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Journal articles on the topic 'Democracy and Truth'

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Published: 9 March 2023

Last updated: 10 March 2023

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1

Heysse, Tim. "Truth in Democratic Politics." Social Theory and Practice 46, no. 1 (2020): 55–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/soctheorpract202021779.

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This article clarifies the recent epistemic rehabilitation of democracy and adds to it in two respects. First, I point out that the epistemic rehabilitation of democracy identifies an internal connection of democracy with normative truths—but only an external connection with substantial truth and correctness. Second, such an internal connection surfaces when we focus on the place of criticism in democracy. Criticism, however, presupposes pluralism and a recognition of the provisionality of decisions. So I, third, analyse prominent theories of truth and examine what conceptions of pluralism and provisionality they allow. This evokes a view emphasizing the unruly role of truth; criticism introduces a commitment to correctness, and this commitment to correctness underwrites the provisional nature of democratic decisions.

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2

Lever, Annabelle. "Democracy and Truth." Raisons politiques N° 81, no. 1 (March 22, 2021): 29–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rai.081.0029.

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3

Landemore, Hélène. "Truth and democracy." Contemporary Political Theory 13, no. 2 (March 20, 2014): e7-e11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/cpt.2013.22.

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4

Misak, Cheryl, and Robert B. Talisse. "Pragmatism, Truth, and Democracy." Raisons politiques N° 81, no. 1 (March 22, 2021): 11–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rai.081.0011.

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5

Brown, James Robert. "Science, Truth, and Democracy." Journal of Philosophy 101, no. 11 (2004): 599–606. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jphil20041011141.

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6

Gratton, Peter. "The Truth of Democracy." Symposium 15, no. 1 (2011): 252–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/symposium201115122.

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7

Barry, Andrew. "Television, truth and democracy." Media, Culture & Society 15, no. 3 (July 1993): 487–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016344393015003010.

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8

Ruse, M. "Science, Truth, and Democracy." Australasian Journal of Philosophy 81, no. 2 (June 2003): 280–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/713659614.

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9

Wilson, J. "Science, Truth, and Democracy." JAMA: The Journal of the American Medical Association 288, no. 6 (August 14, 2002): 769–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1001/jama.288.6.769.

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10

ADLER, MORTIMER. "Great Books, Democracy, and Truth." Educational Studies: A Jrnl of the American Educ. Studies Assoc. 19, no. 3&4 (September 1988): 290–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1207/s15326993es1903&4_2.

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11

Keller, Evelyn Fox. "Climate science, truth, and democracy." Studies in History and Philosophy of Science Part C: Studies in History and Philosophy of Biological and Biomedical Sciences 64 (August 2017): 106–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.shpsc.2017.06.006.

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ADLER, MORTIMER. "Great Books, Democracy, and Truth." Educational Studies 19, no. 3-4 (September 1988): 290–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00131946.1988.9665912.

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13

Bird, A. "Review: Science, Truth, and Democracy." Mind 112, no. 448 (October 1, 2003): 746–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/mind/112.448.746.

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14

Dalaqua, Gustavo Hessmann. "Democracy and Truth: A Contingent Defense of Epistemic Democracy." Critical Review 29, no. 1 (January 2, 2017): 49–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08913811.2017.1290329.

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15

Wells, Thomas. "DEMOCRACY IS NOT A TRUTH MACHINE." Think 12, no. 33 (2013): 75–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1477175612000309.

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In a democracy people are free to express their opinions and question those of others. This is an important personal freedom, and also essential to the very idea of government by discussion. But it has also been held to be instrumentally important because in open public debate true ideas will conquer false ones by their merit, and the people will see the truth for themselves. In other words, democracy has an epistemic function as a kind of truth machine. From this it follows that in a democracy there should be no dogma: no knowledge protected from public challenge and debate. Yet this whole argument is founded on embarrassing misconceptions of the nature of truth and of the working of democracy.

