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Journal articles on the topic 'Democracy Australia'

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Author: Grafiati

Published: 10 December 2022

Last updated: 28 January 2023

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1

Shilbury, David. "Determining the Problem of Order in the Australian Football League." Journal of Sport Management 7, no. 2 (May 1993): 122–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/jsm.7.2.122.

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This paper examines the means available to management to establish order within organizations. Three variables, bureaucracy, industrial democracy, and corporate culture, are examined in relation to Australia's largest professional sporting organization, the Australian Football League. The paper traces how the organization of sport in Australia emanated from a pure form of democracy that in the early 1980s impeded the Australian Football League's progress toward a professional competition. Establishing order within the league is complicated by the trichotomy formed between the league, the clubs, and the players.

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2

Dufty, Norman F. "Industrial Democracy in Australia." International Studies of Management & Organization 17, no. 2 (June 1987): 10–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00208825.1987.11656450.

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3

Holt, Joan. "Discovering democracy in Australia." Prospects 31, no. 3 (September 2001): 307–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf03220073.

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4

Weller, P. "Parliamentary Democracy in Australia." Parliamentary Affairs 57, no. 3 (July 1, 2004): 630–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsh049.

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5

Molnar, Adam. "Technology, Law, and the Formation of (il)Liberal Democracy?" Surveillance & Society 15, no. 3/4 (August 9, 2017): 381–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/ss.v15i3/4.6645.

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This article argues that the politics of surveillance and (il)liberalism in Australia is conditioned by the dynamic interplay between technological development and law. Applying criminologist Richard Ericson’s concept of ‘counter-law’, the article illustrates how rapidly advancing capacities for surveillance and Australia's legal infrastructure collide. In this view, even regulatory safeguards can be instrumental in the broader drift toward (il)liberal democracy. Drawing on the Australian context to illustrate a broader global trend, this article conveys how such an apparatus of control reflective of (il)liberal democracy might be more accurately understood as a form of socio-technical rule-with-law.

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BOROWSKI, ALLAN. "Creating a Virtuous Society: Immigration and Australia's Policies of Multiculturalism." Journal of Social Policy 29, no. 3 (July 2000): 459–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279400006036.

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Australia's post-war programme of mass immigration has been accompanied by growing ethnic and racial diversity. This process of diversification accelerated markedly from the 1970s onwards after the abandonment of the White Australia Policy in the 1960s. Despite this diversification, Australia has been able to sustain itself as a peaceful liberal democracy. It is the contention of this article that Australia's policies of multiculturalism have played an important role in contributing to this state of relative peacefulness. This article seeks to assemble some evidence from the Australian experience to ‘test’ the notion that the peacefulness of Australian society may, in some measure, be understood as a product of the contribution of its policies of multiculturalism to engendering and reinforcing those very virtues which liberal democracies require in order to sustain themselves over time.

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Khoury, Ann El, and Ian Cook. "Government and Democracy in Australia." AQ: Australian Quarterly 76, no. 3 (2004): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20638263.

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8

Zernetska, O. "The Role of Women-Journalists and Writers in the Development of Democracy and Culture in Australia (the end of the XIXth century – 70s of the XXth century)." Problems of World History, no. 18 (November 8, 2022): 187–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-18-8.

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The emancipation of Australian women in particular journalists and writers, who dedicated their lives to the development of culture of the fifth continent has been detected in this article. The goal of the article is to analyse the arrival of women – journalists, editors, publishers - in the print media and to determine their role in the formation and development of democracy and culture of the young state. As a result of the interdisciplinary research (combination of history, sociology, philology, culturology) new data on the role of women were obtained in the formation of democracy in Australia. This gives reason to affirm that this is the first study of this problem in Ukraine. New names of such outstanding Australian men – journalists, editors, publishers, writers as E.S. Hall, S. Bennet, H. Parks, G. Mott, C. Feilberg, W. Winn and women – L. Lawson, F. Baverstock, N. Palmer were introduced into scientific circulation. Significantly expanded and supplemented historical and cultural information about such outstanding women writers and journalists as M. Gilmore, E.F. Richardson, M. Franklin, K.S. Prichard, C. Stead, C. McCullough. Their life is investigated in the context of socio-historical development of Australia and world events that were reflected in their work. Great is their contribution to the antifascist struggle, to the defence of freedom and democratic values in Australia. The artistic value of the work of each of them is determined. The humanistic and realistic approach in creating their characters is clarified. It reflects the historical and socio-cultural development of Australia since the mid-XIX century to the 70-s of the XX century. It is proved that the history of periodicals and the development of literature on the fifth continent is the story of extraordinary talented women, in whose destinies the history of the development of the fourth power and the literature of Australia is reflected. The stages of The Bulletin magazine’s existence, the reasons for its closure and its influence on formation of Australian national literature are analysed. The practical value of the work lies in the fact that it brings new data to academic courses such as “The History of Australia”, “The Print Media of Australia”, “The Literature of Australia”. It is proved than women writers and journalists of Australia enriched Australian literature with bright original works and also made a significant contribution to its culture and democracy.

