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1

Gorter, Rendt. "Towards deliberative environmental governance: rethinking participation." Thesis, University of Auckland, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2292/19003.

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In the face of more and more conflicting demands for management of the environment, deliberative governance approaches are failing to build the institutions that scholars and leaders advocate as solutions to the complex pressures. While the practice of participation has become a mandatory principle in the conduct of environmental governance, little attention has been paid to the lack of participation in conceiving deliberative processes. This thesis argues that neither the creation of deliberative environmental governance processes, nor deliberative processes for the reform of environmental governance have been achieved. This dissertation explores alternative perspectives of participative processes, as seen both from theory and practice, to construct a situated approach. A multi-layered research methodology is used to reveal the juxtaposed dimensions where circumstances and possibilities shift participative practices into unforeseen dilemmas and contradictions. The starting premise is that the environmental problematic is complex and multidimensional, which generates variety of problem definitions and diagnoses, projections of environmental futures, evaluations of solutions, and policy prescriptions. Extensive attention to how scholars are grappling with the diverse facets of stakeholder participation organises a 3-dimensional theoretical framework, drawing on principles and ideas from a variety of disciplines including sociology, political science, environmental studies, public policy and development studies. And by anchoring myself in my own professional, community and scholarly grounding, I endeavour to maintain the self-conscious attitude that a post-structural view expects. The empirical research focuses on the overlapping social and governance processes on Great Barrier Island. This is preceded by an exploration of three empirical contexts that offer insights into the experience of deliberative approaches. Beginning with general reflections on practitioner experiences in community-based development project in Mauritania, the preparatory work considers the introduction of community-based governance of coastal resources in Fiji, and also an ad-hoc alliance of recreational fishing amateurs with Maori iwi challenging central government reforms of fishing regulations. Data in the preliminary and the main studies was collected with participant observation, semi-structured interviews and documentary analysis. The empirical evidence points to much more complex processes that do not render easily to theoretical or procedural reduction. A situated approach promises to develop a new culture of deliberative environmental governance for increasingly complex 'managed environments'.
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2

Silva, Roselani Maria Sodré da. "A participação nos fóruns das mesorregiões metade sul do RS e grande fronteira do Mercosul : um estudo sobre novas instâncias de governança territorial participativa (2007-2013)." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/172973.

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Esta tese trata da atuação das novas instâncias participativas voltadas para a governança territorial constituídas para atender ao Programa de Promoção da Sustentabilidade de Espaços Sub-Regionais, da Política Nacional de Desenvolvimento Regional. Busca identificar a contribuição dos arranjos institucionais deliberativos, denominados Fóruns das Mesorregiões Diferenciadas, enquanto espaços privilegiados para a prática da democracia deliberativa, na governança do desenvolvimento dos seus respectivos territórios. Para tanto, foram escolhidos como objetos de estudo dois fóruns mesorregionais, localizados na macrorregião Sul do país, abrangendo os estados do Rio Grande do Sul, Santa Catarina e Paraná. A abordagem empírica foca-se na atuação do Fórum da Mesorregião Metade Sul do Rio Grande do Sul (Fórum MESOSUL) e do Fórum da Mesorregião Grande Fronteira do Mercosul (Fórum MESO MERCOSUL), constituídos para atuar na integração e articulação dos diferentes atores regionais para a construção, implementação, monitoramento e avaliação de planos, projetos e ações de interesse público para o desenvolvimento das mesorregiões. Buscou-se por meio de uma base teórica-metodológica compreender a atuação e o processo de deliberação destes fóruns, enquanto estratégias inovadoras de governança territorial participativa, em novas escalas de planejamento do desenvolvimento. Com base neste propósito, buscou-se analisar a trajetória sócio-histórica dos Fóruns MESOSUL e MESO MERCOSUL enquanto possíveis instâncias de governança territorial. No estudo empírico dos Fóruns se verificou suas características de espaço de governança territorial participativa. A forma como as deliberações são efetivadas, representam uma inovação em relação às práticas tradicionais de planejamento e gestão do desenvolvimento, embora com algumas fragilidades e dificuldades, a atuação destes fóruns representa um avanço no processo de descentralização político administrativo, principalmente por atuarem em uma escala intermediária entre a municipal e a estadual, onde a multiplicidade de estruturas públicas e privadas se entrecruza, constituindo uma complexa rede de poder e de interesses individuais e coletivos. Conclui-se que os respectivos fóruns se enquadram como arranjos institucionais deliberativos e as suas práticas demonstram um esforço de governança territorial, mesmo que ainda não atenda aos modelos ideais. A expectativa quanto à realização desta pesquisa é a de contribuir com informações sobre o campo do conhecimento das políticas de desenvolvimento local/regional do país, bem como, das estruturas de governança territorial constituídas em espaços territoriais diferenciados.
This thesis focuses on the practice of the new participative bodies aimed at the territorial governance set to meet the Program for the Promotion of Sustainability of Sub-Regional Spaces, of the National Policy for Regional Development. It seeks to identify the contribution of deliberative institutional arrangements, called Forums of the Differentiated Mesoregions, while privileged spaces for the practice of the deliberative democracy, in the governance of the development of their respective territories. In order to do so, two mesoregional forums were chosen as study objects, located in the South macro-region of tthe country, comprising the states of Rio Grande do Sul, Santa Catarina and Paraná. The empirical approach focuses on the practice of the Fórum da Mesorregião Metade Sul do Rio Grande do Sul - Forum of the Mesoregion Southern Half of (Forum MESOSUL) and the Fórum da Mesorregião Grande Fronteira do Mercosul – Forum of the Mesoregion of the Mercosur Great Border (Fórum MESO MERCOSUL), comprised to work in the integration and articulation of the different regional actors for the construction, implementation, monitoring and assessment of plans, projects and actions of public interest for the development of the mesoregions. We aimed, through a theoretical-methodological basis, to understand the work and the process of deliberation of these forums as innovative strategies of participative territorial governance, in new scales of development planning. Based on this purpose, the aim was to analyze the social-historical course of the MESOSUL and MESO MERCOSUL Forums while possible instances of territorial governance. In the empirical study of the Forums it has been noticed their characteristics of space of participative territorial governance. The way the deliberations are made represent an innovation in terms of the traditional planning practices and development management, although with some weaknesses and difficulties, the practice of these forums represents an advance in the process of political and administrative decentralization, mainly as they work in an intermediary scale between the city and state level, where the diversity of public and private institutions intertwines, resulting in a complex network of power and individual and collective interests. The conclusion is that the respective forums fit in as deliberative institutional arrangements and their practices show an effort of territorial governance even though it does not yet serve the ideal models. The expectation concerning the completion of this research is to contribute with information on the field of knowledge about policies of local/regional development of the country as well as structures of territorial governance comprised in differentiated territorial spaces.
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3

