Relevant bibliographies by topics / Democracy Australia

Academic literature on the topic 'Democracy Australia'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 28 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Democracy Australia"

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Shilbury, David. "Determining the Problem of Order in the Australian Football League." Journal of Sport Management 7, no. 2 (May 1993): 122–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/jsm.7.2.122.

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This paper examines the means available to management to establish order within organizations. Three variables, bureaucracy, industrial democracy, and corporate culture, are examined in relation to Australia's largest professional sporting organization, the Australian Football League. The paper traces how the organization of sport in Australia emanated from a pure form of democracy that in the early 1980s impeded the Australian Football League's progress toward a professional competition. Establishing order within the league is complicated by the trichotomy formed between the league, the clubs, and the players.
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Dufty, Norman F. "Industrial Democracy in Australia." International Studies of Management & Organization 17, no. 2 (June 1987): 10–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00208825.1987.11656450.

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Holt, Joan. "Discovering democracy in Australia." Prospects 31, no. 3 (September 2001): 307–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf03220073.

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Weller, P. "Parliamentary Democracy in Australia." Parliamentary Affairs 57, no. 3 (July 1, 2004): 630–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsh049.

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Molnar, Adam. "Technology, Law, and the Formation of (il)Liberal Democracy?" Surveillance & Society 15, no. 3/4 (August 9, 2017): 381–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/ss.v15i3/4.6645.

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This article argues that the politics of surveillance and (il)liberalism in Australia is conditioned by the dynamic interplay between technological development and law. Applying criminologist Richard Ericson’s concept of ‘counter-law’, the article illustrates how rapidly advancing capacities for surveillance and Australia's legal infrastructure collide. In this view, even regulatory safeguards can be instrumental in the broader drift toward (il)liberal democracy. Drawing on the Australian context to illustrate a broader global trend, this article conveys how such an apparatus of control reflective of (il)liberal democracy might be more accurately understood as a form of socio-technical rule-with-law.
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BOROWSKI, ALLAN. "Creating a Virtuous Society: Immigration and Australia's Policies of Multiculturalism." Journal of Social Policy 29, no. 3 (July 2000): 459–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279400006036.

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Australia's post-war programme of mass immigration has been accompanied by growing ethnic and racial diversity. This process of diversification accelerated markedly from the 1970s onwards after the abandonment of the White Australia Policy in the 1960s. Despite this diversification, Australia has been able to sustain itself as a peaceful liberal democracy. It is the contention of this article that Australia's policies of multiculturalism have played an important role in contributing to this state of relative peacefulness. This article seeks to assemble some evidence from the Australian experience to ‘test’ the notion that the peacefulness of Australian society may, in some measure, be understood as a product of the contribution of its policies of multiculturalism to engendering and reinforcing those very virtues which liberal democracies require in order to sustain themselves over time.
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Khoury, Ann El, and Ian Cook. "Government and Democracy in Australia." AQ: Australian Quarterly 76, no. 3 (2004): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20638263.

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Zernetska, O. "The Role of Women-Journalists and Writers in the Development of Democracy and Culture in Australia (the end of the XIXth century – 70s of the XXth century)." Problems of World History, no. 18 (November 8, 2022): 187–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-18-8.

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The emancipation of Australian women in particular journalists and writers, who dedicated their lives to the development of culture of the fifth continent has been detected in this article. The goal of the article is to analyse the arrival of women – journalists, editors, publishers - in the print media and to determine their role in the formation and development of democracy and culture of the young state. As a result of the interdisciplinary research (combination of history, sociology, philology, culturology) new data on the role of women were obtained in the formation of democracy in Australia. This gives reason to affirm that this is the first study of this problem in Ukraine. New names of such outstanding Australian men – journalists, editors, publishers, writers as E.S. Hall, S. Bennet, H. Parks, G. Mott, C. Feilberg, W. Winn and women – L. Lawson, F. Baverstock, N. Palmer were introduced into scientific circulation. Significantly expanded and supplemented historical and cultural information about such outstanding women writers and journalists as M. Gilmore, E.F. Richardson, M. Franklin, K.S. Prichard, C. Stead, C. McCullough. Their life is investigated in the context of socio-historical development of Australia and world events that were reflected in their work. Great is their contribution to the antifascist struggle, to the defence of freedom and democratic values in Australia. The artistic value of the work of each of them is determined. The humanistic and realistic approach in creating their characters is clarified. It reflects the historical and socio-cultural development of Australia since the mid-XIX century to the 70-s of the XX century. It is proved that the history of periodicals and the development of literature on the fifth continent is the story of extraordinary talented women, in whose destinies the history of the development of the fourth power and the literature of Australia is reflected. The stages of The Bulletin magazine’s existence, the reasons for its closure and its influence on formation of Australian national literature are analysed. The practical value of the work lies in the fact that it brings new data to academic courses such as “The History of Australia”, “The Print Media of Australia”, “The Literature of Australia”. It is proved than women writers and journalists of Australia enriched Australian literature with bright original works and also made a significant contribution to its culture and democracy.
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Feng, Chongyi. "The changing political identity of the "Overseas Chinese" in Australian Politics." Cosmopolitan Civil Societies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 3, no. 1 (April 15, 2011): 121–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v3i1.1865.