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9

Feng, Chongyi. "The changing political identity of the "Overseas Chinese" in Australian Politics." Cosmopolitan Civil Societies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 3, no. 1 (April 15, 2011): 121–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v3i1.1865.

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This paper explores the role played by the Chinese communities in the Australian politics of multicultural democracy from the perspective of political socialisation and resocialisation. It argues that there is no such a thing as inherent “cultural values” or “national values” that differentiate ‘the Chinese” politically from the mainstream Australian society. This paper focuses on the Chinese nationalism of Han Chinese migrants in Australia. Within the “new mainland migrants” who have come to Australia directly from the PRC since the 1980s, nationalism is much weaker among the Tiananmen/ June 4 generation who experienced pro-democracy activism during their formative years in the 1980s. Nationalism is much stronger among the Post-Tiananmen Generation who are victims of the “patriotism campaign” in the 1990s when the Chinese Communist party-state sought to replace discredited communism with nationalism as the major ideology for legitimacy.

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10

Magarey, K. "The Internet and Australia parliamentary democracy." Parliamentary Affairs 52, no. 3 (July 1, 1999): 404–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/52.3.404.

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11

Ph.D., Mary Helou,, Linda Crismon, Ed.D., and Christopher Crismon, M. S. P. "The Synergy between John Dewey’s Educational Democracy and Educational Reforms in New South Wales, Australia." World Journal of Educational Research 9, no. 1 (December 2, 2021): p1. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/wjer.v9n1p1.

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“Education, therefore, is a process of living and not a preparation for future living. John DeweyThe current study examines the impact of John Dewey’s democratic educational principles on the recent educational reforms in New South Wales, Australia, using data collected through semi-structured in-depth interviews, with open-ended questions, as part of case studies designed for this purpose. The participants in this study are all Australian educators (n=60), undertaking full-time and part-time academic posts, involving learning and teaching activities at universities and other higher educational institutions/providers in Sydney, Australia. As part of the case studies, the individual, personal, and professional teaching and learning journeys of the educators are sketched in details in relation to John Dewey’s four (4) key democratic educational reformative principles. Finally, this research study concludes by providing a realistic response to the following question: Given the current liberal and relatively democratic educational system in New South Wales, are the Australian educators truly given the opportunity to create a positive and constructive future vision for Australia, in general, and the Australian graduates, in particular. The current study further provides a realistic and clear-cut description of the hurdles facing the current educational system in New South Wales, Australia.

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Ali, Jan A. "Muslims as Archetypal Suspect Citizens in Australia." Australian Journal of Islamic Studies 5, no. 2 (September 27, 2020): 98–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.55831/ajis.v5i2.309.

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Muslims as archetypal suspect citizens in Australia is a product of Australian state approach to manage a section of supposedly “rogue population.” Muslims have been increasingly framed as a security problem and, therefore, their securitisation. The horrendous atrocities of the 11 September 2001 terrorist attacks in the United States followed by a new period of similar attacks in various parts of particularly the Western world provided a new stage for an extensive range of discourses involving politicians, public intellectuals, academics, and journalists swiftly securitised Islam as an existential threat to Australian liberal democracy. This paper probes the politics of Muslim suspect and how securitizing and “othering” of Australian Muslims in the name of managing security threat to Australian national order are rendered Australian Muslims archetypal suspect citizens. It suggests that the politics of suspect and securitizing and “othering” of Muslims in Australia transforms security from the problem of producing national order to making Muslims feel unwelcome citizens.

