Journal articles on the topic 'Delphine de (1966-....)'

INTRODUCTIONThe laboratory at Plymouth was notified of the capture of five dolphins in a commercial trawl on 9 December 1982, three of the specimens were living and therefore immediately released. The remaining two were brought to the laboratory, identified as Delphinus delphis Linnaeus, 1758, their size and sex were recorded and the stomachs removed for examination of their contents. The exact location of capture was not recorded, but is known to be within 40 miles of Plymouth.Reports of strandings of D. delphis collected by the British Museum (Natural History), (Harmer, 1914–27; Fraser, 1934, 1946, 1953, 1974) and more recent recorded sightings (Evans, 1980) show that the common dolphin is clearly not rare in British waters. Although the species has been recorded off all British coasts, sightings and strandings are concentrated off the south and south-west coasts of Britain and Ireland. The variation in their numbers and distribution both during this century and on a seasonal basis each year has been accounted for mainly by the fluctuation and movement of their food supply (Evans, 1980; Sheldrick, 1976).

Three women who survived bombings as children during the Algerian War (1954-1956) published autobiographies of their recovery between 2012 and 2016. Danielle Michel-Chich had a leg amputated when she was five after a bombing in Algiers, Nicole Simon’s legs were burned and scarred from a bombing in Mostaganem when she was fifteen and Delphine Renard was blinded and disfigured at the age of four when a bomb exploded in her Parisian home. Each woman recounts the pain and guilt of survival and grapples with how to reciprocate the care they received. Using a social justice framework, this essay examines how narratives of care build connections between people. As the child survivors of terrorist attacks cope with medical and personal care after bodily trauma, writing becomes a major part of self-care in the recovery process.

The ancient deme of Aixone coincides with the area of the modern Athenian suburb of Glyphada. An extensive, comprehensive study on this deme was published in 1990 by Eleni Konsolaki-Giannopoulou. Since then, new excavation data have come to light which support the conclusions of this study and provide us with even greater insights into the life of the deme. Another monograph on Aixone will be published by Delphine Ackermann in 2017, entitled Une microhistoire d’Athènes. Le dème d’Aixônè dans l’Antiquité.Aixone, along with neighbouring Halai Aixonidai, belonged to the Kekropis tribe. In Classical and Hellenistic times the settlement extended from the west of Pirnari to the east of modern Leoforos Dimarchou Aggelou Metaxa, thus coinciding for the large part with the area of modern Glyphada. The deme centre lay near the Church of Agios Nikolaos, west of modern Vouliagmenis Avenue (Eliot 1962: 21). To the east of the settlement lay the deme's agricultural lands and to the west the port, salt lake and the salt pits.

The rise of submarine shipbuilding in Russia of 1900–1915 was influenced by the shortage of financial, technical and personnel resources. And yet the fleet received, along with American and German, boats of domestic design. Their design was concentrated in the hands of the outstanding theorist and engineer I.G. Bubnov, who announced the development of a special "Russian type" of a submarine that embodied the theoretical installations professed by him. The ships created according to Bubnov's designs are often regarded by fleet historians as unsurpassed in the world naval technology. Such a view contradicts the concrete data accumulated in historical research and needs critical consideration. For this purpose it is used classical methods of source studies and analysis of historiographical practice. The actual data indicate the harm brought to the fleet by the monopolization of scientific and technical activities. Submariners have developed a critical attitude towards the imposed type with its inherent number of persistent shortcomings. Bubnov refused to correct the shape of the hull which caused excessive water resistance. At the same time, in an effort to achieve the set speed of the boat, the designer envisaged in his projects such a powerful power plant that it exceeded the real capabilities of mechanical engineering and was also heavy and cumbersome. The boat commanders and engineers pointed out the need to reduce the submerging time of the boats, increase their survivability, add watertight bulkheads, abandon the low-impact mine vehicles of Dzhevetsky system, make the hull shape more streamlined, but the maritime administration preferred to save time and money and dismissed claims, sacrificing the comfort and safety of the crews. The experience of the First World War and familiarization with the most successful American and British designs nevertheless prompted I.G. Bubnov in 1915-1916. to revise the design principles concerning the shape of the hull, the internal structure of boats, the nature of engines, weapons, but the more advanced projects prepared by him could not be realized.

In this article, on the basis of documents stored in the funds of the State Archive of the Russian Federation, the Russian State Archive of Socio-Political History and the United State Archive of the Chelyabinsk Region, the regulation of the penitentiary justice authorities is considered. The aim of the paper is to identify the characteristic features of the regulation of the activities of the penitentiary justice bodies. The number of those convicted by the penitentiary courts for the period of their existence (1946–1956) is revealed. The characteristic features of the regulation of the activities of the penitentiary justice bodies are highlighted. These include the following. Firstly, the delphic language resulting in the lack of clearly defined competence for the penitentiary courts; their functions expanded and narrowed. Secondly, the inconsistency of the regulatory framework manifested in the fact that by-laws passed by the Ministry of Justice contradicted the legislation and limited the rights of the accused and defendants. The practice of the Judicial Collegium for Penitentiary Courts of the USSR Supreme Court was not consistent. The author distinguishes two stages in the development of the competence of prison camp courts. The first one that lasted until the early 1950s was the period of expansion. The second stage was reduction of competence. At the same time, initially the reduction of competence was not common. But, after the death of I. Stalin, this process became widespread.

