocratization as well as conjunctural determinations of the beginning of the 21st century. The last chapter enters into the empirical universe of research composed of local contextual elements, and presents the analysis of the configuration of the organizational universe of civil society in Guarapuava. In light of the theoretical foundations, the findings of the research highlight, with reference to democratic parameters, that the objectives, practices and results produced by the organizations are not limited to specific formations. Moreover, their established relationship expresses both marks of a conservatism that unfolds in disarticulation called "gelatinous", and elements of a civil organization to be strengthened. By relating to the state, the organizations manifest their instrumentalization under neoliberal hegemony, locating their practices within the scope of "small politics", although containing positions of resistance and confrontation; what reflect a "disguised-like" democracy, which is a product of a non homogeneous process and also show the germs of elaboration of other consensuses.
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Joseph, Stacey-Leigh. "Consolidating democracy, building civil society : the South African Council of Churches in post-apartheid South Africa and its policy of critical solidarity with the state." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007957.
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The South African Council of Churches (SACC) played an extremely crucial role during the struggle against apartheid. The role of the SACC was first and foremost to provide a voice for the voiceless. It managed, among other tasks, to actively fill the void left by movements banned by the illegitimate apartheid government. As a result of its fight against the inequalities that existed in South Africa, its work adopted a political character. In the aftermath of post-apartheid South Africa, the SACC was left with the task of redefining its role within South African society and civil society, specifically. The euphoric sentiment in the mid-1990s was in part reflected in the SACC. However, the conclusion reached by the Council in 1995 was that it would also play a role of 'critical solidarity' which essentially meant that it would not shy away from attacking the government when the need arose. Since 1994, the South African government has implemented a number of policies that do not appear to be in the immediate interest of the majority of South African citizens atld have brought church and state into conflict. This thesis attempts to tackle three issues which are pertinent to the South African situation and which shed light on state-civil society interactions. These issues are HIV I Aids, the question of odious debt and the Zimbabwe crisis. By using both primary and secondary sources, the SACC's responses to government's handling of these matters will be compared with the responses of the South African Catholic Bishops Conference in order to determine their relationships with government. The conclusion of this investigation is that the SACC has in fact managed to maintain a position of critical solidarity. It has been faced with numerous challenges with regard to maintaining the fragile boundary of alliance with government on the one hand, and becoming anti-government on the other. However, by forming alliances with other civil society actors as well as fostering a relationship with government in order to facilitate mediation this dissertation argues that the SACC has become an essential member of South Africa's vibrant civil society.
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Cinat, Cristiane [UNESP]. "Hegemonia e Conselho do Idoso: relações entre Estado e sociedade civil em uma perspectiva gramsciana." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/148863.
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
A hegemonia, entendida no autêntico conceito desenvolvido por Gramsci, é considerada no presente trabalho como uma ferramenta metodológica e como um horizonte político para se alcançar a realidade e se construir uma possível sociabilidade mais livre e emancipada. Nesse sentido, buscou-se analisar as mediações ocorridas no Conselho Estadual do Idoso de São Paulo (CEI/SP) enquanto um campo permeado por tensões, contradições e consensos no exercício político que visa disputar valores e projetos societários por meio da participação, do controle social e das ações desenvolvidas nesse espaço em privilegiado tempo, em que aconteceram as Conferências Municipais, Estadual e Federal dos idosos no contexto de recessão e crise político-econômica vivenciado atualmente. Os Conselhos de políticas públicas no Brasil foram inscritos constitucionalmente após a reabertura democrática, ocorrida no final da década de 1980, e como órgão paritário e deliberativo, o CEI/SP foi observado enquanto espaço privilegiado de relações entre a sociedade civil e o Estado, capaz de refletir demandas e expressões da população idosa na interlocução com o poder governamental, com vistas a inscrever, normativamente, garantias e direitos tanto na esfera estadual como nas discussões e encaminhamentos federais por meio das Conferências. Para tanto, foi desenvolvida análise com base em literatura afeta ao tema, em material produzido pelo Conselho – como atas, relatórios e deliberações, observação das reuniões ordinárias e entrevistas com os conselheiros, tanto representantes da administração pública quanto da sociedade civil. Foi possível perceber que o CEI/SP tem relevância enquanto instrumento de consolidação democrática, haja vista seu alcance junto à base popular que representa e sua capacidade organizativa para encaminhar propostas junto ao executivo/legislativo estadual e federal como acontecido nas Conferências, mas, por outro lado, esbarra em limites que por vezes esvaziam e restringem esse potencial, sem conseguir tencionar ou incidir nas correlações de forças dadas nas relações cotidianas de construção e transformação social, ou em outras palavras, na capacidade de alargar seu exercício político para além da delimitação do próprio Conselho.
The hegemony, according the true concept developed by Gramsci, it is considered in this study as a methodological tool and as a political horizon to achieve reality and build a possible more free and emancipated society. In this sense, it sought to analyze the mediations taken in the State Council of the Elderly of São Paulo (CEI/SP) as a permeate field by tensions, contradictions and consensus in the political exercise that dispute values and social projects through participation, social control and actions of this space in prime time that happened Municipal Conference, State and Federal of the elderly in the context of recession and political-economic crisis experienced contemporarily. The Boards of public policies in Brazil were enrolled constitutionally following the democratic re-opening occurred in the late 1980s and as deliberative and parity institution, the CEI/SP was seen as a privileged space of relations between civil society and the state, able to reflect demands and expressions of the elderly population in the dialogue with government, in order to sign normatively guarantees and rights both at the state level, as in the discussions and federal referrals in the Conferences. To that end, we developed analysis based on literature affects the subject, material produced by the Council as minutes, reports and resolutions, observation of regular meetings and interviews with counselors, with representatives of government and civil society. It could be observed that the CEI/SP has relevance as democratic consolidation tool, given its reach with the population that represents and their organizational capacity to forward proposals to the executive / state and federal legislatures as happened in the Conferences, but on the other next he comes up against limits emptying and restriction to their potential, being unable to change the correlation of forces in social relationships building, in other words, the ability to expand its political exercise beyond the Council itself delimitation.
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Aksak, Rona Isabelle. "Status konsolidering: Turkiet : En fallstudie om utmaningarna för en konsolideringsprocess i Turkiet." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-79834.
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Turkey is one of the most powerful and influential nations in the Middle East with many important alliances, but what is the status of the democracy in the country? This thesis aims to explain the challenges towards a consolidation process in Turkey. A case study is used as a methodology and the research question is analysed with the help of the theoretical framework from Juan Linz and Alfred Stepans with their five consolidation arenas. The analysis examines the civil society, political society, economic society, rule of law and state bureacracy in Turkey. These five arenas indicates to which extent the consolidation difficulties exists. The results shows that many internal factors, with civil liberties in danger, has complicated the democratic consolidation. The country’s history with several military coups and ongoing battles with the kurdish guerilla PKK has also kept back the democracy.
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Suárez, Ruiz Hero Daniel. "Le concept de citoyenneté : une exploration de ses relations avec les catégories de « société civile » et d’« État » dans le contexte espagnol contemporain." Thesis, Paris 10, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA100012.