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13

Fairbrother, Peter. "Union Democracy in Australia: Accommodation and Resistance." Journal of Industrial Relations 28, no. 2 (June 1986): 171–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002218568602800201.

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14

Bilodeau, Antoine, Ian McAllister, and Mebs Kanji. "Adaptation to Democracy among Immigrants in Australia." International Political Science Review 31, no. 2 (March 2010): 141–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512110364737.

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15

Patmore, Glenn A., and John D. Whyte. "Imagining Constitutional Crises: Power and (MIS)Behaviour in Republican Australia." Federal Law Review 25, no. 1 (March 1997): 181–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.22145/flr.25.1.6.

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The change we propose [to the Australian Constitution] has very limited implications for the design of Australia's democracy. It is the so-called “minimalist” option. All the essential constitutional principles and practices which have worked well and evolved constructively over the last hundred years will remain in place.1

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16

Rando, Gaetano. "Broadcasting in Italy: Democracy and Monopoly of the Airwaves." Media Information Australia 40, no. 1 (May 1986): 39–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x8604000109.

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Australia, as compered with some overseas countries, has a stable and continuous radio and television history. The price has been the creation of an oligopolistic commercial sector which is much stronger than the national broadcaster, the Australian Broadcasting Corporation. Public (community) broadcasting is still confined to a sector starved of funds; public TV still a pipedream. Ethnic radio and multicultural television, through the Special Broadcasting Service, have a short history which is far from smooth and under constant threat for TV to be merged with the ABC.

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17

JENSEN, MICHAEL J., and TITUS C. CHEN. "Illiberal Media in a Liberal Democracy: Examining Identity in Australia’s Mandarin Language News." Issues & Studies 57, no. 02 (June 2021): 2150005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1013251121500053.

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The regime of censorship in the People’s Republic of China (PRC) extends beyond its borders through the extraterritorial application of its media regulations to popular social media platforms like WeChat. This research investigates the effects of the PRC’s extraterritorial control of online content on the identity narratives and norms communicated by comparing Australia’s Special Broadcast Service (SBS) Mandarin language news and the news targeting Australian audiences published on popular WeChat Official Accounts (OAs). We find significant differences in the news content between these two platforms: SBS provides more political content and a focus on political and cultural integration, while WeChat pages tend to avoid political topics that are not otherwise press releases from the PRC and they encourage strong cultural ties with Mainland China. Finally, SBS tends to both inform and cultivate democratic political identities and identification with the Australian political system, whereas WeChat tends to differentiate the Chinese diaspora from the wider Australian community. We situate these findings within a wider understanding of PRC’s national security strategies and doctrine. Whether by requirement or practice, not only the WeChat OAs in Australia implement PRC’s communication controls, but the content on these pages also challenges the liberal democratic practices and norms and supports foreign influence and espionage in Australia.

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18

Forsyth, Hannah. "Post-war political economics and the growth of Australian university research, c.1945-1965." History of Education Review 46, no. 1 (June 5, 2017): 15–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/her-10-2015-0023.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to consider the national and international political-economic environment in which Australian university research grew. It considers the implications of the growing significance of knowledge to the government and capital, looking past institutional developments to also historicise the systems that fed and were fed by the universities. Design/methodology/approach The paper is based on the extensive archival research in the National Archives of Australia and the Australian War Memorial on the formation and funding of a wide range of research programmes in the immediate post-war period after the Second World War. These include the Australian Atomic Energy Commission, the NHMRC, the Commonwealth Scientific and Industrial Research Organisation, the Australian Pacific Territories Research Council, the Commonwealth Office of Education, the Universities Commission and the Murray review. This research was conducted under the Margaret George Award for emerging scholars for a project entitled “Knowledge, Nation and Democracy in Post-War Australia”. Findings After the Second World War, the Australian Government invested heavily in research: funding that continued to expand in subsequent decades. In the USA, similar government expenditure affected the trajectory of capitalist democracy for the remainder of the twentieth century, leading to a “military-industrial complex”. The outcome in Australia looked quite different, though still connected to the structure and character of Australian political economics. Originality/value The discussion of the spectacular growth of universities after the Second World War ordinarily rests on the growth in enrolments. This paper draws on a very large literature review as well as primary research to offer new insights into the connections between research and post-war political and economic development, which also explain university growth.