Elgert, Laureen. "The politics of evidence : towards critical deliberative governance in sustainable development." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2011. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/146/.

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Recent debates about environmental governance emphasize the roles of participation, evidence and deliberation. Authors have discussed how deliberative theory can deepen commitments to public participation in policy debates. Evidence, however, is often presented as neutral and objective fact, and on this basis is privileged in policy debates, preemptively defining environmental problems and solutions. Under this circumstance, how can policy processes take deliberation seriously? How can the politics of evidence be identified and openly addressed by participants in policy processes? These research questions are addressed by analyzing three cases of environmental governance mechanisms, in the developing country context of Paraguay. The cases were selected for their emphasis on evidence and participation in decision-making. Also, each brings into question the politics of evidence, as their policy implications have raised debate and contention. The specific governance mechanisms explored in this study are: 1) land classification for conservation and rural development; 2) land use planning scenarios generated with a computer modeling program; and, 3) the development of global certification standards for soy production within the ‘Roundtable on Responsible Soy’. Each is seen as a means of addressing what is widely seen as rapid and extensive environmental degradation in Paraguay, and also the historic and continued exclusion of much of the public in environmental decision-making. The principal findings of my analysis are that i) public participation in environmental governance is often constrained by what is considered evidence; and ii) evidence is considered such because it is assumedly based on fact, but evidence-based arguments are influenced by social and political factors. As a result of these findings, I argue for a new approach to environmental governance – critical deliberative governance. A reflexive, non-essentialist approach to knowledge strengthens deliberation, by making explicit the social basis for authority and credibility, and opening up its tenets to debate. This critical approach to knowledge is vital for a democracy in which normative arguments are not effectively closed off by formal and authoritative expertise.
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4

Antonie, Lyson CHIGEDA. "Nurturing Deliberative Democracy in Public Secondary Schools in Malawi: School Governance and Pedagogies." 京都大学 (Kyoto University), 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2433/199429.

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Kyoto University (京都大学)
0048
新制・課程博士
博士(地域研究)
甲第19105号
地博第179号
新制||地||61(附属図書館)
32056
京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科アフリカ地域研究専攻
(主査)教授 梶 茂樹, 教授 重田 眞義, 准教授 高田 明, 准教授 山名 淳
学位規則第4条第1項該当
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5

Pettersson, Marcus. "Medborgardialog : Ett demokratiexperiment i Örebro kommun." Thesis, Örebro University, Department of Social and Political Sciences, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-2146.