This article documents 91 species-group names of Butterflies (Lepidoptera: Papilionoidea) for which either primary or secondary type material is present in the collections of the National Museums of Scotland, Edinburgh. The describers and the 76 nominal taxa they descibed are as follows: H. Druce (1846–1913) Euphaedra COOKSONI, Mycalesis HAROLDI; H.H. Druce (1869–1922) Cyclopides COOKSONI, Spindasis KALLIMON; H.J. Elwes (1846–1922) Parnassius delphius ssp. INFERNALIS; J.C. Fabricius (1745–1808) Papilio COCALIA (“neotype”), Papilio MARDANIA (“neotype”); H. Fruhstorfer (1866–1922) Parnassius mnemosyne ssp. MELAINA; D.R. Gifford (1918–1981) Leptomyrina HANDMANI, Alaena LAMBORNI, Deudorix (Virachola) MAGDA, Papilio ophidicephalus ssp. MKUWADZI; J.B. Godart (1775–1825) Idea AGELIA, Danais ALCATHOE, Cethosia ALIPHERA, Danais ALOPIA, Danais BAUDINIANA, Papilio BITIAS, Argynnis BRIAREA, Heliconia CLEOBAEA, Danais CLEOPHILE, Danais CLEOTHERA, Heliconia CYRBIA, Pieris DOXO, Pieris EPICHARIS, Pieris ERIPHIA, Heliconia ETHILLA, Heliconia EUCLEA, Papilio EURYMAS, Pieris GIDICA, Argynnis HEGEMONE, Satyrus HYSIUS, Papilio IMERIUS, Acraea JANISCA, Pieris JOSEPHINA, Vanessa LAODORA, Papilio LEUCASPIS, Papilio LYCORAEUS, Vanessa LYTREA, Heliconia MEGARA, Heliconia MELPHIS, Libythea MYRRHA, Acraea OZOMENE, Pieris PHISADIA, Papilio POLYMETUS, Danais PROTHOE, Argynnis PYGMAEA, Pieris PYRO, Pieris SALACIA, Acraea SERVONA, Papilio TEMENES, Papilio TEREAS, Libythea TERENA, Biblis THADANA, Argynnis THAROSSA, Papilio TRIOPAS, Pieris VENILIA, Vanessa VULCANIA, Acraea ZETHEA, Acraea ZIDORA, Acraea ZOSTERIA; C.W.N. Holmes (1916–2018) Bebearia paludicola ssp. BLANDI, Bebearia cocalioides ssp. HECQI, Bebearia orientis ssp. MALAWIENSIS, Bebearia PALUDICOLA; E.G. Honrath (1837–1893) Parnassius bremeri ssp. GRAESERI, Parnassius nordmanni var. MINIMA; W.J. Kaye (1875–1967) Hesperocharis LAMONTI; F. Moore (1830–1907) Neptis ADARA, Abisara ANGULATA, Lebadea ATTENUATA, Ixias CITRINA, Euploea LIMBORGII, Papilio ONPAPE, Cirrhochroa SURYA; W.F.H. Rosenberg & G. Talbot (1914) Dismorphia orise ssp. DENIGRATA. The secondary type material (number of species in brackets) originates from H. Carcasson (1), M. Cock (1), J. B. Godart (7), W. J. Kaye (1), O. Kudrna (3) and M. B. Usher (2).

The cetacean fauna at the Tristan da Cunha archipelago has been assessed from ship-based, aerial and land-based observations from 1983–2000, from strandings on Tristan da Cunha and Inaccessible Island between 1983 and 1995, and from whaling catch data from 1934–1967. Five species (Eubalaena australis, Megaptera novaeangliae, Tasmacetus shepherdi, Globicephala melas and Orcinus orca) have been sighted within the territorial waters of the archipelago, eight species (Balaenoptera physalus, B. borealis, B. acutorostrata/bonaerensis, Physeter macrocephalus, Mesoplodon mirus, M. bowdoini, Delphinus sp. and Lissodelphis peronii) have been seen or taken within 200 nautical miles (360 km) of the group or have been found stranded on its shores, while another two species (Caperea marginata and Lagenorhynchus obscurus) have been recorded close enough to be considered likely to occur within 200 nautical miles. The records of Mesoplodon mirus and M. bowdoini represent significant extensions to their known distribution. Apart from its possible importance as a mid-oceanic nursery area for southern right whales, the waters of the Tristan Archipelago seem to be a concentration area for T. shepherdi, one of the least-known of the world's cetaceans.

Abstract Stenson, G. B., Benjamins, S., and Reddin, D. G. 2011. Using bycatch data to understand habitat use of small cetaceans: lessons from an experimental driftnet fishery. – ICES Journal of Marine Science, 68: 937–946. Many marine mammals inhabit offshore areas where it is difficult to determine distribution and abundance. Historical bycatch data of marine mammals in the Northwest Atlantic obtained from the Canadian experimental Atlantic salmon (Salmo salar) driftnet fishery were examined to obtain information on seasonal distribution and relative abundance. From 1965 to 2001, 47 cruises were undertaken totalling 12 566.5 km-h of fishing effort; four species of small cetacean and two species of pinniped were caught. Harbour porpoises (Phocoena phocoena) were the most frequently caught species in all areas except the Labrador Sea, where Atlantic white-sided dolphins (Lagenorhynchus acutus) were more common. Long-finned pilot whales (Globicephala melas), common dolphins (Delphinus delphis), harp seals (Pagophilus groenlandicus), and harbour seals (Phoca vitulina) were also taken occasionally. Although typically considered an inshore species, harbour porpoises were regularly reported in deep water (>2000 m), in the Newfoundland Basin and Labrador Sea. Atlantic white-sided dolphins were often caught along the edge of the continental shelf and appeared to prefer relatively warm water. Finally, catch records indicate that waters of the Newfoundland Basin and Southern Grand Banks may contain important winter habitat for several small species of cetacean.

This article involves a case-study of one of the most generally accepted literary accounts of a Greek settlement abroad – the Greek colonisation of Thasos. Here, according to the generally accepted account, we have an eye-witness, Archilochos, son of the oikist, who actually settled on Thasos not during the first Greek settlement but during a subsequent wave of settlers. He didn't like it much – he calls it ‘thrice-wretched’ (228W), the settlers were the dregs of Greece (102W), the island looked like the back of an ass (21W), it wasn't pretty like Sybaris in Italy (22W), and the Thracians were described as ‘dogs’ (93aW). Fighting between Greeks and Thracians is portrayed (5W).The archaeological evidence for the first period of Greek settlement on Thasos is scarce, but what there is has been marshalled in support of this literary model. Archaeology's main role has been to be used in chronological disputes. The orthodoxy dates the Parian colonisation to 680 BC, arguing that the Delphic oracle concerning the foundation of Thasos has Archilochos' father as oikist. The subject-matter of several of the poems has allowed Archilochos' poetry to be dated to 650 BC, and therefore the colonisation of Thasos to a generation before. Pouilloux (1964), indeed, has used the archaeological evidence from a house in the lowest levels of Thasos town to argue for this early date for the Parian settlement, seeing the ‘Thracian’ (and distinctly un-Cycladic) character of many of the finds as indicative of a certain amount of interaction between Parians and Thracians in the first generation of the colony.