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19

Gray, Anthony. "The Protection of Voting Equality in Australia." Federal Law Review 44, no. 3 (September 2016): 557–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0067205x1604400309.

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This paper argues that the High Court should accept that the Commonwealth Constitution embraces the concept of voter equality, such that systems of malapportionment may be liable to constitutional challenge. Specifically, it argues that ss 7 and 24 of the Constitution create a system of representative government and representative democracy which require that elections be free and fair, and that a malapportionment could potentially interfere with the system of representative democracy which the Constitution requires. Recent case law reinforces notions of equality in ss 7 and 24, which can be applied in the context of voter equality.

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20

Rezaei, Omid, Hossein Adibi, and Vicki Banham. "Integration Experiences of Former Afghan Refugees in Australia: What Challenges Still Remain after Becoming Citizens?" International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 18, no. 19 (October 8, 2021): 10559. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph181910559.

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This paper explores, analyses, and documents the experiences of Afghan-Australians who arrived in Australia as refugees and were granted citizenship after living in Australia for several years. This research adopted a mixed method of qualitative and quantitative approaches and surveyed 102 people, interviewed 13 participants, and conducted two focus-groups within its research design. Analysis of data indicates that former Afghan refugees gradually settled down and integrated within Australian society. They value safety and security, open democracy and orderly society of Australia, as well as accessing to education and healthcare services and opportunity for social mobility. However, since the integration is a long process, they are also facing some challenges in this area. Findings of this study show that Afghan-Australians require more support from Australian governments to overcome some of these challenges particularly securing employment within their area of interests and professional occupations that they have qualifications and experiences from Afghanistan. They are also experiencing broader challenges in the area of socio-cultural issues within Australian society. Since the Afghan community is an emerging community in Western Australia, they require more support from local government to enhance their ethnic cohesion and solidarity.

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21

Macintyre, Stuart. "The Short History of Social Democracy in Australia." Thesis Eleven 15, no. 1 (August 1986): 3–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/072551368601500101.

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22

Cameron, Sarah. "Government performance and dissatisfaction with democracy in Australia." Australian Journal of Political Science 55, no. 2 (April 2, 2020): 170–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2020.1755221.

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23

Paul, Erik. "Australia and Southeast Asia: Regionalisation, democracy and conflict." Journal of Contemporary Asia 29, no. 3 (January 1999): 285–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00472339980000151.

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24

Wilson, Jason. "Kevin Rudd, celebrity and audience democracy in Australia." Journalism: Theory, Practice & Criticism 15, no. 2 (June 17, 2013): 202–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1464884913488724.

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Gauja, Anika. "THE STATE OF DEMOCRACY AND REPRESENTATION IN AUSTRALIA." Representation 51, no. 1 (January 2, 2015): 23–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00344893.2015.1023098.

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26

Franks, C. E. S. "Reforming Parliamentary Democracy." Canadian Journal of Political Science 37, no. 4 (December 2004): 1019–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423904210216.

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Reforming Parliamentary Democracy, F. Leslie Seidle and David C. Docherty, eds., Montreal & Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 2003, pp. vii, 246This book derives from a conference held by the Canadian Study of Parliament Group at which distinguished persons discussed the efforts for reform in Westminster style parliamentary democracies. Topics covered include: second chambers (the British House of Lords, South Africa); proportional representation (New Zealand); the role of the Crown (Australia); political rights and representation of aboriginal peoples (New Zealand and Canada); and federalism and devolution (Britain and Canada). An introduction and conclusion by the editors, and a useful chapter by Jennifer Smith on reform of the Canadian Parliament complete the book.

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27

Ewart, Jacqui, and Brian L. Massey. "‘Local (People) Mean the World to US’: Australia's Regional Newspapers and the ‘Closer to Readers’ Assumption." Media International Australia 115, no. 1 (May 2005): 94–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0511500110.