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16

Rubio Núñez, Rafael. "Los efectos de la posverdad en la democracia // The effects of post-truth politics on democracy." Revista de Derecho Político 1, no. 103 (December 16, 2018): 191. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/rdp.103.2018.23201.

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Resumen:Política y verdad no van siempre de la mano. Tradicionalmente la diversidad de actores políticos, el derecho a la información y el papel de los medios de comunicación ha logrado un equilibrio imprescindible para el desarrollo de la democracia. La tecnología ha transformado de manera revolucionaria la comunicación, impactando en las formas de captar, almacenar, producir, distribuir y percibir la información convertida en materia prima imprescindible de las relaciones económicas, industriales y sociales. Esta transformación afecta de manera especial a la política, con la aparición de un nuevo tipo de trastornos informativos que inciden no sólo en la capacidad de distribución, sino también en el tiempo de la misma, la sentimentalización de las decisiones políticas, la fragmentación de la opinión pública, la creación de esferas públicas paralelas polarizadas y la creación de un clima de sospecha general que pone en cuestión el papel de la verdad y pone en peligro la democracia, más allá de los periodos electorales.Summary:1. Communication and Society. 1.1. Truth and Politics: a weird relationship. 2. Not such a novelty. 3. What is post-truth politics? 3.1. What is new about post-truth politics? 3.1.a. Fiction or reality? 3.1.b The importance of image. 3.1.c A distorted reality. / The distortion of reality. 3.1.d. Timing. 3.1.e. Transparency and information overload. 3.1.f. Perception and cognitive dissonance. 3.1.g. Fragmentation and polarization. 3.1.h. Hyperconnectivity and communication parties. 4. Truth and Democracy. 5. The effects of post-truth politics on democracy. 6. Catalonia: a testing ground for post-truth politics. Abstract:Politics and truth do not always go hand in hand. Traditionally, the diversity of political actors, access to information and the role of the media have achieved an essential balance for the development of democracy. Technology has transformed communication in a revolutionary way, influencing the ways of producing, transmitting, distributing and perceiving information, converted into essential raw material for economic, industrial and social relations. This transformation affects politics in a special way, with the appearance of a new type of information disruptions which affect not only the distribution capacity, but also the timing of it, the sentimentalization of political decisions, the fragmentation of the public opinion, the creation of polarized parallel public spheres and the creation of a climate of general suspicion that questions the role of truth and endangers democracy, beyond the electoral periods.

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17

Fischer, Frank. "Post-truth, fake news and democracy." Critical Policy Studies 15, no. 3 (April 15, 2021): 400–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19460171.2021.1915172.

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18

Lane, Jan-Erik. "Democracy, the Open Society and Truth." Open Journal of Philosophy 10, no. 01 (2020): 129–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/ojpp.2020.101009.

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19

Gangle, Rocco, and Jason Smick. "Political Phenomenology: Radical Democracy and Truth." Political Theology 10, no. 2 (June 5, 2009): 341–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/poth.v10i2.341.

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20

McIntyre, Lee. "Democracy and Truth: A Short History." History: Reviews of New Books 48, no. 1 (December 13, 2019): 13–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2020.1697280.

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21

Greenberg, David. "Democracy and Truth: A Short History." Journal of American History 106, no. 4 (March 1, 2020): 1023–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jaz686.

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22

Gräfrath, B. "Kitcher, P.: Science, truth, and democracy." Poiesis & Praxis 1, no. 4 (April 16, 2003): 321–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10202-003-0030-9.

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23

Singer, Daniel. "Moment of Truth for Social Democracy?" Monthly Review 47, no. 2 (June 3, 1995): 26. http://dx.doi.org/10.14452/mr-047-02-1995-06_3.

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24

Fish, Will. "“Post-Truth” Politics and Illusory Democracy." Psychotherapy and Politics International 14, no. 3 (August 31, 2016): 211–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/ppi.1387.