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Abstract

In the beginning of 2007 the Swedish municipality Örebro decided to have a democratic

experiment, which ought to go under the name, “Dialouge for the citizens”. The

representative elected politicians in Örebro tried to find ways to involve the people in the

process of ruling. Why they choose to try this experiment on this very delicate matter, the

closure of several schools in the municipal, is one of the questions this essay is trying to

answer.

The purpose of this essay is to find out whether the process was an attempt for the politicians

of the representative democracy to implement deliberative democracy in the structure of the

local governance.

The result of this study is that the politicians didn’t manage to reach to the citizens the way

they formerly had planned.

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6

Jewett, Andrea. "Deliberative Duties of Modern Citizens Based on a Historical Examination of Democratic Self-Governance." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1653.

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I examine the current state of democracy in the United States and how it has evolved from its original, direct form. Present-day problems with democracy emerge in part because of a failure to exercise our autonomy, which is the very basis of our self-governance. To consistently improve the ways in which we organize ourselves in society, I suggest a civil duty to become informed about political issues and engage with others from different backgrounds. Because we exercise reason in order to determine governance, thoughtful deliberation provides opportunities to include more diverse opinions and ideas in political decision-making. I outline an ideal deliberative democracy that would better serve the interests of the constituents given the uniqueness of today’s challenges. To explore the value of deliberation, I examine Immanuel Kant’s text “What is Enlightenment?” and Michel Foucault’s text in response to Kant. I argue that if deliberation is carried out with intention, citizens in a democracy can help strengthen the system by fulfilling duties of civility. Foucault’s historicocritical examination of ourselves reinstates our autonomy and allows an emergence from a state of immaturity. Recognition of our condition in the present day is, I will argue, an achievement of progress towards a dynamic conception of personal and collective enlightenment.
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7

Nahiduzzaman, Kh Md. "HOUSING THE URBAN POOR: AN INTEGRATED GOVERNANCE PERSPECTIVE : The Case of Dhaka, Bangladesh." Doctoral thesis, KTH, Urbana och regionala studier, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kth:diva-90297.

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It is claimed that low-income people in Dhaka city do not have the financial ability to enjoy adecent housing environment. There is a clear lack of knowledge on how low-income people,drawing upon both their available income together and support from formal financial institutions,would be able to afford housing. It is commonly considered a fact that their access to formalfinancial means is largely hindered by their poor financial status, along with the absence of anyform of land tenure security. The case of this study demonstrates, on the contrary, the adequatefinancial ability of the urban poor when it comes to meeting rent and payments for other necessaryservices. This study therefore primarily responds to the critical issue of whether the government isunaware of informal housing practices, or is simply ignorant of low-income housing provision.In this study, perspectives on change are analyzed in order to comprehend the obstacles andchallenges embedded within the housing organizations of Dhaka city. Within the local governanceparadigm, the concepts of deliberative dialogue and partnership are explored with the aim toreveal both the resources rooted in ‘informal’ low-income housing practices, and the resources atstake for the ‘formal’ housing gatekeepers. Different land tenure security options are explored inorder to understand their compatibility with the informal nature of low-income housing. Thetheory of social business is critically reviewed, and used to examine whether low-incomeaffordable housing could be seen as a product resulting from partnerships between vested actors,for whom the low-income community could be considered to be both a beneficiary and a partner.This study suggests that outside the boundary of ‘formal’ housing, there is an unexplored andfunctional ‘informal’ housing market where de facto owners purchase ‘business tenure security’from the slum lords, while de facto tenants buy ‘house rental tenure security’ in exchange forregular rental payments. Within this informality, an innovative financial organization (the JhilparCooperative) has emerged as a creative platform for business investment. This study reveals thatJhilpar’s inhabitants pay more than 30 percent of their monthly income for housing. As anabsolute value, this is more than what is being paid by middle-class – and even many high-income– people. The slum inhabitants also pay more for a limited supply of basic services, such aselectricity.This study concludes that the formal housing gatekeepers lack a complete knowledge of‘informality’ – a notion reflected in, for example, the actual financial ability of the urban poor; thestrength and potentials of systematic community-based cooperative business; and housing relocationdecisions (employment-housing nexus). This fundamental lack of knowledge precludesthe housing gatekeepers from taking the right decisions to achieve affordable low-incomehousing. These deficiencies have led to low-income housing projects that have barely benefitedthe urban poor, benefiting other income groups instead. Low-income housing projects utilizingland title provision, sites and services schemes, and relocation to other places (amongst otherstrategies) disregard the nature, strength, and potentials of housing ‘informality’ in the slums inthe most pronounced manner. This identified knowledge gap also rules out private and publichousing gatekeepers employing their resources as enablers or providers. To improve this impassewith regard to affordable low-income housing, this study advocates a ‘social business model forlow-income housing’ as the most effective option for the Jhilpar community, wherebypartnerships would be built on an ‘investment’ mindset, through a shift away from conventional‘give away’ practices.
QC 20120221
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8

Hendriks, Carolyn Maree, and C. M. Hendriks@uva nl. "Public Deliberation and Interest Organisations: a Study of Responses to Lay Citizen Engagement in Public Policy." The Australian National University. Research School of Social Sciences, 2004. http://thesis.anu.edu.au./public/adt-ANU20050921.103047.