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La présente recherche doctorale prétend, depuis la philosophie politique, penser les relations entre les individus et la collectivité, au moyen de l’exploration de trois catégories utilisées en référence aux systèmes démocratiques actuels, à savoir les catégories de « citoyenneté », de « société civile » et d’ « État ». Le sens de la recherche repose sur l’approfondissement, depuis une perspective démocratique, de la valeur épistémologique des trois catégories lors d’une réflexion sur les limites et les possibilités offertes par ces systèmes politiques à l’égard des individus, du point de vue de différents courants théoriques. De même, notre recherche, dans une tentative d’appliquer les résultats nés de l’exploration des concepts, esquisse un portrait de la société espagnole contemporaine, à travers lequel nous avons tenté de montrer ses relations avec le système démocratique, en se fondant sur les liens établis entre les individus et la collectivité sur le territoire espagnol, à partir des trois catégoriesThis PhD investigation pretends to analyse the relations between the individuals and the communities by usage of political philosophy and taking into consideration the examination of three categories:citizenship, civil society and the state. These categories are usedwhen one refers to contemporary democratic systems.The purpose of this thesis is to study in depth the cognitive value of three above mentioned categories from democratic perspective and when thinking of the limits and opportunities that the political systems offer to the individuals in different theoretical trends. At the same time this investigationis trying to apply the results extracted from the examination of the concepts and drawsa picture of the contemporary Spanish society by showing its relations with democratic system. This system is presented from the perspective of the links that are established between the individuals and the community in Spain and looking into the three categories
La presente investigación doctoral pretende, desde la filosofía política, pensar las relaciones entre los individuos y las colectividades, mediante la exploración de tres categorías utilizadas para referirse a los sistemas democráticos del presente, esto es, las categorías de «ciudadanía», «sociedad civil» y «Estado». El sentido de la misma es el de profundizar, desde un punto de vista democrático, en el valor epistemológico de las tres categorías a la hora de pensar los límites y las posibilidades que ofrecen dichos sistemas políticos para con los individuos desde diferentes corrientes teóricas. Al tiempo, nuestra investigación, en un intento por aplicar los resultados extraídos de la exploración de los conceptos, traza un retrato de la sociedad española contemporánea, mediante el que se intentan mostrar sus relaciones con el sistema democrático desde la perspectiva de los vínculos que se establecen entre los sujetos y la colectividad en el país ibérico a partir de las tres categorías
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Traoré, Ibrahima. "L'Etat de Droit dans les Républiques du Mali et du Sénégal." Thesis, Paris 10, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA100084/document.
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L’Etat de Droit demeure une réalité dans les Républiques du Mali et du Sénégal, pour preuve l’organisation récurrente d’élections concurrentielles dont les résultats sont acceptés par les perdants. Cette participation démocratique témoigne l’intérêt suscité par les politiques de décentralisation. Ces dernières apportent une réponse appropriée au développement local. En outre, l’absence de partis ethniques ou religieux atteste l’ancrage d’une véritable démocratie. Celle-ci se vérifie dans les espaces d’interpellation démocratique au cours des débats. Ces forums bénéficient de l’expertise inestimable de la société civile. Mais, le contrôle juridictionnel contribue davantage au règne du droit car il participe à la régulation de l’activité des pouvoirs publics, à la protection des libertés publiques et de la liberté individuelleLegally constituted state remains a reality in Mali and Senegal Republics, a piece of evidence the recurrent organization of competition elections which results are accepted by the losers. This democratic participation proves the interest demonstrated by decentralization politics. The latter constitute the fast track at local development. In addition, the absence of ethnic or religious parties testifies the anchor of true democracy. This one is confirmed in the democratic interpellation space during debates. These forums receive invaluable civil society expertise. But, the jurisdictional control more contributes to the rule of law because it participates in the regulation of authorities activity, in the protection of civil liberties and personal freedom
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Moreira, Helon Bezerra. "Participatory Fortaleza Budget: A Promise to Be Fulfilled." Universidade Federal do CearÃ, 2015. http://www.teses.ufc.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=15572.
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nÃo hÃThis paper brings a reflection on the nature and democratic character of the Collaborative Budgeting experience in the city of Fortaleza between the years 2005 and 2014. A public policy of collaborative administration, characterized by the perspective of articulation between democracies of the participative and representative sorts. A systematic accompaniment of this policy through an investigative effort â initiated in the first decade of the year 2000, in the social science scope â unveils defining features of liberal democracy to limit the collaborative potential of this experience, which raises a central question about the actual manifestation of collaborative democracy at the context in study. The Collaborative Budgeting in Fortaleza began in 2005, during the first term of Luizianne Lins, a mayor affiliated to the PT party. Its continuity until the first half of 2014, during the second year of the following mayor, Roberto ClÃudio, which is affiliated to the PROS party, continues enigmatic. This work investigates the effective participation of the specific public â related to local public policies â, the percentage of the municipal budget that is in fact discussed and deliberated by the population, and the continuity of this experience with the shift of municipal administration, among other phenomena. For such task, this paper rescues conceptions and democratic theories of contemporaneous analysts, such as Santos (2001, 2003, 2006, 2007, 2010, 2012 and 2013) Coutinho (1979, 1988, 1989, 1994 and 2008) and Wood (1998, 2007, 2011 and 2014). The public policy in question is assessed through an experimental methodological approach that articulates several methodological principles found in the works of Silva e Silva (2008), Guba & Lincoln (2011), Lejano (2012) and Rodrigues (2008, 2011). The field research is completed by interviews with participants and politics coordinators. There are also studies with statistical and documental outlines on Fortalezaâs Collaborative Budgeting involved in the research.
Em OrÃamento Participativo de Fortaleza: uma promessa a ser cumprida, à feita uma reflexÃo a incidir sobre a natureza e o carÃter democrÃtico dessa experiÃncia na cidade de Fortaleza entre os anos de 2005 e 2014. PolÃtica pÃblica de gestÃo participativa, marcada pela perspectiva de articulaÃÃo entre democracias do tipo participativa e representativa. O acompanhamento sistemÃtico desta polÃtica mediante um esforÃo investigativo â iniciado na primeira dÃcada dos anos 2000, no Ãmbito da graduaÃÃo em ciÃncias sociais â revela traÃos marcantes da democracia liberal, a limitar o potencial participativo da experiÃncia, levando a um questionamento central sobre a efetividade da democracia participativa no contexto em estudo. O OrÃamento Participativo de Fortaleza surge em 2005, no primeiro mandato petista de Luizianne Lins na cidade. A sua continuidade, atà a primeira metade de 2014, no segundo ano da nova gestÃo de Fortaleza, sob o governo de Roberto ClÃudio do Partido Republicano da Ordem Social (PROS), ainda à uma incÃgnita a ser desvendada. A participaÃÃo efetiva da populaÃÃo usuÃria, pÃblico das polÃticas pÃblicas municipais, o percentual do orÃamento municipal realmente discutido e deliberado pela populaÃÃo, a continuidade dessa experiÃncia com a mudanÃa da gestÃo municipal, dentre outros fenÃmenos, sÃo aqui investigados. Para tanto, resgata-se concepÃÃes e teorias democrÃticas de analistas contemporÃneos, com destaque para Santos (2001, 2003, 2006, 2007, 2010, 2012 e 2013) Coutinho (1979, 1988, 1989, 1994 e 2008) e Wood (1998, 2007, 2011 e 2014). A polÃtica pÃblica em questÃo à avaliada sob uma abordagem metodolÃgica experiencial que articula diversos princÃpios metodolÃgicos encontrados em trabalhos de Silva e Silva (2008), Guba & Lincoln (2011), Lejano (2012) e Rodrigues (2008, 2011). A pesquisa de campo se efetiva por meio de entrevistas com participantes e coordenadores da polÃtica. TambÃm sÃo desenvolvidos estudos com aportes estatÃsticos e documentais sobre o OrÃamento Participativo de Fortaleza.