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25

Baker, Judith. "Democratic Deliberations, Equality of Influence, and Pragmatism." Canadian Journal of Philosophy Supplementary Volume 24 (1998): 253–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00455091.1998.10717502.

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Democracy is committed to procedures of decision-making which express the values of both political equality and truth. One current program, that of strong or deliberative democracy, explicitly defends institutions which reflect the dual commitments to truth and equality. Like many other political theorists, however, deliberative democrats do not address the issue of a minority group which always loses the vote. The presumption is that free and equal deliberation by agents who think in terms of the common good is sufficient for political equality. I will argue, however, that the proposed deliberative procedures do not preclude persistent failure for a minority, and that this problem should lead us to acknowledge that power relations can underpin decision-making arrangements even within the ideal framework of deliberative democracy. Political equality and effective political equality seem to come apart.In order to come closer to the idea of effective political equality, this paper will look at the notion of equality of influence. It may seem tautological, and so redundant, to argue that political egalitarians and particularly deliberative democrats need to recognize equality of influence.

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26

Jurecic, Ann. "Teaching Post-truth." Pedagogy 20, no. 2 (April 1, 2020): 203–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15314200-8091801.

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In recent years it has become almost normal for politicians to overtly and routinely lie. How should educators respond? Students should explore post-truth politics, develop research skills, and practice inquirybased factual writing, but they need more than literacy skills. Liberal education prepares them to be active, ethical participants in democracy.

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27

Hakim, Raafi Fauzia, and Cepi Triatna. "PEDAGOGIC IN POST-TRUTH DEMOCRACY IN INDONESIA." Jurnal Pertahanan: Media Informasi ttg Kajian & Strategi Pertahanan yang Mengedepankan Identity, Nasionalism & Integrity 8, no. 2 (August 31, 2022): 329. http://dx.doi.org/10.33172/jp.v8i2.1735.

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<div><p class="Els-history-head">Indonesia is a country with Pancasila ideology which becomes fundamentally philosophical. Advances in the field of information technology in the era of industry 4.0 and society 5.0 seem to drown out the existence and essence of philosophy and pedagogy. This era is dominated by the role of technology where computers are increasingly intelligent. In the Ancient Greece era pedagogic was a slave who supervised and monitored the academic development of the children who attend school. Human tendencies in the post-truth age are characterized by the difficulty of distinguishing where scientific facts see flash flood conditions in the digital world, lies feel like facts that threaten electoral democracy. Education Administration is a science with a core science in the form of leadership, administration, policy analysis, supervision, and pedagogy. In the context of the post-truth problem, namely by formulating strategies in the form of influence on human reality because post-truth lives in virtual reality, replying to flood the digital world full of post-truth with educational content. Post-truth is a phenomenon that occurs when personal beliefs and emotions take precedence over facts. This study aims to suggest alternative solutions using philosophy and pedagogy to resolve the post-truth problem from the study literature. The conclusion of this research provides a suggestion to overcome and protect society in the post-truth era using philosophy and pedagogy perspective and increase trust in the Indonesian Armed Forces (TNI), Indonesian Police (Polri) Teachers, and lecturers as the shield of Indonesia. </p></div>

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28

Heath, Joseph. "Post-deliberative Democracy." Analyse & Kritik 43, no. 2 (November 1, 2021): 285–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/auk-2021-0019.

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Abstract Within any adversarial rule-governed system, it often takes time for strategically motivated agents to discover effective exploits. Once discovered, these strategies will soon be copied by all other participants. Unless it is possible to adjust the rules to preclude them, the result will be a degradation of the performance of the system. This is essentially what has happened to public political discourse in democratic states. Political actors have discovered, not just that the norm of truth can be violated in specific ways, but that many of the norms governing rational deliberation can also be violated, not just without penalty, but often for significant political gain. As a result, the level of noise (false or misleading communications) has come to drown out the signal (earnest attempts at deliberation). The post-truth political condition is the cumulative result of innovations developed by actors who adopt an essentially strategic orientation toward political communications.