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This paper explores the role played by the Chinese communities in the Australian politics of multicultural democracy from the perspective of political socialisation and resocialisation. It argues that there is no such a thing as inherent “cultural values” or “national values” that differentiate ‘the Chinese” politically from the mainstream Australian society. This paper focuses on the Chinese nationalism of Han Chinese migrants in Australia. Within the “new mainland migrants” who have come to Australia directly from the PRC since the 1980s, nationalism is much weaker among the Tiananmen/ June 4 generation who experienced pro-democracy activism during their formative years in the 1980s. Nationalism is much stronger among the Post-Tiananmen Generation who are victims of the “patriotism campaign” in the 1990s when the Chinese Communist party-state sought to replace discredited communism with nationalism as the major ideology for legitimacy.
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Magarey, K. "The Internet and Australia parliamentary democracy." Parliamentary Affairs 52, no. 3 (July 1, 1999): 404–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/52.3.404.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Democracy Australia"

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Hall, James. "Australia, March 2003 : the print media, democracy and the decision to invade Iraq." Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 2008. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/220.

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Models of mass media and democracy, as commonly discussed by media theorists, suggest there is a tight ideological relationship between the dominant discourse of mass media outlets and incumbent governments (Chomsky, 1997; Curran, 2002; Curran and Gurevitch, 2001; Curran and Park, 1996; Curran and Seaton, 1986; Herman and Chomsky, 1986; Herman and McChesney, 2001; Jacka, 2003; Schultz, 1998). In this thesis I analyse Australian print media opinion pages, and argue that the workings of Herman and Chomksy's Propaganda Model (1988, pp. 1-35) are evident in opinion page output on the Iraq issue. However, when applied to Australia and the Australian government's decision to invade Iraq in March 2003, as part of the Coalition of the Willing, I claim that the tight connection between mass media outlets and the dominant discourse of the government is not as evident. In other words, in this instance the dominant discourse that emerged from an analysis of print opinion pages was not as ideologically synchronised with the position of the Australian government as traditional theory would posit.
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Scott, Guy. "Resisting liberalism : social democracy and the Australian constitution /." [St. Lucia, Qld.], 2005. http://www.library.uq.edu.au/pdfserve.php?image=thesisabs/absthe19282.pdf.

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Clarke, Tamsin Law Faculty of Law UNSW. "Racism, pluralism and democracy in Australia : re-conceptualising racial vilification legislation." Awarded by:University of New South Wales. School of Law, 2005. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/20530.

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Australian debates about racial vilification legislation have been dominated by mainstream American First Amendment jurisprudence and popular American notions of 'free speech' to the exclusion of alternative Europeans models. This can be seen from notions of Australian racial vilification legislation as inconsistent with 'free speech' rights as well as the influence of some of the basic assumptions of First Amendment jurisprudence on political speech cases in the Australian High Court. Despite the widespread existence of legislation that penalises racial vilification at State and Federal levels, there has been a rise in Australia over the past 10 years of divisive 'race' politics. Against that background, this thesis considers the scope and limits of racial vilification legislation in Australia. It is argued that First Amendment jurisprudence is inadequate in the Australian context, because it is heavily dependent upon economic metaphors, individualistic notions of identity and outdated theories of communication. It assumes that 'free speech' in terms of lack of government intervention is essential to 'democracy'. It ignores the content, context and effect of harmful speech, except in extreme cases, with the result that socially harmful speech is protected in the name of 'free speech'. This has narrowed the parameters within which racial vilification is understood and hindered the development of a broader discourse on the realities of racist harms, and the mechanisms necessary for their redress. The author calls for the development of an Australian jurisprudence of harmful speech. Failing an Australian Bill of Rights, that jurisprudence would be grounded upon the implied constitutional right of free political speech, informed by an awareness that modern structures of public speech favour a very limited range of speech and speakers. The jurisprudence would take advantage of the insights of Critical Race Theory into the connections between racial vilification and racist behaviour, as well as the personal and social harms of racial vilification. Finally, it is argued that the concepts of human dignity and equality, which underpin European discrimination legislation and notions of justice, provide a way forward for Australian jurisprudence in this area.
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Ivancic, Antonny John Social Sciences &amp International Studies Faculty of Arts &amp Social Sciences UNSW. "The transformation in direct private share ownership in Australia: Embourgeoisement? Democracy?" Publisher:University of New South Wales. Social Sciences & International Studies, 2008. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/42985.