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Silva, Silmara Carneiro e. "A configuração do poder local institucionalizado em Carambeí e suas perspectivas para o desenvolvimento social municipal." UNIVERSIDADE ESTADUAL DE PONTA GROSSA, 2008. http://tede2.uepg.br/jspui/handle/prefix/281.
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Previous issue date: 2008-11-24The Democracy as a hegemonic political system in the modernity becomes a legitimate field in which the relations between the State and Civil Society are realized. It is in these relations, taking part in the representative and participative democratic spaces, that the perspectives on the social development are discussed and assumed by the public sphere in contemporary times. The political culture and the participation of the ones involved in this process are the essential elements for the configuration of the relationships that are built between the hegemonic and antihegemonic fights that take place in the institutionalized power spaces. With these presuppositions, the present research aims at analyzing the configuration of the relationships between the institutionalized local power spaces in Carambeí and its perspective on the municipal social development, considering the involved subjects’ points of view. The research has been realized through the systematization of the theoretical fundamentals based on the referential authors of the Applied Social Sciences and the application of a questionnaire and semi-structured interviews to the significant subjects of Carambeí’s institutionalized local power, connected to the municipal executive, legislature, and councilors of social assistance and work. The conclusion that has been reached indicates the need to strengthen the antihegemony in the local Carambeí’s spaces, through the socialization of the politics and sharing the power among the institutionalized local power spaces in Carambeí. These are considered essential conditions in order to the relationships between the State and Civil Society becoming more horizontal and therefore the different perspectives of municipal social development, indicated by the subjects, may become anti-hegemonic perspectives in the municipal public sphere.
A democracia enquanto sistema político hegemônico na modernidade, torna-se campo legítimo no qual as relações entre Estado e sociedade civil são concretizadas. É no âmbito de tais relações, inscritas nos espaços democráticos representativos e participativos, que as perspectivas para o desenvolvimento social são debatidas e assumidas pela esfera pública na contemporaneidade. A cultura política e a participação dos sujeitos envolvidos neste processo são elementos essenciais para a configuração das relações que são construídas em meio às lutas hegemônicas e contra-hegemônicas inscritas no âmbito dos espaços de poder institucionalizado. Com esses pressupostos a presente pesquisa tem por objetivo analisar a configuração das relações entre os espaços do poder local institucionalizado em Carambeí e suas perspectivas para o desenvolvimento social municipal, na visão dos sujeitos que o compõe. Realizamos a pesquisa por meio da sistematização de referencial teórico, pautado em autores referenciais das Ciências Sociais Aplicadas e da utilização de formulário de dados e entrevista semiestruturada, aplicados junto dos sujeitos significativos do poder local institucionalizado de Carambeí, vinculados ao executivo municipal, ao legislativo municipal e aos conselhos municipais de assistência social e trabalho. As conclusões que chegamos apontam para a necessidade do fortalecimento da contrahegemonia no espaço local carambeiense, através da socialização da política e da partilha do poder entre os espaços do poder local institucionalizado de Carambeí. Estas são consideradas como condições essenciais para que as relações entre Estado e sociedade civil possam tender à horizontalização e desta forma as diferentes perspectivas de desenvolvimento social municipal, apontadas pelos sujeitos, possam constituir-se em perspectivas contra-hegemônicas no âmbito da esfera pública municipal.
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Konaté, Woyo. "Universalité des droits de l'homme et mondialisation." Thesis, Montpellier 3, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011MON30027/document.
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Les droits de l’homme sont véritablement nés sous la plume des Constituants français lors de la révolution de 1789. Ils sont le produit d’un long processus de maturation de la conception du droit, qui a commencé depuis le jusnaturalisme classique en passant par le droit divin pour aboutir au jusnaturalisme moderne, le droit naturel, qui reconnaît à l’homme des droits qu’il possède par sa nature. Après avoir fait l’objet de critiques souvent virulentes, les droits de l’homme ont gagné du terrain. De nombreux textes les ont consacrés aussi bien au niveau international que régional, et ont fait l’objet de constitutionnalisation dans des Etats démocratiques. Ainsi, leur revendication est devenue universelle. Mais dernière cette universalité théorique se cache une réalité pratique catastrophique. Ils sont partout permanemment et abondamment bafoués. En effet, l’obstacle fondamental qui s’obstrue à leur universalisation est la mondialisation capitaliste. Cette dernière, de par son organisation selon la seule logique du marché, génère des difficultés d’ordre culturel, économique et politique, qui privent les hommes des capacités de pouvoir jouir de leurs droits. Mais force est de reconnaître que ces difficultés qui font de la pratique universelle et effective des droits de l’homme un vœu pieux sont loin d’être une fatalité. Ainsi, pour une universalisation réelle de cette norme, il faut une refonte du système mondial en substituant à la mondialisation économique la mondialisation des droits de l’hommeHuman rights are really born with the writings of French Constituents during the 1789 revolution. These rights are the outcome of a long process of maturity of the conception of the right, which started since the classical jusnaturalisme through the divine right to result in modern jusnaturalisme, the modern natural right, which recognize for man rights by his nature. In fact, after being subject of poignant criticisms, the human rights have gained ground. They have been made legal by many bills of rights at the international as well as the regional level, and they have been constitutional thanks to democratic states. So their claim has become universal. But behind this theoretical universality is hidden a catastrophic practical reality. They are permanently and strongly violated. In fact, the fundamental obstacle which hinders the universalisation of these rights is the capitalistic globalization. This one, from its organization according to the only one logic of the market, raises difficulties of cultural, economic and political nature which prevent men from being able to enjoy their rights. But these difficulties which make the effective and universal practical of the human rights impossible are not a fatality. In fact, for a real universalisation of this norm we must remake the mondial system in substituting at the economical globalization the human rights globalization
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Bomberger, Estelle. "La société politique contre la société civile, des années 1970 à nos jours. Le paradoxe démocratique français." Thesis, Paris 2, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA020045/document.