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29

Lynch, Michael. "STS, symmetry and post-truth." Social Studies of Science 47, no. 4 (August 2017): 593–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306312717720308.

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This essay takes up a series of questions about the connection between ‘symmetry’ in Science and Technology Studies (STS) and ‘post-truth’ in contemporary politics. A recent editorial in this journal by Sergio Sismondo argues that current discussions of ‘post-truth’ have little to do with conceptions of ‘symmetry’ or with concerns about ‘epistemic democracy’ in STS, while others, such as Steve Fuller and Harry Collins, insist that there are such connections. The present essay discusses a series of questions about the meaning of ‘post-truth’ and ‘symmetry’, and the connections of those concepts to each other and to ‘epistemic democracy’. The essay ends with a series of other questions about STS and contemporary politics, and an invitation to further discussions.

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30

Fuerstein, Michael. "Epistemic Democracy Without Truth: The Deweyan Approach." Raisons politiques N° 81, no. 1 (March 22, 2021): 81–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rai.081.0081.

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31

Vivian. "On the Erosion of Democracy by Truth." Philosophy & Rhetoric 51, no. 4 (2018): 416. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/philrhet.51.4.0416.

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32

Bufacchi, Vittorio. "Sceptical Democracy." Politics 21, no. 1 (February 2001): 23–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9256.00131.

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Two extreme philosophical positions pose a constant threat to democracy. Those who believe in the certainty of their beliefs (totalitarianism) and those who deny the existence of any truth (nihilism and post-modernity) uphold these anti-democratic positions. Squeezed between these two polarities we find liberal democracy. One of the distinctive properties of liberal democracy is its endorsement of a political definition of scepticism. The aim of this article is to explore the relationship between liberal democracy and scepticism.

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33

Woodford, Clare. "Refusing post-truth with Butler and Honig." Philosophy & Social Criticism 49, no. 2 (February 2023): 218–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/01914537221147845.

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This article argues that although post-truth is understood to pose a particular misogynistic threat to feminism, we cannot assume that feminists should simply oppose post-truth. The way the post-truth debate is constructed is problematic for feminism in three ways: it misconceives the relationship between democracy and truth; utilizes a questionable binary between reason and emotion; and propagates elitist assumptions about protecting democracy from the people. Recognizing the insufficiency of our understanding of post-truth, feminists have called for greater understanding of the roles of language, affect and truth in the post-truth debate. In response, I suggest that the theories of Judith Butler and Bonnie Honig can help. However, I seek to emphasise that if feminists are to intervene meaningfully in the inequalities and intensified affective flows that structure the post-truth paradigm they would benefit from a deintensifying, confrontational but nonaggressive, approach.

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34

Bagus Riadi. "Menggugat Hegemoni Demokrasi: Disciplinary Power Demokrasi di Negara Dunia Ketiga." Politeia: Jurnal Ilmu Politik 12, no. 2 (July 13, 2020): 80–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.32734/politeia.v12i2.3695.

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The emergence of the terms Third World, Developing Countries, and North-South seemed to be a concept to separate the good country and the bad country. The term is consumed by the Third World community and awakens to the body that we live in a country where conditions are not supposed to be this way. Disclosure of information and communication through globalization makes the Third World begin to recognize democracy. The poor Third World state economic conditions, the end of the Cold War, and the collapse of the Berlin Wall became a series of events that made democracy legitimate as a truth. So as to create a pro-democracy group in the Third World that forces the state to implement democracy. Coupled with the presence of democratic indicators to assess democratic and undemocratic countries, making Third World countries vying to take the indicator to become the most democratic country. This shows that democracy is already believed to be a truth regime. Democracy in the Third World is followed by capitalism which ultimately exacerbates conditions in Third World countries, so that Third World coutries are caught in global capitalism. Using the concept of Michel Foucault, the hegemony of democracy will be described as a discourse that creates disciplinary power for Third World societies to be able to accept democracy and believe in democracy as a truth.