Abstract Background: Talazoparib (TALA) is a highly potent, dual-mechanism PARP inhibitor that has demonstrated clinical benefit in EMBRACA Phase III trial for patients with germline BRCA1/2 mutated locally advanced or metastatic HER2- breast cancer. Objective: The aim of the study is to ensure the effectiveness and safety of TALA in real-life setting among patients with locally advanced or metastatic HER2- breast cancer, with somatic or germline BRCA1/2 mutation. Methods: ViTAL is an ambispective, multicentric, longitudinal, phase IV study. It includes two ambispective cohorts: - Cohort 1: patients treated through the French Early Access Program and inclusion of patients with somatic BRCA1/2 mutation was allowed. - Cohort 2: patients treated according to the European Marketing Approval granted in 09/21/2021. Here we present the results of the primary and some secondary endpoints for cohort 1. Results: From November 2018 to May 2021, 86 patients were included in Cohort 1, with updated results after a median follow-up of 17.3 months (11.2 - 24.4). Patients’ characteristics are 53.5% of ER+ BC/46.5% of TNBC (refer to the table). The median Time to Treatment Discontinuation (mTTD) was 9.0 months [range 6.0; 11.5] with 37.7% of patients still on treatment at 12 months. Subgroup analysis shows similar mTTD according HR status, germline vs somatic mutation and prior platinum exposure (refer to the table). The Clinical Benefit Rate assessed by the investigators is 82.4% (Complete Response for 25.7%, Partial response R for 32.4% and stable disease for 24.3%). The median of duration of CNS metastases control was 6.6 months, and 80.0% of patients had control of CNS metastases during TALA. Out of the 85 treated patients, 69 patients (80,2%) experienced a TALA permanent discontinuation for progressive disease (84.1%), toxicity (10.1%), cancer-related death (1.4%), or other reasons (1.4%). After discontinuation of TALA, 65.1% of patients received a subsequent treatment with a TTD of 2.3 months [1.7; 2.7]. The most common subsequent treatments were non-platinum chemotherapy (64.3%), platinum chemotherapy (19.6%) and others (19.1%). At least one adverse events (AEs) was recorded in 74.4% of patients. Hematologic AEs (any grade) occurred in 48.8% (anemia 27.9%, thrombocytopenia 12.8%, neutropenia 10.5%). Most common non-hematologic AEs were alopecia (8.1%) and asthenia (7.0%). Related Serious Hematologic AEs occurred in 10 patients (11.6%) including 7 (8.1%) Anemia. Related Serious Non-hematologic AEs (vomiting, pyelonephritis and ascitis) were seen in 3 patients (3.6%). AEs associated with temporary drug interruption, dose modification and permanent drug discontinuation occurred in 36 (41.9%), 24 (27.9%), and 7 (10.1%) patients respectively. The mOS is expected to be reached at the time of the congress, with 51.9% of patients still alive at 24 months. Conclusions: ViTAL is the largest study that reports real-word data with TALA. Outcomes and safety in Cohort 1 are consistent with the results of EMBRACA study and give additional data on subgroups of interest (ie patients previously treated with carboplatin, presence of CNS). (Litton et al. NEJM 2018) mTTD on subgroups of interest Patients’ characteristics Citation Format: Delphine Loirat, Marie Duboys de la barre, Jean-Christophe Thery, Ioana Hrab, Christelle Jouannaud, Jean-Loup Mouysset, Laura Salabert, Pauline Soibinet, Audrey Mailliez, Romain Valery, Anne Creisson, Cristian Villanueva, Nadine Dohollou, Jean-david Fumet, Thomas grellety, Nathalie Perez-staub, Emma Lachaier, Aurore Iltis-roux, Miguel delbado, Abeer Najem, Romuald Le Scodan, Elsa Curtit, kais aldabbagh, Pascal Pujol, thibault DE LA MOTTE ROUGE. Phase IV study evaluating talazoparib in patients with locally advanced or metastatic negative HER2 breast cancer and a somatic or germline BRCA1/2 mutation (ViTAL) – Analysis of cohort 1 according to hormonal receptor status [abstract]. In: Proceedings of the 2022 San Antonio Breast Cancer Symposium; 2022 Dec 6-10; San Antonio, TX. Philadelphia (PA): AACR; Cancer Res 2023;83(5 Suppl):Abstract nr P4-01-20.