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Partout où l'homme est libre, il se croit dans les fers. Tel est le paradoxe démocratique qui ouvre à l'individu moderne un espace important de liberté, tout en lui conférant en parallèle le sentiment d'en être privé. A la séparation traditionnelle des pouvoirs, se superpose désormais celle des acteurs, organisés en société politique et civile. C'est dans la patrie des Lumières que ces notions chemineront le plus singulièrement. Historiquement confondues, elles vont progressivement se détacher l'une de l'autre, pour aujourd'hui s'opposer. Il est vrai que d'importantes secousses traversent la société politique et la mettent en difficulté. Il convient néanmoins, de s'interroger sur leur nature afin de déterminer si elles constituent le fondement d'une crise ou celui d'une mutation. Le recours politique a une société civile ainsi idéalisée remet en cause le lien essentiel qui agrège l'individu à l’Etat, à travers la citoyenneté. Conjugué à la montée de l'individualisme, comment alors restaurer le lien social dans lequel s'inscrit toute société ? La diversité de ces questions illustre l'intérêt de cette recherche qui permet d'une part,d'aborder les préoccupations actuelles à la lumière des sources de notre organisation politique et, d'autre part, d'observer les enjeux contenus dans les changements de comportement des différents protagonistes. Cette étude n'a pas la prétention de dresser un programme de travail dont le risque serait de déboucher sur une synthèse encore très prématurée. Nous nous sommes fixés pour objectif, moins d'apporter des réponses objectives ou de faire valoir des certitudes sur l'intégralité de ces thèmes, que de rassembler les principaux points de repère et de les organiser pour soumettre la problématique d'ensemble au débatEverywhere man is free, he fells in chains. Such is the democratic paradox which gives the modern individual both a large space of freedom and the feeling to be deprived of any. On top of the traditional separation of powe rs or Checks and Balances now lies the one of actors, organized within a Political and Civil Society. It is in the homeland of Enlightenment that these notions are so singular.. Historically merged, they progressively broke apart and are now opposed to each other. It is true that the Political Society is going through important jolts, putting it in a difficult situation. However, one needs to specify the nature of these changes in order to determine if they are the symptoms of a crisis or the ones of a transformation. The political recourse to a Civil Society indeed idealized questions the essential link between theState and the individual, in other words citizenship. Combined with the rise of individualism, how can we reinstate the Social Link so essential in every society? The diversity of these questions illustrates the interest of this research. It analyzes both current issues by the light ofthe sources of our political organization and the stakes of the behavioral changes of our system’s protagonists. This research does not aim at building a work plan whose risk would be to result to definite conclusion. Its goal is certainly not to bring objective answers or certitudesto all these issues but to gather the main landmarks and to organize them to subject our problematic to the debate
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Monaco, Sara. "Neighbourhood Politics in Transition : Residents' Associations and Local Government in Post-Apartheid Cape Town /." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala : Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis : Uppsala universitetsbibliotek [distributör], 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-8434.
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Favaro, Tereza Cristina Pires. "O CONTROLE SOCIAL NO SISTEMA ÚNICO DE SAÚDE: A EXPERIÊNCIA DE GOIÂNIA - EM DUAS GESTÕES (1988 a 1992 e 1993 a 1996)." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de Goiás, 2009. http://localhost:8080/tede/handle/tede/2208.
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Previous issue date: 2009-04-07The purpose of this study is to understand the historical process of the Unified Health System in Goiânia, the social control, its deployment and implementation in two different administrations: one from 1988 to 1992, management of PMDB and the second from 1993 to 1996, of PT. Social control, as the Constitution of 1998, indicates the possibility of doing a social relationship between state and society, in a public and democratic basis, to expand the access to basic health services through the popular participation in the Councils and Health Conference. This way, the effective participation of the people shows the struggle for a larger democracy, citizenship and consequently of public social policies, to express the possibility of breaking with the meritocratic profile, costumer and their exclusion. So, the study tried to know the process of participation of users in the health policy in Goiânia, through the City Council and Health Conference, while that period. For better understanding this study in an empirical reality, it was done a semi-structured interview for data collection, with questions guiding the research and allowing new ones. This increased the research by putting the interviewees free to express their opinion. After data collection and systematization of the answers applied to each interviewed person, there was a correlation between theoretical and empirical research in making the knowledge of the object, mediated by critical analysis.
A proposta deste estudo é apreender o processo histórico do Sistema Único de Saúde em Goiânia e, nele, o controle social, sua implantação e implementação, em duas gestões distintas: de 1988 a 1992, gestão do PMDB, e a segunda, de 1993 a 1996, do PT. O controle social, conforme a Constituição de 1998 indica a possibilidade de construção de uma sociabilidade no campo da relação Estado e sociedade, em bases públicas e democráticas, no sentido de ampliação do acesso aos serviços básicos de saúde por meio da participação popular nos Conselhos e Conferências de Saúde. Nessa direção, a participação efetiva dos sujeitos expressa a luta pelo alargamento da democracia, da cidadania e, consequentemente, das políticas sociais públicas, ao expressar a possibilidade de romper com o perfil meritocrático, clientelista e excludente dessas políticas. Nesse sentido, o estudo buscou conhecer o processo de participação dos usuários na construção da Política de Saúde de Goiânia, por meio do Conselho Municipal de Saúde e Conferências, durante o período mencionado. Para maior entendimento do objeto de estudo na realidade empírica, optou-se pela entrevista semiestruturada para coleta de dados, com formulações de questões norteadoras da pesquisa, ao permitir que elas, pertinentes ao tema, fossem tratadas de forma aberta, bem como ao possibilitar novas indagações. Isso assegurou um enriquecimento à investigação, ao deixar o entrevistado livre para fazer suas colocações. Após a coleta de dados e sistematização das respostas às perguntas que compõem o roteiro de entrevista, aplicado a cada um dos sujeitos entrevistados, estabeleceu se a correlação entre a pesquisa teórica e a pesquisa empírica na construção do processo de conhecimento do objeto, mediado pela análise crítica.
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Santos, Antônia Conceição dos. "Conselho Municipal de Saúde de São Paulo: o controle social nas gestões de Celso Pitta e de Marta Suplicy." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2012. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/17609.