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35

Allard-Tremblay, Yann. "Political Corruption as Deformities of Truth." Les ateliers de l'éthique 9, no. 1 (April 9, 2014): 28–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1024293ar.

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This paper presents a conception of corruption informed by epistemic democratic theory. I first explain the view of corruption as a disease of the political body. Following this view, we have to consider the type of actions that debase a political entity of its constitutive principal in order to assess corruption. Accordingly, we need to consider what the constitutive principle of democracy is. This is the task I undertake in the second section where I explicate democratic legitimacy. I present democracy as a procedure of social inquiry about what ought to be done that includes epistemic and practical considerations. In the third section, I argue that the problem of corruption for a procedural conception of democracy is that the epistemic value of the procedure is diminished by corrupted agents’ lack of concern for truth. Corruption, according to this view, consists in two deformities of truth: lying and bullshit. These deformities corrupt since they conceal private interests under the guise of a concern for truth. In the fourth section, I discuss the difficulties a procedural account may face in formulating solutions to the problem of corruption.

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36

Strouhal, Martin. "On the current problems of education for democracy." Journal of Pedagogy 11, no. 2 (December 1, 2020): 73–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/jped-2020-0012.

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Abstract The aim of the text is to formulate certain problems and dangers in relation to education for democratic citizenship. The core of these considerations points to the problem of neglecting the fundamental motive of the problem of democracy, which is the relation to truth. The text defines four problem areas that cause reductive understanding of education for democracy, namely: 1. Our understanding of democracy has been reduced to securing the distribution of power in a state and defence of freedom of speech which eliminates the contradictions in the concept of democracy and leaves only its legal-political aspects. 2. The key condition of democracy, which is respect for human rights, has become complicated by the constant proliferation of human rights, oftentimes with individual needs being confused with human rights. 3. We have resigned upon addressing the important issue of balance between equality and outstandingness resulting in consequences for culture as well as education, i. e. loss of identity and absence of footing to base it on. 4. Democracy is closely linked to the ability to think and make decisions according to truth and not on the basis of immediate interests as democracy primarily has to do with an ideal that we look up to. The text also tries to show that education for democracy cannot be satisfactorily ensured by development of partial competences for co-operation and diversity acknowledgement since democracy does not only consist in system and rules but ideas and relation to Truth in the first place.

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37

Münchow, Thies. "Democracy and the Soul of Politics." Disputatio philosophica 20, no. 1 (February 7, 2019): 3–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.32701/dp.20.1.1.

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In accord with Jean–Luc Nancy and Alain Badiou the article argues for an understanding of the idea of democracy as a “truth procedure” that is instigated by the event of the encounter of at least two persons or peoples. When Nancy states that democracy is “spirit,” “breath,” and “sense” he implicitly links democracy to the idea of the soul. As life principle of the human being the soul instigates a truth procedure which brings humanity into being as an idea that exceeds any concept of citizenship bound to a state or nation. In association with both Giorgio Agamben’s reading of Karl Marx and Jacques Rancière’s concept of politics the article concludes with the statement that the idea of democracy refers to the soul of politics which is the idea of humanity.

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38

Lorenz, Jan, Heiko Rauhut, and Bernhard Kittel. "Majoritarian democracy undermines truth-finding in deliberative committees." Research & Politics 2, no. 2 (April 2015): 205316801558228. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2053168015582287.

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39

Weisberg, Michael. "Buchbesprechung: Science, Truth, and Democracy. Von Philip Kitcher." Angewandte Chemie 114, no. 16 (August 16, 2002): 3189. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/1521-3757(20020816)114:16<3189::aid-ange3189>3.0.co;2-4.

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40

Adhikary, Ramesh Prasad. "Pakistan, Rushdie and Shame." Academia Research Journal 2, no. 1 (February 13, 2023): 15–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/academia.v2i1.52332.