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The intersections between journalism and democracy are explored in this paper through an analysis of the ‘voices’ through which the news is ‘told’ by specific segments of the Australian print media. We argue that evidence of the extent to which a newspaper fulfils its roles to democracy and society is partially found in the range of sources quoted in the news stories it publishes, and in the prominence and dominance it gives to various types of sources in those stories. Our goal was to quantify the validity of the widely held assumption that, in Australia, regional newspapers are closer than metropolitan newspapers to their readers. This suggestion guided our content analysis of the types of news story sources quoted or paraphrased in the general news published in four regional newspapers and one metropolitan newspaper in one Australian state. The assumption of closeness to readers for Australian regional newspapers did not hold up well in this test.

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Davies, Chris Lawe. "Journalism, Corporatism, Democracy." Media International Australia 90, no. 1 (February 1999): 53–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x9909000108.

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The corporatising of journalists has been an issue in the United States for most of the current decade. Journalists find themselves increasingly drawn into the commercial strategies of their employers. Indeed, the role of the editor is increasingly also one of publisher. News value is as much a question of how to pursue and capture audience demographics and psychographics as it is about servicing the general democratic needs of citizens. Similar trends and concerns are evident in Australia. The question is whether this constitutes some kind of crisis for democracy or an evolving communication industry. What is certain is that the work of journalists increasingly needs to be analysed in terms of the ‘communications industry’ as a whole. It is Windschuttle's failure to any longer look at the industry as a whole, and to insist that journalism is some kind of scientifically pure practice, which leads off this discussion of the corporatisation of journalists.

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29

van Ham, Carolien, and Lisa Hill. "Vanguard or laggard? Democracy and human rights in Australia." Australian Journal of Human Rights 23, no. 2 (May 4, 2017): 139–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1323238x.2017.1371404.

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30

Atkinson, Alan. "Federation, Democracy and the Struggle against a Single Australia." Australian Historical Studies 44, no. 2 (June 2013): 262–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1031461x.2013.791709.

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Maddox, Graham, and John Uhr. "Deliberative Democracy in Australia; The Changing Place of Parliament." Pacific Affairs 73, no. 2 (2000): 316. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2672215.

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Novosivschei, Claudia. "America Is a Democracy, whereas Australia Stayed a Bureaucracy." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Philologia 62, no. 1 (March 24, 2017): 101–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbphilo.2017.1.07.

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Roberts, Evan. "The Europeans in Australia: A History. Volume Two: Democracy." History: Reviews of New Books 34, no. 1 (January 2005): 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2005.10526736.

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Stubbs, Rhys. "Freedom of Information and Democracy in Australia and Beyond." Australian Journal of Political Science 43, no. 4 (December 2008): 667–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361140802429270.

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Markey, Ray. "TRADE UNIONS, NEW TECHNOLOGY, AND INDUSTRIAL DEMOCRACY IN AUSTRALIA." Prometheus 5, no. 1 (June 1987): 124–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08109028708629417.

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Dixon, Rosalind, and Amelia Loughland. "Comparative constitutional adaptation: Democracy and distrust in the High Court of Australia." International Journal of Constitutional Law 19, no. 2 (April 1, 2021): 455–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/icon/moab036.

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Abstract The ideas developed by Ely in Democracy and Distrust have had an important influence on at least one member of the High Court of Australia—Justice Stephen Gageler, first as counsel and now as a justice of the Court. This influence has not involved the straightforward “borrowing” of those ideas. Rather, it has involved a more standard-like application of US-style tiered scrutiny in contexts such as the protection of the “channels of political change” and giving narrower ambit to the judicial protection of “discrete and insular minorities.” This, the article suggests, reflects a distinctive form of comparative constitutional adaptation—a process involving, first, the attempt to develop a contextual understanding of Ely’s thought; second, a quite “thick” or “deep” form of comparison between the original and new context; and third, a context-sensitive adaptation of the theory to that new setting. This comparative adaptation has some similarity to the process of “recontextualization” identified in Gunther Frankenberg’s account of an “IKEA” style of global constitutional transfer. But it is distinctive in its direct engagement with foreign constitutional ideas at their source and its attention to the importance of constitutional context, difference, and generality or commonality. Similar forms of comparative constitutional adaptation can be found elsewhere, including in the engagement by Australian Chief Justice, Susan Kiefel, in the development of proportionality doctrines. But attention to Ely’s influence on Justice Gageler’s thought provides a useful window not only into Australian constitutional practice, but also into this distinctive and normatively attractive form of comparative engagement.