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Previous issue date: 2012-11-26The goal was characterize and analyze the council strategy comparing the mandates in order to identify the relations between the Council and the Health Movement of the East Zone of São Paulo, according to the importance of this in the genesis of that, and compare the conformation and the performance of the Council during the mandates studied, pointing the respective contributions to strength or attenuate alliances and policies in favor of the guarantee of the right to universal health, conceived as a public good. It was sought the study of the two managements that represents opposite political projects in order to understand how are processed the political relations between the government and civil society in different conjunctures. The hypothesis formulated was that the public policies Councils, generally, and the Health Councils, particularly, are in principle empty spaces that can be occupied in different ways and with different contents. Under this perspective, it is understood that the Local Health Council can be constituted in an instrument of effective democratic struggle for improvements and achievements in Health Policy, but, in other hand, can be reduced to an instrument of cooptation of the society section represented in it, in prejudice of the social control. Secondly. The section of the civil society represented in the Council tend to modify the profile of the social control and the surveillance, adopting posture support and acceptance of the mandates considered popular-democratic in which politically identified, in prejudice of their autonomy. The research is qualitative character and had as methodological procedures the document, bibliographic and empiric research through the gathering of testimonies of health counselors that represent the sections of users, workers and managers. The research followed the tensions and contradictions of the Local Health Council. It intended the analysis of the Council in the agenda, and contribute to the democratic improvement of this social control mechanism
O objeto desta dissertação é o exercício do Controle Social por meio do Conselho Municipal de Saúde de São Paulo, durante as gestões do prefeito Celso Pitta, do Partido Progressista Brasileiro, e da prefeita Marta Suplicy, do Partido dos Trabalhadores. O objetivo é caracterizar e analisar a estratégia conselhista, comparando as gestões, de modo a identificar as relações entre o Conselho e o Movimento de Saúde da Zona Leste, dada a importância deste na gênese daquele, e comparar as composições e o desempenho do Conselho nas gestões estudadas, apontando as respectivas contribuições para fortalecer ou diluir pactos e políticas em favor da garantia do direito universal à saúde, concebida como bem público. Busca-se estudar as duas gestões, representativas de projetos políticos oponentes, para entender como se processam as relações políticas entre o governo e a sociedade civil em conjunturas diferentes. A hipótese formulada é a de que os Conselhos de políticas públicas, em geral, e os Conselhos de Saúde, em particular, são, em princípio, espaços vazios que podem ser ocupados de diferentes formas e com distintos conteúdos. Sob essa perspectiva, entendese que o Conselho Municipal de Saúde pode constituir-se em instrumento de efetiva luta democrática por avanços e conquistas no âmbito da Política de Saúde, mas pode, por outro lado, reduzir-se a instrumento de cooptação dos segmentos da sociedade ali representados, em prejuízo do controle social. Em contrapartida, os segmentos da sociedade civil representados no Conselho tendem a alterar o perfil do controle social e da fiscalização, adotando posturas de apoio e referendo às gestões consideradas democrático-populares com as quais politicamente se identificam, em prejuízo de sua autonomia. A pesquisa é de caráter qualitativo e tem como procedimentos metodológicos a pesquisa documental, bibliográfica e empírica, mediante a coleta de depoimentos de conselheiros de saúde representantes dos segmentos dos usuários, trabalhadores e gestores. O estudo adota como fio condutor as tensões e contradições do Conselho Municipal de Saúde. Busca não só a análise do Conselho em pauta, mas também contribuir para o aprimoramento democrático desse mecanismo de controle social
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King, Sophie. "Can NGOs cultivate supportive conditions for social democratic development? : the case of a research and development NGO in Western Uganda." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2013. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/can-ngos-cultivate-supportive-conditions-for-social-democratic-development-the-case-of-a-research-and-development-ngo-in-western-uganda(2c611672-a7f5-40a8-97f8-2df5298a6df9).html.
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There is an emergent consensus that the ‘poverty reduction through good governance’ agenda has failed to meet expectations. The capacity of non-governmental organisations (NGOs) to cultivate the political economies and state-society synergies that might be supportive of more pro-poor development trajectories is contested. Advocates of inclusive liberalism identify increased political space for NGOs focused on popular empowerment and policy influence within the participatory spaces created by the good governance agenda. More radical critiques cast NGOs as apolitical brokers of neo-liberal development resources which distract from or are disinterested in more fundamental questions of redistribution. This thesis explores the potential for Ugandan NGOs to cultivate supportive conditions for a more redistributive development process amidst a semi-authoritarian, patronage-based, political regime and within a predominantly agrarian economy, using the lens of a single case study organisation situated in the Western region of the country. The findings suggest Ugandan NGOs should move beyond strategies associated with inclusive liberal governance towards a closer engagement with the politics and political economy of progressive change. Micro-enterprise and economic associational development emerge as more effective enhancers of political capabilities among the poor than strategies aimed solely at promoting inclusive liberal participation because they can tackle the socio-economic power relations that curb political agency in such contexts, and begin to undermine patronage-politics. In contrast, strategies for enhanced inclusive liberal participation engage with the formal de jure rules of the game in ways that either sidestep or re-enforce the de-facto patronage-based political system and fail to tackle the power relations that perpetuate ineffective forms of governance. Creating new cross-class deliberative spaces which engage with grass roots perspectives, can facilitate the emergence of new ways of thinking that promote a more pro-poor orientation among development stakeholders. Triangulation of qualitative primary data and relevant literature leads to the overarching conclusion that NGOs operating in such contexts are more likely to enhance the political capabilities of disadvantaged groups by adhering to a principle of self-determination. This focuses energy and resources on non-directive facilitative support to disadvantaged groups. This enables them to a) make socio-economic progress; b) become (better) organised; c) develop the necessary skills and knowledge to advance their interests; and d) cultivate opportunities for direct engagement with power holders and decision-makers. This approach requires a high level of what the thesis terms ‘NGO political capacity’ and a far more open-ended and programmatic approach to the provision of development aid than currently prevails.
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Bosi, José Alfredo. "Democracia participativa: uma alternativa para novos desenhos institucionais - a experiência na área orçamentária." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2007. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/1200.
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Previous issue date: 2007-05-02Considering the State s remarkable importance for Brazilian society and the acknowledgement that it hasn t being working well, the need to think about alternatives to overcome this challenge arises. How can civil society have more control over a State that administrates nearly 40% of our economy? The aim of this paper is to make an account of some important tools that would guarantee, possibly, a new kind of relationship between civil society and the State in Brazil. Although we live in an institutional framework where representative democracy predominates, certain elements of participative democracy can emerge. This research is a reflexion about the use of popular participation mechanisms implemented in a recent period and within municipal scope. Among them, the participatory budget has a privileged role
Diante da notável importância do Estado para a sociedade brasileira e a constatação de que o mesmo não tem funcionado adequadamente, surge a necessidade de pensar alternativas para superar este desafio. Como a sociedade civil pode ter mais controle sobre um Estado que administra quase 40% da nossa economia? O objetivo deste trabalho é realizar um balanço de alguns instrumentos importantes que proporcionariam, em hipótese, um novo tipo de relação entre a sociedade civil e o Estado no Brasil. Considerando-se que vivemos em um quadro institucional onde predomina a democracia representativa, mas que abre espaço para elementos de democracia participativa, esta dissertação é uma reflexão sobre a utilização de mecanismos de participação popular implantados em um período recente e no âmbito municipal. Dentre estes, o Orçamento Participativo tem um papel privilegiado
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Vezzani, Ilaria. "Langue et discours de la contestation. Enjeux et représentations des luttes sociales et politiques en Italie (1967 - 1980)." Phd thesis, Ecole normale supérieure de lyon - ENS LYON, 2013. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-01015847.
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La thèse porte sur la langue et les discours de la contestation en Italie dans les années 1970. L'étude vise à définir les enjeux et les représentations qui ont prévalu dans l'utilisation de certains mots plutôt que d'autres, en essayant de se placer du point de vue des acteurs qui ont vécu la période. Elle analyse d'une part l'utilisation de certains mots dans la langue politique de l'époque, en la comparant avec la production analogue précédente, et notamment avec les traditions politiques de référence.Elle étudie d'autre part la spécificité de la langue de la période en s'interrogeant sur la question d'un lexique politique propre à une époque donnée. Elle étudie enfin les débats linguistiques qui ont accompagné cette modification du lexique politique, en s'attachant plus particulièrement aux textes qui ont marqué des tournants linguistiques et idéologiques.L'étude vise à adopter une démarche scientifique qui comprend une historicisation précise des textes et des enjeux de leur écriture et qui a été définie par l'expression " philologie politique ".À travers la description d'un corpus très varié, comportant les textes politiques de référence (articles de journaux, tracts, affiches, documents théoriques, débats) produits par les organisations majeures d'extrême gauche (gauche extraparlementaire, mouvements, lutte armée) et leur interaction avec d'autres types de discours (Pci, Dc, presse) ; mais aussi des textes historiographiques et différentes formes de témoignage, cette étude pose la question plus générale de la création d'une langue politique propre à une époque donnée et du caractère particulier de la langue politique des années 1970 en Italie.