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The increase in direct personal investment in capital market assets by Australians over the past two decades represents an unprecedented engagement with that sector of Australian economic life. This dissertation critically investigates claims that this engagement heralds a shareholder democracy. Increased economic participation based on private direct ownership of corporate securities could be interpreted as a weak form of democratisation. Using a class-theoretical framework, the dissertation conceptualises the private shareholder phenomenon as a process of embourgeoisement and argues that the development of a macro-level mass consumer financial products market is the result of capitalist class development and expansion. A thesis of strong democratisation proffers the notion that the private shareholder, as an ascendant class of financial actor, engages with real democratic processes in addition to simply owning securities. To test this thesis the dissertation measures the extent to which small shareholders control the objective conditions under which they accumulate greater wealth by seeking evidence of potential or actual engagement with macro-market and meso-corporate level social processes. The dissertation assesses macro-level practice by drawing on the work of Bourdieu and on notions of the social field. It considers the entry of the new class of financial actor to the financial field and analyses their capacity to accumulate and deploy informational capital, and compares their ability to influence a state-sponsored economic reform process (CLERP) with that of other actors. The dissertation analyses longitudinal ownership and shareholder voting data from a set of over 30 major Australian companies. It finds that the new class of economic actor is most prevalent in privatised state-owned enterprises and mutuals. In the context of an ideal Habermasian public sphere, the study considers the potential for small shareholders to participate in meso-level, corporate agenda-setting and deliberation. Using the ideal political space of Arendt, it searches for methods of achieving democratic outcomes. The dissertation finds that while the personal ownership of tradable financial assets may constitute a weak form of economic democratisation, small shareholders?? inability to influence real outcomes, even in companies in which they constitute the majority, places substantial restrictions on the overall strength of the share ownership-as-democracy thesis.
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Lane, Karen Lesley. "Broadcasting, democracy and localism : a study of broadcasting policy in Australia from the 1920s to the 1980s." Title page, table of contents and abstract only, 1987. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phl2651.pdf.

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Ahmad, Malik Hammad. "The struggle for democracy in Pakistan : nonviolent resistance of military rule 1977-88." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2015. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/77074/.

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Pakistan is regarded widely today as a country continuing turmoil, in which multiple centres of political and armed power compete with each other, using violence as much as due democratic processes to settle their differences. And yet, as this dissertation seeks to show, there is also a tradition of democracy that has been fought for and won in ongoing nonviolent movements For almost half its life since its creation in 1947, military dictators, of whom there have been four in all, have ruled Pakistan. Amongst these, General Zia-ul-Haq ruled the longest at more than eleven years from July 1977 to August 1988. He not only executed Zulfiquar Ali Bhutto, Pakistan former Prime Minister but he was also able to bring about fundamental changes in the legal, political, religious, social and cultural affairs of the country. His rule is often considered a ‘dark age’ in the history of Pakistan. Two movements – the campaign to save Bhutto 1977-1979 and the Movement for the Restoration of Democracy (MRD) 1981-1988 – were launched and led by political parties, of which the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) was leading member, against Zia’s rule. Historians have generally considered both these movements to have been a failure. In this dissertation, it is argued that although MRD took much longer than the originally-envisaged three months to achieve its aim, it did not in the end fail. It should, rather, be seen as a gradualist democratic movement, which eventually brought the country back to democracy in 1988. The process took longer than expected for several reasons, the most important of which were a lack of unity amongst the leaders of its constituent political parties, particularly the PPP, the absence of an operational corps, and Zia-ul-Haq’s ruthless response to the nonviolent resistance to his rule. Additionally, Zia’s regime was supported for many years by international powers of the Western bloc, due to the war against Soviet Union in Afghanistan.
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Keir, Warren Neill. "Voter behaviour and constitutional change in Australia since 1967." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2009. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/31139/1/Warren_Keir_Thesis.pdf.