Abstract Background Trastuzumab deruxtecan (T-DXd) is an antibody-drug conjugate (ADC) composed of an HER2-directed antibody and a topoisomerase I inhibitor covalently linked via a tetrapeptide-based cleavable linker. In DESTINY-Breast01, tolerability and efficacy of T-DXd including overall response rate, progression-free survival, duration of response and overall survival have been demonstrated for HER2-positive metastatic and/or unresectable BC in patients (pts) relapsing after 2 or more anti-HER2-based regimens. In France, rapid and fair access to innovative drugs outside clinical trials, prior to their marketing authorization in a given indication, is granted by the French Health Agency, ANSM (Agence Nationale de Sécurité du Médicament et des Produits de Santé), through cATU program. Here we report first real world evidence data from cATU program in HER2+ BC pts treated with T-DXd. Methods T-DXd 5.4mg/kg was given intravenously in monotherapy every 3 weeks in HER2-positive metastatic and/or unresectable BC pts who had previously received at least 2 lines of anti-HER2 regimens in the metastatic setting. Eligible pts needed to have normal neutrophil count and no left ventricular dysfunction. Pts with active or history of interstitial lung disease (ILD), pneumonitis, severe pulmonary disease were excluded. Clinical, biological and safety data were collected until the end of cATU, as well as treatment response according to RECIST 1.1., dose modification, treatment interruption and discontinuation. Analysis was performed on March 31th, 2021 on the basis of available collected data. Results From September 30th, 2020 to March 31th, 2021, 155 centers requested at least one ATU for a total of 539 adult pts; 468 requests were accepted and 71 were refused as they did not meet eligibility criteria. T-DXd was received by 459 pts with the following characteristics: 99.1% were women, median age was 58 years, 90.4% had a ECOG score of 0-1, 98.9% had initial HER2-positive BC (IHC 3+ or IHC 2+/ISH+), 67% were hormone receptor positive. The main sites of metastases were bones (57.3%), lymph nodes (51.6%), lungs (36.2%), liver (33.1%), brain (28.1%) and cutaneous/subcutaneous (13.9%). Median time between initial diagnosis of primary BC and inclusion was 6.6 years (range: 6.6 months - 33.9 years). 81.7% of pts had previously received radiotherapy and 76.5% underwent surgery. The median number of prior cancer regimens in the metastatic setting was 4 (range: 2-22). 21.1% received 2 prior lines of metastatic treatments, 19.6% received 3 lines and 59.3% received 4 lines or more. 94.8% pts received prior trastuzumab emtansine, and 79.3% had prior pertuzumab. During follow-up, data on tumor assessment were available for 160 pts. Of these, 56.7% had complete or partial response and 12.1% had progression. Of the 459 treated pts, 97 pts (21.1%) experienced ≥ 1 Adverse Drug Reaction (ADR) including 41 pts (8.9%) with ≥ 1 serious ADR. Most frequent ADRs were related to gastrointestinal toxicity (35.4%). During cATU, 17 cases (3.7%) with ILD or considered as ILD were reported but no cases had a fatal outcome (only grade 1 or 2 when reported by physicians). 13 fatal cases were reported (no drug-related deaths, attributed by physician). ADRs leading to T-DXd discontinuation were reported in 4 pts (0.9%). Dose reductions were reported in 17 pts (3.7%) and 21 pts (4.6%) had temporary interruptions. Conclusions We report here the first real world data from the French cATU in HER2-positive BC pts treated by T-DXd. The enrolment of 468 pts in 6 months illustrated the unmet medical need for this population. T-DXd had antitumor activity with a similar response rate to that reported in previous clinical studies. T-DXd was well tolerated and no new safety signals were observed. Citation Format: Thierry Petit, Nawale Hajjaji, Eric-Charles Antoine, Marc-Antoine Benderra, Michel Gozy, Cyril Foa, Jean-Loup Mouysset, Julien Grenier, Mireille Mousseau, Audrey Mailliez, Mahasti Saghatchian, Emma Lachaier, Isabelle Desmoulins, Audrey Hennequin, Patricia Maes, Delphine Loirat, Francesco Ricci, Véronique Diéras, Dominique Berton, Florence Lai Tiong, Luis Teixeira, Nadine Dohollou, Christelle Lévy, Thomas Bachelot, Jean-Yves Pierga. Trastuzumab deruxtecan in previously treated HER2-positive metastatic or unresectable breast cancer (BC): First real-life data from the cohort temporary authorization for use (cATU) program in France [abstract]. In: Proceedings of the 2021 San Antonio Breast Cancer Symposium; 2021 Dec 7-10; San Antonio, TX. Philadelphia (PA): AACR; Cancer Res 2022;82(4 Suppl):Abstract nr P2-13-26.

Abstract ctDNA as dynamic marker of response to fulvestrant and everolimus in CDK4/6 inhibitor-pretreated ER+ HER2- metastatic breast cancer patients: a prospective study. Background The combination of fulvestrant with everolimus is recognized by NCCN and ESMO guidelines as a valid second line treatment option for ER+ HER2- metastatic breast cancer (mBC), upon progression on CDK4/6 inhibitor. The underlying evidence consists in a single randomized phase 2 trial (PrE0102, JCO 2018), in which N=66 patients allocated to fulvestrant and everolimus achieved a median PFS of 10.3 months (95%CI [7.6-13.8]). However, none of PrE0102 patients were pre-treated with CDK4/6 inhibitors. We set up a prospective study to document the PFS achieved by fulvestrant and everolimus in the pre-treated patients and investigated the clinical validity of ctDNA early changes as pharmacodynamic marker. Methods Eligible patients had ER+ HER2- mBC and had to be pre-treated by CDK4/6 inhibitor. Upon the signature of informed consent, patients were enrolled in the prospective observational ALCINA study (NCT02866149) and had their blood drawn at baseline (prior to treatment start), after 1 month on treatment, at first radiological assessment (3-4 months) and at disease progression. DNA from archived tumor tissue sample (or, when missing, from plasma obtained at baseline) was subjected to a large panel next generation sequencing. ctDNA levels were then assessed on the matched serial plasma samples by targeting the identified somatic mutation(s) with droplet digital PCR (ddPCR). Associations between clinicopathological characteristics, ctDNA levels and prospectively registered patient outcomes (PFS and OS) were then analyzed. Results Fifty-seven patients have been included, with a median age of 56.8 years. N=30 (52.6%) patients had ≥3 metastatic sites and N=34 (59.6%) had visceral metastases. Most patients (N=48, 84.2%) had only one prior line of treatment in the metastatic setting. After a median follow-up of 17.7 months, the median PFS was 6.9 months (95%CI[5.3-10.7]) and the median OS was 38.3 months (95%CI[26.9-NA]). The ORR was 33.3% (N=19 PR, no CR) whereas N=22 (38.6%) patients had a stable disease at best response. In the subgroup of N=22 (38.6%) patients with somatic PIK3CA mutations, median PFS was 3.1 months (95%CI[2.87-10.9]), while median OS was not reached. In multivariate analysis, somatic PIK3CA mutation was associated with a trend toward a shorter PFS (HR=1.84, 95%CI[0.97-3.99], p=0.06) and OS (HR=2.23, 95%CI[0.88-5.69], p=0.09). Duration of CDK4/6 inhibitor treatment had no overt impact on PFS (HR=0.68, 95%CI[0.38-1.22], p=0.2). Ten (19.6%) patients discontinued everolimus due to toxicity and 17 (29.9%) had at least one dose reduction due to an adverse event. The most grade 3 adverse event were mucositis (10.5%) and hypertriglyceridemia (3.5%), only 1 patient had a grade 3 pneumopathy. At least one mutation trackable by ddPCR was found in N=48 patients. As of July 2022, ctDNA levels have been analyzed in 34 patients (PIK3CAmut: N=19; ESR1mut: N=6; TP53mut: N=4; AKTmut: N=2; CUX1mut: N=1; GATA3mut: N=1; PTENmut: N=1). At baseline, N= 26/34 patients (76.5%) of patients had detectable ctDNA levels. Baseline ctDNA positivity had no prognostic impact on PFS (HR=0.93, 95%CI[0.4-2.13], p=0.86). ctDNA monitoring in the whole cohort will be available for the congress. Conclusion To our knowledge, this is the first prospective study to evaluate the efficacy of fulvestrant-everolimus after progression on CDK4/6 inhibitor. Efficacy data on 57 patients shows that fulvestrant-everolimus is an active regimen in this population. The PFS observed under fulvestrant-everolimus in patients with PIK3CA-mutant mBC appears shorter than previouly reported with alpelisib in the BYLIEVE study. Results of ctDNA to monitor the individual response to therapy will be presented at the congress. Citation Format: Antoine Vasseur, Caroline Hego, Wissam Taka, Olfa Trabelsi-Grati, Florence Lerebours, Jean-Yves Pierga, Delphine Loirat, Etienne Brain, Paul COTTU, Marie-Paule Sablin, Luc Cabel, Benjamin Renouf, Shufang Renault, Francois-Clement Bidard. ctDNA as dynamic marker of response to fulvestrant and everolimus in CDK4/6 inhibitor-pretreated ER+ HER2- metastatic breast cancer patients: a prospective study [abstract]. In: Proceedings of the 2022 San Antonio Breast Cancer Symposium; 2022 Dec 6-10; San Antonio, TX. Philadelphia (PA): AACR; Cancer Res 2023;83(5 Suppl):Abstract nr P5-02-19.