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Milongo, Moukongo Paterne Gervilen. "Comparaison du rôle de la société civile dans le processus de démocratisation en Namibie et au Congo Brazzaville au cours de la période 1989-1994»." Thesis, Lyon 3, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012LYO30005.
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On peut considérer que le démarrage du processus de démocratisation en Namibie a lieu en 1989 et au Congo Brazzaville en 1990 : pour le premier il s’agit, de la libération du joug sud-africain avec l’accession à l’indépendance et la mise en place d’un régime démocratique, pour le second la chute d’un régime de parti unique et l’instauration du multipartisme puis de la démocratie. Cette phase de bouleversement a été rendue possible par la mobilisation des forces sociales, notamment les organisations syndicales.La recherche consiste ici à considérer le rôle de ces forces sociales dans ce processus et à s’interroger sur leur nature, en particulier pour déterminer si elles constituent une société civile. Ainsi les Eglises jouent un rôle déterminant, et ce dans les deux pays. Au moment de l’ouverture démocratique, les associations se multiplient. La mise en place des premières institutions est marquée par une course au pouvoir, et se révèle la plus critique pour la société civile, dont le positionnement même est mis à mal ; les organisations sont soumises à rude épreuve. Certains meneurs des mouvements de contestations se retrouvent à la tête de partis politiques, dans un environnement à haut risque. Les rivalités ethniques ou tribales et le régionalisme s’enracinent dans la conscience populaire.Si la Namibie va poursuivre son chemin vers la démocratie, malgré la faiblesse de la société civile et les blessures du passé, le Congo va sombrer d’abord dans une guerre civile avant de chercher le chemin de la paix. La société civile anéantie au moment du conflit revient sur le devant de la scène à travers le Conseil œcuménique des Eglises mais échoue à consolider la démocratieOne can acknowledge that the democratisation process in Namibia started in 1989 and in Congo Brazzaville in 1990: for the first one it meant freeing itself from the South African rule as the country conquered its independence and established a democratic regime, for the second one, it meant the fall of a one-party rule and installing a multiparty system in a move to democracy. This upheaval phase was made possible through social forces mobilisation, especially trade unions. Our research consists in looking into the role played by these social forces in the process and in questioning their nature, particularly in order to determine whether they form some civil society. In both countries, churches are instrumental in the process. When democracy is introduced, associations flourish. As the first institutions are set, a struggle for power is engaged that soon proves to be critical for civil society, as even their position is challenged ; organisations are under deep stress. Some leaders of these social movements join or head political parties, in a high-risk context. Ethnic or tribal rivalries, as well as regionalism roots in the people's consciousness. If Namibia continues its path to democracy, despite the weakness of civil society and the wounds from the past, the Congo will first fall into civil war before searching for a way towards peace. Civil society, which has collapsed during the conflict, comes back to front stage through the Ecumenical Council of Churches but fails to consolidate democracy
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Macêdo, Martina Bolz de Jesus. "Der Stand der Demokratisierung und der Herausbildung einer Zivilgesellschaft in Ägypten am Beispiel des Diskurses über die autochthone christliche Minderheit der Kopten." Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Philosophische Fakultät III, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/16017.
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Die Meinungen über die Chancen einer Demokratisierung im Nahen und Mittleren Osten sind geteilt. Diese Arbeit versucht für Ägypten eine Einschätzung zu geben. Als bevölkerungsreichstes und eines der politisch bedeutsamsten Länder der Region könnte es eine Vorbildfunktion einnehmen. Die Dissertation untersucht an einem Fallbeispiel, den Ausschreitungen zwischen Muslimen und Christen in einem oberägyptischen Dorf 1999/ 2000, in welcher Form und in welchem Ausmaß sich staatliche Akteure, religiöse Institutionen und die Bürger zum heiklen Thema der Gefährdung der Rechte von Minderheiten im öffentlichen Diskurs zu Wort melden und dabei das Kriterium des Pluralismus, im Sinne von Toleranz und Ablehnung von Gewalt, erfüllen. Pessimistische Stimmen versagen dem Nahen und Mittleren Osten insbesondere wegen der dort vorherrschenden Religion eine Reformierbarkeit der politischen Kultur und stigmatisieren den Islam als Demokratisierungshindernis. Diese Arbeit beobachtet jedoch, dass es empirisch bereits einige Merkmale gibt, die auf eine Zunahme von Pluralismus in der ägyptischen Gesellschaft hindeuten. Sie zeigt die Anzeichen für die Herausbildung einer freien Öffentlichkeit und einer Zivilgesellschaft auf, die langfristig auf die Konsolidierung von Demokratie und nicht auf deren Zerstörung hinarbeitet. Gleichzeitig ist diese Arbeit eine Art in Szene gesetztes, lebendiges „Who is who?“ der gegenwärtigen Minderheiten- und Menschenrechtsbewegung in Ägypten. 1The current status of democratization and civil society development in Egypt through the example of the discourse on the indigenous Christian minority of the Copts. Opinions regarding the chances of democratization in the Middle East are divided. The thesis attempts to give an evaluation in the case of Egypt. As the most populous and one of the politically most influencing countries of that region Egypt could take the function of a role model. The dissertation investigates, on the basis of a case study – the clashes between Muslims and Christians in an Upper Egyptian village in 1999/ 2000 - in what form and to what extent state actors, religious institutions and citizens take a stand in public discourse on the sensitive issue of endangering the rights of minorities and thereby meet the criteria of pluralism in the sense of tolerance and rejection of violence. Pessimistic voices deny the Middle East a reformability of its political culture particularly with regard to the predominating religion there and stigmatize Islam as an obstacle to democratization. This study however, shows empirically that there are already some indications that point towards an increase of pluralism in Egyptian society and towards the development of a free public sphere and a civil society that in the long term can lead to the consolidation of democracy and not to its destruction. At the same time this study is a kind of status report and “Who’s who?” of the current minority – and human rights movement in Egypt.
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Jensen, Mark Nathan. "A theory of civil society." 2006. http://etd.nd.edu.lib-proxy.nd.edu/ETD-db/theses/available/etd-04062006-101154/.
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Hikam, Muhammad A. S. "The state, grass-roots politics and civil society a study of social movements under Indonesia's New Order /." 1995. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/68578350.html.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Hawaii, May, 1995.Typescript. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 581-615).
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Tegegn, Melakou. "Structural and conjunctural constraints on the emergence of a civil society/democracy in Ethiopia, 1991-2005." Thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/1335.
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This thesis examines the structural and conjunuctural constraints that inhibit the emergence of a civil society and democracy in Ethiopia, 1991-2005. Freedom and democracy are taken as precondition for development and social transformation. It introduces a model of how state and society relationship affects development and social transformation in transitional societies placing freedom as a pivotal link.