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The objective of this research paper is to investigate the fragments of historical reality regarding the military coup in Pakistan. In Salman Rushdie's novel Shame, the concept of shame refers to the national shame caused by an attack on democracy. From the standpoint of New Historicism, the work contains several traces and pieces of history relating to the military takeover during Bhutto's government in Pakistan. In Rushdie's Shame, physical details and cruel and horrible acts cover numerous historical truths. Suffiya is a representation of the shame she experienced. She first expresses the shame through her normally ashamed expression. Later, the internal guilt manifests as disease. She keeps feeling more and more ashamed. In this study, a fragment of historical truth about the military coup and the ensuing loss of democracy in Pakistan is indirectly examined beneath the literary specifics of Salman Rushdie's novel Shame. In order to show how Zia's military coup overthrows democracy, the study claims that Rushdie makes many allusions to historical truth that are concealed under fiction and fantasy. The researcher uses the theory of New Historicism, particularly those interpretative tools advanced by Michel Foucault and Stephen Greenblatt, to interpret the text. As part of a qualitative research project, Salman Rushdie’s novel Shame was analyzed using the literary device of new historicism. The study came to the conclusion that Rushdie's Shame uses fiction and fantasy to depict the traces of historical fragments. By fictionalizing official history, it reveals the historical truth that lies behind historical actuality.

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Gulick, Walter B. "Polanyi’s Telic View of Truth and Contemporary Politics." Tradition and Discovery: The Polanyi Society Periodical 47, no. 2 (2021): 16–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/traddisc202147216.

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In response to the events of January 6 and the second impeachment trial, which made clear the fragility of democracy in the USA, several scholars whose work has appeared in this journal comment on one or more of the following questions: (1) What causes, epistemic and/or social, might Polanyi see as contributing to the incivility, rancor, and division that now characterize American politics? (2) What would Polanyi say about the events of January 6, as well as the events leading up to it? (3) What remedies might Polanyi suggest for rehabilitating our experiment in democracy?

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42

Serrano Zamora, Justo. "Can Truth (or Problem-Solving) Do More for Democracy?" Krisis | Journal for Contemporary Philosophy 40, no. 1 (December 11, 2020): 82–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.21827/krisis.40.1.37092.

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43

Tong, Zhichao. "Political realism and epistemic democracy: An international perspective." European Journal of Political Theory 19, no. 2 (September 25, 2018): 184–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1474885118799454.

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The article joins the current debate between epistemic and procedural democrats in contemporary democratic theory and aims to put epistemic democracy on a more secure footing. Yet, unlike those who explore the question from the bottom-up by analyzing the relationship between “truth” and the “fact of disagreement” within the context of domestic political discourse, I adopt a top-down approach animated by political realism and situate democracy within the actual world that we live in: a competitive ecology of states and regimes. The article thus has two purposes. For those who are interested in the recent revival of realism in political theory, it shows how it can be combined with both the epistemic paradigm in democratic theory and the realist research program in international relations, including the neo-positivist strand that has dominated the field over the past four decades. And for those who see themselves as epistemic democrats, it provides a powerful realist argument to defend their conception of democratic authority against criticisms made by procedural democrats.

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44

Wesche, Tilo. "Democratic deliberation and economic democracy." Philosophy & Social Criticism 47, no. 1 (January 2021): 65–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0191453720984103.

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In Democracy without Shortcuts, Cristina Lafont elaborates the view that participatory deliberation is at the heart of every democracy and that both truth-tracking and mutual justification are the aims of democratic deliberation. What remains unconsidered in her approach is the economic framework in which democratic deliberation takes place. In my comment, I will take the following view: no political democracy without a democratisation of the economy. I will elaborate on this relationship as a concept of economic democracy. I will argue for that there is no political democracy without an economic democracy.

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45

Wu, Kevin Chien-Chang. "Deliberative democracy and epistemic humility." Behavioral and Brain Sciences 34, no. 2 (March 29, 2011): 93–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0140525x10002888.