Le présent travail propose une analyse des personnages féminins doubles, compris sous le terme de « double intrapsychique » (Lihi Nagler) dans le cinéma contemporain. Deux personnages a priori distincts se rencontrent et tissent un lien, mais l’un d’entre eux s’avère être la création de l’autre protagoniste qui rêve, imagine, ou hallucine ce deuxième personnage. Le dispositif cinématographique vient renforcer l’ambiguïté inhérente au statut de doppelgänger, par le biais de la double incarnation : deux acteurs distincts incarnent chacun une part d’un seul et même personnage, sans que la fiction ne le dévoile clairement. Le présent travail propose une analyse des différentes mises en scènes de ces personnages doubles, sous le signe de l’illusion, à travers deux extraits de films : D’après une histoire vraie (2017), adaptation de Roman Polanski du roman de Delphine de Vigan (2015), et le célèbre Persona, d’Ingmar Bergman (1966). Cette analyse diachronique mettra en lumière le dispositif illusionnel « encadré » par un effet de « trompe-l’œil » (A. Ledoux) privilégié par Roman Polanski avant d’observer dans un second temps l’esthétique bergmanienne aux contours plus flous. La figure du « hors champ » sera alors centrale ; d’un point de vue métaphorique, dans la mesure où le personnage double incarne une part obscure, une « autre scène » au-delà du sujet, mais également en tant que dispositif scénique, laissant de côté ce qui appartient au monde mental. Le champ devient ainsi le théâtre de ce « retour du dédoublé », aux allures hybrides, entre hallucination, rêve et fantasme.

ABSTRACT The last known captive Thylacine (Thylacinus cynocephalus) died at the Beaumaris Zoo on Hobart's Queen's Domain on the evening of Monday the 7th September 1936. However, within six months of its death the date of its capture was being inaccurately reported. Over the ensuing years there has been much debate and controversy relating to its source, sex, period of display, welfare, and more recently the fate of its remains. Whilst there has been some agreement, significant confusion has been created by the disparate, fragmentary, and often contradictory sources of evidence, with five distinctly exclusive provenances proposed for this specimen. For a species whose extinction was hastened by anthropogenic interventions, we have a moral obligation to preserve as much factual detail as possible about the Thylacine. To this end, the authors have undertaken a thorough review of the hypotheses advanced by Smith (1981) & Paddle (2000); Guiler (1986) & Bailey (2001); Sleightholme et al., 2020; Linnard et al., 2020 and Paddle & Medlock (2023), and have evaluated each against a synthesis of the evidence accrued over the previous 93 years to examine whether a definitive identification and history of the last known captive Thylacine can be determined. The authors found a sufficiently strong correlation between the evidence and the position advanced by Linnard et al., (2020) to maintain that the last captive Thylacine can be identified as the juvenile male captured at Penney's Flats on the Arthur River by 19 year old Roy and 59 year old Dan Delphin on the evening of Monday 7th July 1930.