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Kelly, Danial. "FOUNDATIONAL SOURCES AND PURPOSES OF AUTHORITY IN AUSTRALIAN LAW." Jambe Law Journal 1, no. 1 (July 9, 2018): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.22437/home.v1i1.8.

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The starting point in understanding Australia’s socio-legal place in an international context is to be familiar with its Western legal tradition. Some of the characteristics of the Western idea of law include the separation of law from other normative systems (such as religion), the centrality or primacy of law as a method of regulating society, and the inherent authority of law. Other major socio-legal features of contemporary Australia include a multicultural population and government by representative democracy. Australian law has sprung out of the English branch of the Western legal tradition, therefore the English heritage of Australian law will first be considered.

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Kelly, Danial. "FOUNDATIONAL SOURCES AND PURPOSES OF AUTHORITY IN AUSTRALIAN LAW." Jambe Law Journal 1, no. 1 (July 9, 2018): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.22437/jlj.1.1.1-12.

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The starting point in understanding Australia’s socio-legal place in an international context is to be familiar with its Western legal tradition. Some of the characteristics of the Western idea of law include the separation of law from other normative systems (such as religion), the centrality or primacy of law as a method of regulating society, and the inherent authority of law. Other major socio-legal features of contemporary Australia include a multicultural population and government by representative democracy. Australian law has sprung out of the English branch of the Western legal tradition, therefore the English heritage of Australian law will first be considered.

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39

Haveric, Dzavid. "ANZAC Muslims." Australian Journal of Islamic Studies 3, no. 3 (February 14, 2019): 75–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.55831/ajis.v3i3.147.

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When the Commonwealth of Australia became immersed in two World Wars, Australian Muslims accepted the national call – they shed their blood and gave their lives for Australia’s freedom and democracy. With their Australian brothers-in-arms and allies they fought courageously with honour against their common enemies in different battlefields – but this is an almost forgotten history. Muslims in Australia were challenged by Britain’s imperial might and by their status as British subjects and ‘aliens’ to take part in ANZAC showing their commitment to their adopted country. The virtue of justice, sense of responsibility and loyalty are peculiar qualities that find their full justification in the organised welfare of Australian society. This pioneering article, based on ongoing research on ANZAC Muslims, makes known their unique contribution. It reveals historic facts about ANZAC Muslims who were members of what has come to be known as the Heroic Generation. Although their names have not appeared in history books, they achieved the glory of victory for a better future for new generations to come. Their contribution is part of Australian National Heritage – Lest we forget.

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Mares, Peter. "Locating Temporary Migrants on the Map of Australian Democracy." Migration, Mobility, & Displacement 3, no. 1 (August 24, 2017): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.18357/mmd31201717071.

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This article asks whether there should be a limit on the number of years that a temporary migrant can reside in Australia before either being granted permanent residence or required to depart.<br />Temporary migration on the scale now experienced in Australia is a relatively recent phenomenon that contrasts strongly with the established pattern of permanent settler migration that characterised Australia in the 20th Century. As a result, the question of whether or not there should be a limit to temporariness has not yet been addressed in public policy debates.<br />Drawing on the approach of Jospeh H. Carens (2013), I take Australia’s self-definition as a liberal democracy as a standard to which the nation sees itself as ethically and politically accountable. I argue that a commitment to liberal democracy renders a purely contractual approach to migration invalid—more specifically, a migrant’s consent to the terms of a temporary visa does not provide sufficient ethical grounds to extend that temporary status indefinitely. Moving beyond a contractual approach to consider whether current temporary migration arrangements are consistent with the principles of representative democracy raises debates within liberalism, particularly between cosmopolitan and communitarian perspectives. I argue that practical policy must reconcile these cosmopolitan and communitarian positions. I consider, but reject, the option of strictly time-limited temporary visas that would require migrants to depart after a set number of years and instead recommend a pathway to permanent residence based on duration of stay.