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Australian Constitutional referendums have been part of the Australian political system since federation. Up to the year 1999 (the time of the last referendum in Australia), constitutional change in Australia does not have a good history of acceptance. Since 1901, there have been 44 proposed constitutional changes with eight gaining the required acceptance according to section 128 of the Australian Constitution. In the modern era since 1967, there have been 20 proposals over seven referendum votes for a total of four changes. Over this same period, there have been 13 federal general elections which have realised change in government just five times. This research examines the electoral behaviour of Australian voters from 1967 to 1999 for each referendum. Party identification has long been a key indicator in general election voting. This research considers whether the dominant theory of voter behaviour in general elections (the Michigan Model) provides a plausible explanation for voting in Australian referendums. In order to explain electoral behaviour in each referendum, this research has utilised available data from the Australian Electoral Commission, the 1996 Australian Bureau of Statistics Census data, and the 1999 Australian Constitutional Referendum Study. This data has provided the necessary variables required to measure the impact of the Michigan Model of voter behaviour. Measurements have been conducted using bivariate and multivariate analyses. Each referendum provides an overview of the events at the time of the referendum as well as the =yes‘ and =no‘ cases at the time each referendum was initiated. Results from this research provide support for the Michigan Model of voter behaviour in Australian referendum voting. This research concludes that party identification, as a key variable of the Michigan Model, shows that voters continue to take their cues for voting from the political party they identify with in Australian referendums. However, the outcome of Australian referendums clearly shows that partisanship is only one of a number of contributory factors in constitutional referendums.
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Bapir, Mohammed Ali. "How the political elite view democracy in deeply divided countries : the case of Iraq." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2016. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/91090/.

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This thesis focuses on the role of agency during political transition processes in divided societies. To be more specific, it examines how the Iraqi political elites view democracy and what type of political institutions they support. The years between 2012 and 2015 are of great significance and the final US withdrawal at the beginning of the period marked the conclusion of military occupation. That event made the Iraqi political elite central to the political process. Previous studies have focused on structural issues in post invasion Iraq, highlighting factors that could facilitate democracy or systems that could undermine prospects for a democratic system in the country. A gap in the literature on Iraq is identifiable as there is a lack of any real attention to the issue of agency. The theoretical contribution of this study is that it illustrates and underlines the importance of elite perspectives for the democratisation process in a country divided along ethno-religious lines. The study argues that democratic institutional arrangements are needed as the means to reconcile different, and at times conflicting, political interests. Having established this point, the research analyses the role of agency in terms of key political players in forming, arranging, and setting up institutions. Extensive field research collating original empirical data was carried out in Iraq, Baghdad and Erbil, from 2011 to 2015. This study surveys the Iraqi House of Representatives, the Iraqi Presidency, and the Iraqi Council of Ministers, and involves interviews with highly placed decision makers in the executive, the legislative and the judiciary, as well as members of the Constitution Drafting Committee. Key participants include; the President and the Prime Minister, Speakers of the Parliament, and the Chair of Iraqi Constitution Drafting Committee. The participants include members from all the main ethno-religious groups in this divided country. Based on this new data, the specific views of Iraq's political elites are analysed, and their preferred types of political system are articulated, providing a concise contribution to current knowledge of democracy building in Iraq. The first empirical finding is that elites of the minority groups conceive democracy as power sharing, while members of the majority understand it as majority rule. The second finding is that larger groups support majoritarian institutions, while smaller groups support consensual ones. Those findings confirm previous academic thinking, for example Lijphart's theory on consensus democracy. The third finding is more surprising. All groups support a consensual arrangement of federalism and a majoritarian constitution. This unexpected support for these types of institutional arrangements required investigation in more depth to determine how political elites view federalism in Iraq, and how the constitution, if the opportunity arose, might be amended. It is argued that the future possibilities of Iraq’s polity depend largely on political agreements between the political elites representing the main groups in Iraq. The stability of the country rests mainly on the ability of its elites to arrange political institutions in such a way as to accommodate the different interests of the groups they represent.
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Fischer, Nick 1972. "The savage within : anti-communism, anti-democracy and authoritarianism in the United States and Australia, 1917-1935." Monash University, School of Historical Studies, 2001. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/9124.

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Corbett, David Ian Bedford. "Alternative forms of citymaking: Insights and implications from South Africa and Australia." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2021. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/208153/1/David%20Ian%20Bedford_Corbett_Thesis.pdf.

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This study employed a comparative urbanism methodology to explore the interrelationship between formal approaches to urban governance and urban informality in Logan, Australia and Cape Town, South Africa. Through in-depth interviews, observations and a co-design workshop, the study investigates points of disconnection in the margins and ties these to issues of power, inclusion and the notion of a 'good' city. It proposes avenues for conducting comparative urban research across Global North and South cities. The thesis furthers knowledge of co-productive research with vulnerable participants, articulates the role of intermediaries in inclusive alternative citymaking, and challenges negative assumptions of urban informality.
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Books on the topic "Democracy Australia"

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Sawer, Marian. Australia: The state of democracy. Annandale, N.S.W: Federation Press, 2009.