Babies and toddlers are amassing huge followings on social media, achieving microcelebrity status, and raking in five figure sums. In East Asia, many of these lucrative “micro­-microcelebrities” rise to fame by inheriting exposure and proximate microcelebrification from their social media Influencer mothers. Through self-branding techniques, Influencer mothers’ portrayals of their young’ children’s lives “as lived” are the canvas on which (baby) products and services are marketed to readers as “advertorials”. In turning to investigate this budding phenomenon, I draw on ethnographic case studies in Singapore to outline the career trajectory of these young children (under 4yo) including their social media presence, branding strategies, and engagement with their followers. The chapter closes with a brief discussion on some ethical considerations of such young children’s labour in the social media age.Influencer MothersTheresa Senft first coined the term “microcelebrity” in her work Camgirls as a burgeoning online trend, wherein people attempt to gain popularity by employing digital media technologies, such as videos, blogs, and social media. She describes microcelebrities as “non-actors as performers” whose narratives take place “without overt manipulation”, and who are “more ‘real’ than television personalities with ‘perfect hair, perfect friends and perfect lives’” (Senft 16), foregrounding their active response to their communities in the ways that maintain open channels of feedback on social media to engage with their following.Influencers – a vernacular industry term albeit inspired by Katz & Lazarsfeld’s notion of “personal influence” that predates Internet culture – are one type of microcelebrity; they are everyday, ordinary Internet users who accumulate a relatively large following on blogs and social media through the textual and visual narration of their personal lives and lifestyles, engage with their following in “digital” and “physical” spaces, and monetize their following by integrating “advertorials” into their blog or social media posts and making physical appearances at events. A pastiche of “advertisement” and “editorial”, advertorials in the Influencer industry are highly personalized, opinion-laden promotions of products/services that Influencers personally experience and endorse for a fee. Influencers in Singapore often brand themselves as having “relatability”, or the ability to persuade their followers to identify with them (Abidin). They do so by make consciously visible the backstage (Goffman) of the usually “inaccessible”, “personal”, and “private” aspects of mundane, everyday life to curate personae that feel “authentic” to fans (Marwick 114), and more accessible than traditional celebrity (Senft 16).Historically, the Influencer industry in Singapore can be traced back to the early beginnings of the “blogshop” industry from the mid-2000s and the “commercial blogging” industry. Influencers are predominantly young women, and market products and services from diverse industries, although the most popular have been fashion, beauty, F&B, travel, and electronics. Most prominent Influencers are contracted to management agencies who broker deals in exchange for commission and assist in the production of their vlogs. Since then, the industry has grown, matured, and expanded so rapidly that Influencers developed emergent models of advertorials, with the earliest cohorts moving into different life stages and monetizing several other aspects of their personal lives such as the “micro-microcelebrity” of their young children. What this paper provides is an important analysis of the genesis and normative practices of micro-microcelebrity commerce in Singapore from its earliest years, and future research trajectories in this field.Micro-Microcelebrity and Proximate MicrocelebrificationI define micro-microcelebrities as the children of Influencers who have themselves become proximate microcelebrities, having derived exposure and fame from their prominent Influencer mothers, usually through a more prolific, deliberate, and commercial form of what Blum-Ross defines as “sharenting”: the act of parents sharing images and stores about their children in digital spaces such as social networking sites and blogs. Marwick (116-117), drawing from Rojek’s work on types of celebrity – distinguishes between two types of microcelebrity: “ascribed microcelebrity” where the online personality is made recognizable through the “production of celebrity media” such as paparazzi shots and user-produced online memes, or “achieved microcelebrity” where users engage in “self-presentation strateg[ies]”, such as fostering the illusion of intimacy with fans, maintaining a persona, and selective disclosure about oneself.Micro-microcelebrities lie somewhere between the two: In a process I term “proximate microcelebrification”, micro-microcelebrities themselves inherit celebrity through the preemptive and continuous exposure from their Influencer mothers, many beginning even during the pre-birth pregnancy stages in the form of ultrasound scans, as a form of “achieved microcelebrity”. Influencer mothers whose “presentational strategies” (cf. Marshall, “Promotion” 45) are successful enough (as will be addressed later) gain traction among followers, who in turn further popularize the micro-microcelebrity by setting up fan accounts, tribute sites, and gossip forums through which fame is heightened in a feedback loop as a model of “ascribed microcelebrity”.Here, however, I refrain from conceptualizing these young stars as “micro-Influencers” for unlike Influencers, these children do not yet curate their self-presentation to command the attention of followers, but instead are used, framed, and appropriated by their mothers for advertorials. In other words, Influencer mothers “curate [micro-microcelebrities’] identities into being” (Leaver, “Birth”). Following this, many aspects of their micro-microcelebrities become rapidly commodified and commercialized, with advertisers clamoring to endorse anything from maternity hospital stays to nappy cream.Although children of mommybloggers have the prospect to become micro-microcelebrities, both groups are conceptually distinct. Friedman (200-201) argues that among mommybloggers arose a tension between those who adopt “the raw authenticity of nonmonetized blogging”, documenting the “unglamorous minutiae” of their daily lives and a “more authentic view of motherhood” and those who use mommyblogs “primarily as a source of extra income rather than as a site for memoir”, focusing on “parent-centered products” (cf. Mom Bloggers Club).In contrast, micro-microcelebrities and their digital presence are deliberately commercial, framed and staged by Influencer mothers in order to maximize their advertorial potential, and are often postured to market even non-baby/parenting products such as fast food and vehicles (see later). Because of the overt commerce, it is unclear if micro-microcelebrity displays constitute “intimate surveillance”, an “almost always well-intentioned surveillance of young people by parents” (Leaver, “Born” 4). Furthermore, children are generally peripheral to mommybloggers whose own parenting narratives take precedence as a way to connect with fellow mothers, while micro-microcelebrities are the primary feature whose everyday lives and digital presence enrapture followers.MethodologyThe analysis presented is informed by my original fieldwork with 125 Influencers