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Cameron, Sarah, and Juliet Pietsch. "Migrant Attitudes Towards Democracy in Australia: Excluded or Allegiant Citizens?" Australian Journal of Politics & History 67, no. 2 (June 2021): 260–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ajph.12727.

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42

Quiggin, J. "Social democracy and market reform in Australia and New Zealand." Oxford Review of Economic Policy 14, no. 1 (March 1, 1998): 76–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxrep/14.1.76.

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Emy, Hugh. "‘A monstrous construction'? The state and limited democracy in Australia." Australian Journal of Political Science 26, no. 3 (November 1991): 561–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00323269108402173.

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Parkin, Andrew. "Liberal Democracy and the Politics of Criminal Justice in Australia." Australian Journal of Politics & History 44, no. 3 (September 1998): 445–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-8497.00031.

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Balnave, Nikola, and Greg Patmore. "Marketing community and democracy: Rural Rochdale co‐operatives in Australia." Consumption Markets & Culture 13, no. 1 (January 6, 2010): 61–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10253860903346765.

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March, Alan, and Nicholas Low. "Knowing and Steering: Mediatization, Planning and Democracy in Victoria, Australia." Planning Theory 3, no. 1 (March 2004): 41–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1473095204042317.

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de Reuck, John, and Richard Joseph. "Universal service in a participatory democracy: A perspective from Australia." Government Information Quarterly 16, no. 4 (January 1999): 345–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0740-624x(00)86839-2.

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Wyndham, Marivic, and Peter Read. "When Cultures Divide." Public Historian 40, no. 1 (February 1, 2018): 34–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/tph.2018.40.1.34.

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We two Australian public historians recently published a history of memorials in Santiago, Chile, to the victims of the Augusto Pinochet dictatorship, Narrow but Endlessly Deep: The Struggle for Memorialisation in Chile since the Transition to Democracy. Our different upbringings and experiences (one a migrant from Cuba, the other Anglo-Australian) produced disagreements as to how we should interpret the memorializations. In particular, the foundational narratives of Cuba and Australia in which we were raised affected our differing interpretations. The article explains these differing foundational narratives and then cites examples of textual disagreements and how we resolved them. We believe that this challenging interrogation of lifetime values improved the monograph and may offer insights for other cross-cultural collaborations.

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Robie, David. "Key Melanesian media freedom challenges: Climate crisis, internet freedoms, fake news and West Papua." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 26, no. 1 (July 31, 2020): 15–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v26i1.1072.

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Melanesia, and the microstates of the Pacific generally, face the growing influence of authoritarian and secretive values in the region—projected by both China and Indonesia and with behind-the-scenes manipulation. There is also a growing tendency for Pacific governments to use unconstitutional, bureaucratic or legal tools to silence media and questioning journalists. Frequent threats of closing Facebook and other social media platforms and curbs on online freedom of information are another issue. While Pacific news media face these challenges, their support networks are being shaken by the decline of Australia as a so-called ‘liberal democracy’ and through the undermining of its traditional region-wide public interest media values with the axing of Radio Australia and Australia Network television. Reporting climate change is the Pacific’s most critical challenge while Australian intransigence over the issue is subverting the region’s media. This article engages with and examines these challenges and also concludes that the case of West Papua is a vitally important self-determination issue that left unresolved threatens the security of the region.

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Wagschal, Uwe. "Direct Democracy and Public Policymaking." Journal of Public Policy 17, no. 2 (May 1997): 223–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x0000355x.

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ABSTRACTWhat is the impact of direct democracy, e.g. referendums, on public policymaking? The study will present data for Switzerland, the United States, Australia and Germany leading to the conclusion that direct democracy is an effective, but flexible veto player against expansive spending and taxation. The level of public expenditure and taxation is significantly lower in countries that have elements of direct democracy compared to pure representative democracies. Several theoretical arguments support this finding. For example, the social discount rate of voters is lower than that of politicians. Also direct democracy is related to the benefit principle in public finance. Taxpayers want their payments to be related to public services they receive. They are therefore inclined to veto projects not reflecting their preferences. Moreover, referenda have an implicit restraining effect on governments and the mere threat can reduce their capacity to act.

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