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Mary, Walsh, and Harwood Jeffrey, eds. Government and democracy in Australia. 2nd ed. South Melbourne, Vic: Oxford University Press, 2009.

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Sawer, Marian. Australia: The state of democracy. Annandale, N.S.W: Federation Press, 2009.

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Norman, Abjorensen, and Larkin Philip 1970-, eds. Australia: The state of democracy. Annandale, N.S.W: Federation Press, 2009.

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Government and democracy in Australia. Victoria, Australia: Oxford University Press, 2004.

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Davidson, Alastair. Rights, justice, and democracy in Australia. Melbourne, Australia: Longman Cheshire, 1991.

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Graeme, Orr, Mercurio Bryan, and Williams George 1969-, eds. Realising democracy: Electoral law in Australia. Sydney: Federation Press, 2003.

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Australia in Southeast Asia: Regionalisation and democracy. Copenhagen, Denmark: NIAS, 1998.

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Uhr, John. Deliberative democracy in Australia: The changing place of Parliament. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1998.

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Duncombe, Lionel. Immigration and the decline of democracy in Australia. Canberra, ACT: Kalgoorlie Press, 1992.

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Book chapters on the topic "Democracy Australia"

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Jaensch, Dean. "Parliamentary Democracy." In The Politics of Australia, 95–138. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-15148-6_5.

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Paul, Erik. "Post-Democracy." In Australia as US Client State, 75–86. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137469359_7.

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Eijkman, Henk. "Police, Victims and Democracy: Rewriting the Priorities." In Policing Australia, 266–98. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-15143-1_11.

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Harris, Bede. "Democracy." In Constitutional Reform as a Remedy for Political Disenchantment in Australia, 63–87. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-3599-4_4.

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Jaensch, Dean. "The Future of Australian Democracy." In The Politics of Australia, 421–30. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-15148-6_18.

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Bannon, John. "10. Social Democracy in Australia." In The Future of Social Democracy, edited by Peter Russell, 109–22. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/9781487583385-012.

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Paul, Erik. "Emancipation and Genuine Democracy." In Australia in the Expanding Global Crisis, 1–26. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-2279-6_1.

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Gavin, Mihajla, Susan McGrath-Champ, Rachel Wilson, Scott Fitzgerald, and Meghan Stacey. "Teacher Workload in Australia." In New Perspectives on Education for Democracy, 110–23. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003145806-11.

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Boer, Roland. "Freedom, Democracy, and the Socialist Transformation." In Religion after Secularization in Australia, 159–75. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137551382_8.

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Bungsraz, Soobhiraj. "E-Democracy." In Operationalising e-Democracy through a System Engineering Approach in Mauritius and Australia, 67–113. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-1777-8_3.

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Conference papers on the topic "Democracy Australia"

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Beirne, Kathleen. "Cyber risk to Australian democracy: cyber security from an election law perspective." In Hawaii International Conference on System Sciences. Hawaii International Conference on System Sciences, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.24251/hicss.2022.660.

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Reports on the topic "Democracy Australia"

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Hooker, Reece, ed. Australia’s world-class democracy has a trust issue. Monash University, December 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.54377/0184-6b74.

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Kerrigan, Susan, Phillip McIntyre, and Marion McCutcheon. Australian Cultural and Creative Activity: A Population and Hotspot Analysis: Ballarat. Queensland University of Technology, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/rep.eprints.206963.

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Description Ballarat sits on Wathaurong land and is located at the crossroads of four main Victorian highways. A number of State agencies are located here to support and build entrepreneurial activity in the region. The Ballarat Technology Park, located some way out of the heart of the city at the Mount Helen campus of Federation University, is an attempt to expand and diversify the technology and innovation sector in the region. This university also has a high profile presence in the city occupying part of a historically endowed precinct in the city centre. Because of the wise preservation and maintenance of its heritage listed buildings by the local council, Ballarat has been used as the location for a significant set of feature films, documentaries and television series bringing work to local crews and suppliers. With numerous festivals playing to the cities strengths many creative embeddeds and performing artists take advantage of employment in facilities such as the Museum of Australian Democracy at Eureka. The city has its share of start-ups, as well as advertising, design and architectural firms. The city is noted for its museums, its many theatres and art galleries. All major national networks service the TV and radio sector here while community radio is strong and growing.
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