and related actors among whom I conducted a mixture of physical and digital personal interviews, participant observation, web archaeology, and archival research between December 2011 and October 2014. However, the material presented here is based on my digital participant observation of publicly accessible and intentionally-public digital presence of the first four highly successful micro-microcelebrities in Singapore: “Baby Dash” (b.2013) is the son of Influencer xiaxue, “#HeYurou” (b.2011) is the niece of Influencer bongqiuqiu, “#BabyElroyE” (b.2014) is the son of Influencer ohsofickle, and “@MereGoRound” (b.2015) is the daughter of Influencer bongqiuqiu.The microcelebrity/social media handles of these children take different forms, following the platform on which their parent/aunt has exposed them on the most. Baby Dash appears in all of xiaxue’s digital platforms under a variety of over 30 indexical, ironic, or humourous hashtags (Leaver, “Birth”) including “#pointylipped”, #pineappledash”, and “#面包脸” (trans. “bread face”); “#HeYurou” appears on bongqiuqiu’s Instagram and Twitter; “#BabyElroyE” appears on ohsofickle’s Instagram and blog, and is the central figure of his mother’s new YouTube channel; and “@MereGoRound” appears on all of bongqiuqiu’s digital platforms but also has her own Instagram account and dedicated YouTube channel. The images reproduced here are screenshot from Influencer mothers’ highly public social media: xiaxue, bongqiuqiu, and ohsofickle boast 593k, 277k, and 124k followers on Instagram and 263k, 41k, and 17k followers on Twitter respectively at the time of writing.Anticipation and Digital EstatesIn an exclusive front-pager (Figure 1) on the day of his induced birth, it was announced that Baby Dash had already received up to SGD25,000 worth of endorsement deals brokered by his Influencer mother, xiaxue. As the first micro-microcelebrity in his cohort (his mother was among the pioneer Influencers), Baby Dash’s Caesarean section was even filmed and posted on xiaxue’s YouTube channel in three parts (Figure 2). xiaxue had announced her pregnancy on her blog while in her second trimester, following which she consistently posted mirror selfies of her baby bump.Figure 1 & 2, screenshot April 2013 from ‹instagram.com/xiaxue›In her successful attempt at generating anticipation, the “bump” itself seemed to garner its own following on Twitter and Instagram, with many followers discussing how the Influencer dressed “it”, and how “it” was evolving over the weeks. One follower even compiled a collage of xiaxue’s “bump” chronologically and gifted it to the Influencer as an art image via Twitter on the day she delivered Baby Dash (Figure 3 & 4). Followers also frequently speculated and bantered about how her baby would look, and mused about how much they were going to adore him. Figure 3 & 4, screenshot March 2013 from ‹twitter.com/xiaxue› While Lupton (42) has conceptualized the sharing of images that precede birth as a “rite of passage”, Influencer mothers who publish sonograms deliberately do so in order to claim digital estates for their to-be micro-microcelebrities in the form of “reserved” social media handles, blog URLs, and unique hashtags for self-branding. For instance, at the 3-month mark of her pregnancy, Influencer bongqiuqiu debuted her baby’s dedicated hashtag, “#MereGoRound” in a birth announcement on her on Instagram account. Shortly after, she started an Instagram account, “@MereGoRound”, for her baby, who amassed over 5.5k followers prior to her birth. Figure 5 & 6, screenshot March 2015 from instagram.com/meregoround and instagram.com/bongqiuqiuThe debut picture features a heavily pregnant belly shot of bongqiuqiu (Figure 5), creating much anticipation for the arrival of a new micro-microcelebrity: in the six months leading up to her birth, various family, friends, and fans shared Instagram images of their gifts and welcome party for @MereGoRound, and followers shared congratulations and fan art on the dedicated Instagram hashtag. During this time, bongqiuqiu also frequently updated followers on her pregnancy progress, not without advertising her (presumably sponsored) gynecologist and hospital stay in her pregnancy diaries (Figure 6) – like Baby Dash, even as a foetus @MereGoRound was accumulating advertorials. Presently at six months old, @MereGoRound boasts almost 40k followers on Instagram on which embedded in the narrative of her growth are sponsored products and services from various advertisers.Non-Baby-Related AdvertorialsPrior to her pregnancy, Influencer bongqiuqiu hopped onto the micro-microcelebrity bandwagon in the wake of Baby Dash’s birth, by using her niece “#HeYurou” in her advertorials. Many Influencers attempt to naturalize their advertorials by composing their post as if recounting a family event. With reference to a child, parent, or partner, they may muse or quip about a product being used or an experience being shared in a bid to mask the distinction between their personal and commercial material. bongqiuqiu frequently posted personal, non-sponsored images engaging in daily mundane activities under the dedicated hashtag “#HeYurou”.However, this was occasionally interspersed with pictures of her niece holding on to various products including storybooks (Figure 8) and shopping bags (Figure 9). At first glance, this might have seemed like any mundane daily update the Influencer often posts. However, a close inspection reveals the caption bearing sponsor hashtags, tags, and campaign information. For instance, one Instagram post shows #HeYurou casually holding on to and staring at a burger in KFC wrapping (Figure 7), but when read in tandem with bongqiuqiu’s other KFC-related posts published over a span of a few months, it becomes clear that #HeYurou was in fact advertising for KFC. Figure 7, 8, 9, screenshot December 2014 from ‹instagram.com/bongqiuqiu›Elsewhere, Baby Dash was incorporated into xiaxue’s car sponsorship with over 20 large decals of one of his viral photos – dubbed “pineapple Dash” among followers – plastered all over her vehicle (Figure 10). Followers who spot the car in public are encouraged to photograph and upload the image using its dedicated hashtag, “#xiaxuecar” as part of the Influencer’s car sponsorship – an engagement scarcely related to her young child. Since then, xiaxue has speculated producing offshoots of “pineapple Dash” products including smartphone casings. Figure 10, screenshot December 2014 from ‹instagram.com/xiaxue›Follower EngagementSponsors regularly organize fan meet-and-greets headlined by micro-microcelebrities in order to attract potential customers. Photo opportunities and the chance to see Baby Dash “in the flesh” frequently front press and promotional material of marketing campaigns. Elsewhere on social media, several Baby Dash fan and tribute accounts have also emerged on Instagram, reposting images and related media of the micro-microcelebrity with overt adoration, no doubt encouraged by xiaxue, who began crowdsourcing captions for Baby Dash’s photos.Influencer ohsofickle postures #BabyElroyE’s follower engagement in a more subtle way. In her YouTube channel that debut in the month of her baby’s birth, ohsofickle produces video diaries of being a young, single, mother who is raising a child (Figure 11). In each episode, #BabyElroyE is the main feature whose daily activities are documented, and while there is some advertising embedded, ohsofickle’s approach on YouTube is much