The thesis establishes a marked continuum in the modalities of state and society relationship throughout the three post-War governments in Ethiopia. It examines the current state/society relationship and highlights lack of freedom as the major constraint. This is examined against the backdrop of what the historical realm for social change in post-War Ethiopia is, namely freedom and democracy. It examines the policies of the current government (EPRDF) on non-state organizations, the 'theoretical' rationales it advanced and how the perceptions that the ruling party held back in 1975 haven't changed. It holds that the government exacerbated the problem of the fragile relationship it had with society.
The thesis also examines the government's policy on ethnicity as the 'rationale' that governs the functions of its institutions of governance and deconstructs the concepts of EPRRDF's "revolutionary democracy", the dichotomy between quality and quantity as well as between cadres and experts. It also deconstructs the EPRDF's thesis on the "national question" both in terms of its claims to have proceeded from the positions of the old student movement on the one hand and from the Marxian theoretical perception on the "national question" on the other.
The analysis is extended to examine, within the poverty-unfreedom nexus, the development challenges that Ethiopia currently faces. Four major development challenges are advanced for examination: gender, environment, rural development and population. The thesis concludes that the EPRDF has failed to resolve these structural problems. EPRDF's exclusion of the nascent civil society, suppression of freedom and official political opposition are taken as the main factors behind the failure. The case of the 2005 elections is presented as a sequel to the thesis.Sociology
D.Litt. et Phil. (Sociology)
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Shepherd, David K. "Civil society, the public sphere and policy-making in a democracy: the case of the South African Human Sciences Research Council." Thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10539/6452.
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Abstract
The central argument in this MA research report is that arguing for a compromised or depleted political culture or space is extremely difficult if we consider the complexity of the public sphere. This involves firstly arguing that by re-interrogating the concept of the public sphere underpinning orthodox critical perspectives on democratic functioning from deliberative democratic theorists, we find notions of the critical public sphere have been corrupted by the idealism that accompanies this nonetheless important concept.
By illuminating this flaw in the orthodox critical democratic perspective and applying it to critiques of South African democracy, I argue that critiquing South African politics and policy making should in general be done with more care, since what is under-contemplated in these critiques by way of the actual nature of the public sphere, is not negligible. Critics, who often start by characterising the political space as dominated by one party which allegedly renders the political space unfit for its critical purpose, ought to be fairer in their accounts. The end result of this increasingly consensual critical position is that we inhabit only a relatively meaningless formal democracy.
The exploratory case study of the Human Sciences Research Council which I go on to consider was chosen on the basis of the considered guess that it was likely to throw up evidence of interesting illustrative tendencies in what I argue may constitute a ‘new’ public sphere. The theoretical possibilities I aim to highlight are arguably deserving of more focused appraisal in themselves, but the aim of this dissertation is to introduce the theoretical possibility of an under-theorised public sphere through highlighting how that situation came about, and less so, what would constitute evidence of the nascent theory’s correctness.
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Schritt, Jannik. "Petro-Democracy." Doctoral thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11858/00-1735-0000-002E-E4A7-B.
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Hlela, Kenneth Siphelelo. "Social capital, civil society, and good governance: civic traditions in Johannesburg's shack settlements and Greater Pietermaritzburg's villages under chiefly rule." Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10539/12725.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of the Witwatersrand, Faculty of Humanities, School of Social Sciences, 2012This thesis explores the relationship between social capital/civil society and good governance/economic development both conceptually and empirically through case studies in the urban, rural, and peri-urban South Africa. As a starting point, this thesis attempts to answer the following six questions: How is social capital identifiable? Is its production exclusively confined to horizontally structured forms of associational life? Can peasant societies generate social capital? Do social capital networks accentuate divisions within communities between those who have access to authority and those without? Can political institutions play a role in producing social capital or does the enlargement of state authority take place at the expense of the associational networks which do produce social capital? And what kind of organisations in rural settings can best bridge sectional concerns and promote wider communities of trust? Can traditional existing political institutions be adapted to modern democratic requirements? I believe that in answering these questions I have gone some way in resolving some of the conceptual dilemmas identified by critics of the concept of social capital. I was then in a position to test and explore two hypotheses. Firstly, I argue that there is a relationship between social capital (a product of civil society) and good governance as well as economic and democratic development. Secondly, I argue that positive social capital will be under-produced in societies in which there is a weak market economy, that is, where members of civil society do not have independent sources of income. I demonstrate that civil society, the state, and markets have a symbiotic relationship and that they all have a role to play in the production of positive social capital. This thesis employed various data collection methods in order to navigate around the case studies chosen for the purposes of this study, viz. individual and group interviews, focus groups, direct observations, research surveys, secondary literature, and local newspapers. Evidence emanating from this thesis suggests that there is a vibrant civil society and, by implication, social capital in poorly resourced areas found in urban, peri-urban, and rural areas of South Africa, which has to some extent contributed to good governance as well as economic and democratic development. However, I conclude by arguing that the informalisation of the economy as well as high levels of unemployment in these areas certainly inhibit civil society from playing its important democratising and governance role since the production of positive social capital is constrained by this new reality.
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Malan, Jacobus Johannes. "Jurisprudensiële ontleding van die staatlike paradigma en van staatlike identiteit." Thesis, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/18097.
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Text in AfrikaansDie basiese tese voortspruitend uit hierdie ondersoek is dat wetenskapsbeoefening binne bepaalde terreine van die regswetenskap ondemeem word ooreenkomstig 'n verswee staatlike paradigma wat deurlopend streef na die instandhouding van die politieke status quo. Die territoriale staat is die hoeksteen van die bestaande politieke orde en terselfdertyd die meester-konsep van die staatlike paradigma. Wetenskapsbeoefening volgens hierdie paradigma is gemik op die instandhouding van die territoriale staat en funksioneer dus as 'n defensief-konserwatiewe politieke projek. Uitsluitsel oor welke vrae en antwoorde as wetenskaplik ter sake kwalifiseer, word gegee aan die hand van die behoeftes van die bestaande territoriaalstaatlike orde. Antwoorde kwalifiseer as wetenskaplik houdbaar alleenlik indien dit met die belange van die bestaande territoriale staat vereenselwigbaar is en nie die staatlike status quo sal ontwrig nie. Intellektuele aktiwiteit wat nie die staatlike gebaseerde status quo ter wille is nie en dit moontlik mag ontwrig, haal in terme van hierdie paradigma moeilik die drumpel van wetenskaplikheid. In die ondersoek word die vestiging van die staatlike paradigma histories nagegaan en daama word die hoofmomente van die paradigma blootgele. Die belangrikste produkte van wetenskapsbeoefening kragtens die staatlike paradigma word daama uitgepluis. Benewens die feit dat die produkte deurlopend die staatlike orde onderskraag, vervul dit ook die strategiese funksie om uitdagers van die staatlike orde te domestiseer en in die diens van die staatlike orde te plaas. Die prominentste produkte van wetenskapsbeoefening volgens die staatlike paradigma word ontleed: - staatsbou, dikwels verkeerdelik voorgehou as nasiebou; - demokrasie wat onderhewig aan die dissipline van die staatlike paradigma tot staatlike demokrasie omvorm is; - menseregte wat burgerlike afhanklikheid van die staat bevorder en die staat sodoende teen opposisie vrywaar; - die misdaad, hoogverraad en die intemasionaalregtelike figuur van selfbeskikking wat deur die staatlike paradigma tot 'n staatsdienende staatlike selfbeskikking omvorm is. Die staatlike paradigma word egter onder toenemende spanning geplaas en daar bestaan die moontlikheid van 'n rewolusionere herwaardering van verskeie sleutel-konsepte wat deur die staatlike paradigma gevange gehou en in diens van die bestaande staatlike status quo gedomestiseer is. Die rewolusionere vrystel van hierdie konsepte kan die weg baan na 'n nuwe politokrasie anderkant die staatlike orde.