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AbstractDeliberative democracy is one of the best designs that could facilitate good public policy decision making and bring about epistemic good based on Mercier and Sperber's (M&S's) theory of reasoning. However, three conditions are necessary: (1) an ethic of individual epistemic humility, (2) a pragmatic deflationist definition of truth, and (3) a microscopic framing power analysis during group reasoning.

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46

Fuller, Steve. "Democracy Naturalized: In Search of the Individual in the Post-truth Condition." Analyse & Kritik 43, no. 2 (November 1, 2021): 351–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/auk-2021-0018.

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Abstract This article takes a ‘naturalistic’ look at the historically changing nature of the individual and its implications for the terms on which democracy might be realized, starting from classical Athens, moving through early debates in evolutionary theory, to contemporary moral and political thought. Generally speaking, liberal democracy sees individuality as the mark of an evolutionarily mature species, whereas socialist democracy sees it as the mark of an evolutionary immature species. Overall, the individual has been ‘de-naturalized’ over time, resulting in the indeterminate figure who thrives in the post-truth condition.

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Owen, David. "A Global Crisis of Liberal Democracy?: On Autocratic Democracy, Populism and Post-Truth Politics." Journal of Social and Political Philosophy 1, no. 1 (February 2022): 30–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jspp.2022.0005.

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This article proposes that autocratic democracy represents the natural political form of right-wing populism. It argues that while the emergence of autocratic democracy as a genuine political alternative to liberal democracy may be currently located primarily in states where liberal democratic norms were not well-consolidated, there are reasons to hold that structural features of contemporary politics in consolidated democracies relating to the decline of mass parties and the globalisation trilemma create the space for the right-wing mobilisation of populism. It is further claimed that the dilemmas of the EU in conjunction with the politics of immigration and multiculturalism provide resources for the right-wing mobilisation of populist discontents such that we should not be sanguine about the ability of liberal democracy to be resilient in the face of continuing populist pressures.

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Misak, Cheryl. "A Culture of Justification: The Pragmatist's Epistemic Argument for Democracy." Episteme 5, no. 1 (February 2008): 94–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e1742360008000257.

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ABSTRACTThe pragmatist view of politics is at its very heart epistemic, for it treats morals and politics as a kind of deliberation or inquiry, not terribly unlike other kinds of inquiry. With the exception of Richard Rorty, the pragmatists argue that morals and politics, like science, aim at the truth or at getting things right and that the best method for achieving this aim is a method they sometimes call the scientific method or the method of intelligence – what would now be termed deliberative democracy. Hence, the pragmatists offer an argument for democracy which appeals to the quality of the decisions supplied by democratic procedure. Why should we value decisions that are the products of voting after open debate over private decision-making and then voting, over bargaining, or over elimination of those who disagree with us? We should value them because the deliberative democratic method is more likely to give us true or right or justified answers to our questions. Rorty, of course, thinks that no inquiry aims at the truth and that nothing about pragmatism speaks in democracy's favor. This paper will show how his brand of pragmatism betrays what is good and deeply interesting in the pragmatist tradition.

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Shukhrat-Zade, Asad. "Phantasmagoria." Central European Journal of Politics 7, no. 2 (2022): 76–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.24132/cejop_2021_10.

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This paper provides a philosophical reflection of the crisis of democracy. Its central research focus is on what is referred to as “the world of artificial images and the lost truth” (or phantasmagoria), where the West European society experiences a sequence of distorted perceptions of reality (simulacra) broken down between various social movements, and the effect of those on the conflict-settling function of democracy, which less and less observable in contemporary societies of Western Europe. Starting from this very brief description, the article elaborates the issue of lost truth and meaning as well as the resurrection of myth based on a multitude of sub-realities or simulacra, which deprive democracy of its conflict settling mechanism and prevent social groups/movements in an atomized society from discursive consensus building.

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filipowicz, stanisław. "marketplace or public arena? truth and policymaking in democracy." European Political Science 15, no. 1 (October 23, 2015): 108–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/eps.2015.55.

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