less overt than others as it features much more non-monetized personal content (Figure 12). Her blog serves as a backchannel to her vlogs, in which she recounts her struggles with motherhood and explicitly solicits the advice of mothers. However, owing to her young age (she became an Influencer at 17 and gave birth at 24), many of her followers are teenagers and young women who respond to her solicitations by gushing over #BabyElroyE’s images on Instagram. Figure 11 & 12, screenshot September 2015 from ‹instagram.com/ohsofickle›PrivacyAs noted by Holloway et al. (23), children like micro-microcelebrities will be among the first cohorts to inherit “digital profiles” of their “whole lifetime” as a “work in progress”, from parents who habitually underestimate or discount the privacy and long term effects of publicizing information about their children at the time of posting. This matters in a climate where social media platforms can amend privacy policies without user consent (23), and is even more pressing for micro-microcelebrities whose followers store, republish, and recirculate information in fan networks, resulting in digital footprints with persistence, replicability, scalability, searchability (boyd), and extended longevity in public circulation which can be attributed back to the children indefinitely (Leaver, “Ends”).Despite minimum age restrictions and recent concerns with “digital kidnapping” where users steal images of other young children to be re-posted as their own (Whigham), some social media platforms rarely police the proliferation of accounts set up by parents on behalf of their underage children prominently displaying their legal names and life histories, citing differing jurisdictions in various countries (Facebook; Instagram), while others claim to disable accounts if users report an “incorrect birth date” (cf. Google for YouTube). In Singapore, the Media Development Authority (MDA) which governs all print and digital media has no firm regulations for this but suggests that the age of consent is 16 judging by their recommendation to parents with children aged below 16 to subscribe to Internet filtering services (Media Development Authority, “Regulatory” 1). Moreover, current initiatives have been focused on how parents can impart digital literacy to their children (Media Development Authority, “Empowered”; Media Literacy Council) as opposed to educating parents about the digital footprints they may be unwittingly leaving about their children.The digital lives of micro-microcelebrities pose new layers of concern given their publicness and deliberate publicity, specifically hinged on making visible the usually inaccessible, private aspects of everyday life (Marshall, “Persona” 5).Scholars note that celebrities are individuals for whom speculation of their private lives takes precedence over their actual public role or career (Geraghty 100-101; Turner 8). However, the personae of Influencers and their young children are shaped by ambiguously blurring the boundaries of privacy and publicness in order to bait followers’ attention, such that privacy and publicness are defined by being broadcast, circulated, and publicized (Warner 414). In other words, the publicness of micro-microcelebrities is premised on the extent of the intentional publicity rather than simply being in the public domain (Marwick 223-231, emphasis mine).Among Influencers privacy concerns have aroused awareness but not action – Baby Dash’s Influencer mother admitted in a national radio interview that he has received a death threat via Instagram but feels that her child is unlikely to be actually attacked (Channel News Asia) – because privacy is a commodity that is manipulated and performed to advance their micro-microcelebrities’ careers. As pioneer micro-microcelebrities are all under 2-years-old at present, future research warrants investigating “child-centred definitions” (Third et al.) of the transition in which they come of age, grow an awareness of their digital presence, respond to their Influencer mothers’ actions, and potentially take over their accounts.Young LabourThe Ministry of Manpower (MOM) in Singapore, which regulates the employment of children and young persons, states that children under the age of 13 may not legally work in non-industrial or industrial settings (Ministry of Manpower). However, the same document later ambiguously states underaged children who do work can only do so under strict work limits (Ministry of Manpower). Elsewhere (Chan), it is noted that national labour statistics have thus far only focused on those above the age of 15, thus neglecting a true reflection of underaged labour in Singapore. This is despite the prominence of micro-microcelebrities who are put in front of (video) cameras to build social media content. Additionally, the work of micro-microcelebrities on digital platforms has not yet been formally recognized as labour, and is not regulated by any authority including Influencer management firms, clients, the MDA, and the MOM. Brief snippets from my ethnographic fieldwork with Influencer management agencies in Singapore similarly reveal that micro-microcelebrities’ labour engagements and control of their earnings are entirely at their parents’ discretion.As models and actors, micro-microcelebrities are one form of entertainment workers who if between the ages of 15 days and 18 years in the state of California are required to obtain an Entertainment Work Permit to be gainfully employed, adhering to strict work, schooling, and rest hour quotas (Department of Industrial Relations). Furthermore, the Californian Coogan Law affirms that earnings by these minors are their own property and not their parents’, although they are not old enough to legally control their finances and rely on the state to govern their earnings with a legal guardian (Screen Actors Guild). However, this similarly excludes underaged children and micro-microcelebrities engaged in creative digital ecologies. Future research should look into safeguards and instruments among young child entertainers, especially for micro-micrcocelebrities’ among whom commercial work and personal documentation is not always distinct, and are in fact deliberately intertwined in order to better engage with followers for relatabilityGrowing Up BrandedIn the wake of moral panics over excessive surveillance technologies, children’s safety on the Internet, and data retention concerns, micro-microcelebrities and their Influencer mothers stand out for their deliberately personal and overtly commercial approach towards self-documenting, self-presenting, and self-publicizing from the moment of conception. As these debut micro-microcelebrities grow older and inherit digital publics, personae, and careers, future research should focus on the transition of their ownership, engagement, and reactions to a branded childhood in which babies were postured for an initimate public.ReferencesAbidin, Crystal. “Communicative Intimacies: Influencers and Perceived Interconnectedness.” Ada: A Journal of Gender, New Media, & Technology. Forthcoming, Nov 2015.Aiello, Marianne. “Mommy Blog Banner Ads Get Results.” Healthcare Marketing Advisor 17 Nov. 2010. HealthLeaders Media. 16 Aug. 2015 ‹http://healthleadersmedia.com/content/MAR-259215/Mommy-Blog-Banner-Ads-Get-Results›.Azzarone, Stephanie. “When Consumers Report: Mommy Blogging Your Way to Success.” Playthings 18 Feb. 2009. 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