The basic thesis emanating from this research holds that scientific enterprises within certain fields of the legal science are undertaken in pursuance of a tacit statist paradigm which consistently preserve the political status quo. The territorial state is both the keystone of the existing political order and the master concept of the statist paradigm. Scientific activity according to this paradigm seeks to protect the territorial state and functions as a defensive conservative political project. The scientific relevance of questions and answers is determined by the exigencies of the existing order composed of territorial states. Answers are viewed as scientifically authentic only if they are compatible with the interests of the prevailing territorial state and when they do not pose a threat of disruption to the existing statist status quo. Intellectual activity that does not affirm the statist predicated status quo and which poses the risk of disruption of the this order would seldom qualify as scientific in terms of this paradigm. This study examines the historical establishment of the statist paradigm and debunks the main pillars of the paradigm. The foremost products of scientific activity in accordance with the statist paradigm are then analyzed. These products invariably safeguard the statist order and also succeed in domesticating the challengers of the statist order and placing them in the service of this order. The most outstanding developments of the scientific endeavour in pursuance of the statist paradigm are analyzed, which are: - state building, often inaccurately portrayed as nation building; -democracy which, subjected to the discipline of the statist paradigm, had been transformed into statist democracy; - human rights which cultivate civic dependence upon the state, thus safeguarding the state against opposition; -the crime ofhigh treason and the international law concept of self-determination which was transfigured by the statist paradigm into a state serving statist self-determination. The statist paradigm is however placed under increasing tension and there is a possibility of a revolutionary reappraisal of several key concepts which the statist paradigm has kept in captivity and which have been domesticated and placed in the service of the statist status quo. By releasing these revolutionary concepts, the way to a new politocracy, beyond the statist order, may be paved.
Jurisprudence
LL.D.
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Costa, Suzano Ferreira. "Sociedade Civil, Estado e Qualidade da Democracia em África: entre a Letargia Cívica e a Omnipresença do Leviathã." Doctoral thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10362/68341.
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A presente pesquisa intenta perscrutar, numa perspectiva longitudinal e comparativa, as
inextrincáveis imbricações entre a institucionalização da sociedade civil e a qualidade da
democracia na África pós-colonial, cotejando em que medida os legados institucionais
da dominação colonial e as conjunturas críticas inerentes às independências nacionais e
à democratização condicionaram as estruturas de oportunidades políticas, afectaram os
repertórios de acção colectiva e cristalizaram dependências de trajectórias nos processos
de consolidação democrática, contribuindo, antes, para uma paradigmática transição da
foucaultiana sociedade disciplinar para a deleuziana sociedade de controlo. Advoga-se,
entre a letargia cívica e a omnipresença do leviathã, a hipótese na qual a sociedade civil
africana nunca conseguiu obstaculizar as ambições hegemónicas dum Estado predatório
e omnipresente, nem tão-pouco emancipar-se politicamente dos espartilhos partidários,
quedando-se estruturalmente atrelada a uma posição subalterna e subserviente às suas
agências burocráticas e às suas tecnologias políticas de dominação.
Essas estratégias de letargização cívica e de despolitização do seu repertório de protesto,
encetadas desde a institucionalização do regime autoritário até o advento da democracia
multipartidária, inviabilizaram a irrupção de uma sociedade civil emancipatória, contrahegemónica
e contestatária e contribuíram para que os partidos políticos se tornassem
omnipotentes na esfera estatal, transfigurando o aparelho de Estado no seu “património
sazonal”, e omnipresentes na sociedade civil, mantendo com esta uma relação caciquista e
clientelar. Intenta-se, ainda, dessacralizar as narrativas hegemónicas e homogeneizantes
sobre a construção dos Estados e a institucionalização da sociedade civil em África que
tendem, assentes em valorações apriorísticas e em justificações estereotipadas, a vincular
o colapso dos Estados pós-coloniais e a inviabilização do projecto democrático em África
aos atavismos históricos e aos legados institucionais da situação colonial, mas, também,
a ignorar as virtualidades democráticas e as possibilidades emancipatórias encapsuladas
nas formas endógenas de engenharia social e de superação da crise forjadas pelas classes
populares. Em suma, mais do que perscrutar se as conjunturas críticas de efervescência
cívica e de ebulição participativa, pretéritas às independências nacionais e às transições
democráticas, produziram inovações organizacionais e soluções institucionais tendentes
à autonomização cívica e à democratização da esfera pública, intenta-se desconstruir, a
partir de realidades periféricas, as noções hegemónicas de governabilidade democrática,
desenvolvimento participativo e reconstrução pós-crise.This thesis focuses on the relationship between civil society, state and democratization in postcolonial Africa. I developed a new theory about the origins of associational life and civic engagement in Africa, arguing that the African civil society failed to obstruct the hegemonic and predatory ambitions of an omnipresent state, placing itself into a subaltern and subservient position. The collected data supports the hypothesis in which the institutionalization of civil society in Africa runs through three sequential stages: (i) in the authoritarian period the organizations of civil society are colonized and politically instrumentalized by a predatory and omnipresent state that monopolizes the public sphere and fabricates subservient and apologetic mass organizations; (ii) in the period prior to democratization and political liberalization of the regime, there is a resurrection of the civil society from authoritarian corsets and a sort of politicization of their contentious repertoires; (iii) the wave of civic effervescence and participatory enthusiasm, typical from democratic transitions, may degenerate into three scenarios or institutional patterns: (a) prospects of democratic consolidation, (b) scenarios of post-authoritarian civic lethargy or (c) critical junctures of asymmetrical interdependence between the State and civil society.
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Dvořáková, Martina. "Občanství, občanská společnost a národní stát. Potomci vietnamských imigrantů v ČR mezi aktivním a pasivním občanstvím." Master's thesis, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-312911.
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This paper analyzes the relationship between citizenship, civil society and nation state. It argues that citizenship is often viewed only in relation to the state and its active potential - arising from public activities mediated through communication media and civil society institutions - is neglected. As a result increasing number of permanent resident immigrants is in a long run denied full political rights which in turn endangers representative potential of liberal democracies. In the Czech Republic this situation concerns Vietnamese immigrant children who, though fully integrated into the Czech society and able to actively participate in public space, i.e. able to use the active citizenship element, usually do not enjoy Czech citizenship status (passive citizenship) and therefore they are not represented in public administration bodies. Current system of granting of Czech citizenship endangers representative character of our democracy and at the same time does not utilize the potential of young active people living in our territory for a long time.