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This thesis empirically examines how lobby groups and activists respond to innovative forms of public participation. The study centres on processes that foster a particular kind of deliberative governance including citizens’ juries, consensus conferences and planning cells. These deliberative designs bring together a panel of randomly selected lay citizens to deliberate on a specific policy issue for a few days, with the aim of providing decision makers with a set of recommendations. While policy makers worldwide are attracted to these novel participatory processes, little consideration has been given to how well they work alongside more adversarial and interest-based politics. This doctoral research project examines this interface by studying what these processes mean to different kinds of policy actors such as corporations, advocacy groups, government agencies, experts and professionals. These entities are collectively referred to in this thesis as ‘interest organisations’ because in some way they are seeking a specific policy outcome from the state – even government-based groups.¶ The empirical research in this thesis is based on comparative case studies of four deliberative design projects in Australia and Germany. The Australian cases include a citizens’ jury on waste management legislation and a consensus conference on gene technology in the food chain. The German case studies include a planning cells project on consumer protection in Bavaria, and a national consensus conference on genetic diagnostics. Together the cases capture a diversity of complex and contested policy issues facing post-industrialised societies. In each case study, I examine how relevant interest organisations responded to the deliberative forum, and then interpret these responses in view of the context and features of the case.¶ The picture emerging from the in-depth case studies is that interest organisations respond to deliberative designs in a variety of ways. Some choose to participate actively, others passively decline, and a few resort to strategic tactics to undermine citizens’ deliberations. The empirical research reveals that though responses are variable, most interest organisations are challenged by several features of the deliberative design model including: 1) that deliberators are citizens with no knowledge or association with the issue; 2) that experts and interest representatives are required to present their arguments before a citizens’ panel; and 3) that policy discussions occur under deliberative conditions which can expose the illegitimate use of power.¶ Despite these challenges, the paradox is that many interest organisations do decide to engage in lay citizen deliberations. The empirical research indicates that groups and experts value deliberative designs if they present an opportunity for public relations, customer feedback, or advocacy. Moreover, the research finds that when policy actors intensively engage with ‘ordinary’ citizens, their technocratic and elite ideas about public participation can shift in a more inclusive and deliberative direction.¶ The thesis finds that, on the whole, weaker interest organisations are more willing to engage with lay citizens than stronger organisations because they welcome the chance to influence public debate and decision makers. It appears that powerful groups will only engage in a deliberative forum under certain policy conditions, for example, when the dominant policy paradigm is unstable and contested, when public discussion on the issue is emerging, when policy networks are interdependent and heterogeneous, and when the broader social and political system supports public accountability, consensus and deliberation. Given that these kinds of policy conditions do not always exist, I conclude that tensions between interest organisations and deliberative governance will be common. In order to create more cooperative and productive interfaces, I recommend that interest organisations be better supported and integrated into citizens’ deliberations, and that steps be taken to safeguard forums from strategic attempts to undermine their legitimacy.¶ The thesis also sends out three key messages to democratic theorists. First, the empirical research shows that different kinds of groups and actors in civil society vary in their willingness and capacity to participate to public deliberation. Second, the deliberative design model demonstrates that partisan actors, such as interest organisations, will engage in public deliberation when they can participate as strategic deliberators. In this role partisans are not expected to relinquish their agendas, but present them as testimonies before a group of deliberators. Third, the empirical research in this thesis should bring home to theorists that deliberative forums are closely linked to the discursive context within which they operate.
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9

Linzer, Drew Alan. "The structure of mass ideology and its consequences for democratic governance." Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1779835441&sid=8&Fmt=2&clientId=48051&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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10

Liski, Anja Helena. "Hold the line or give in to the sea? : deliberative citizen engagement in governance to adapt to sea level rise on the shoreline." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/33070.

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Shorelines, including the Inner Forth in Scotland, are facing unprecedented challenges with climate change. Rising sea levels mean that stakeholders need to work closely to deliver adaptation, such as the nature-based option of intentionally realigning shorelines landwards to give the sea more space. Drawing from workshops, interviews and surveys with citizens living on the shores of the Inner Forth, and semi-structured interviews with locally active organisations and land-owners, this thesis examines the governance context and methodological issues of citizen engagement in adaptation, with a focus on the use of participatory valuation tools. In particular, I develop citizen-oriented methodological options for integrated and deliberative valuation to address issues of inclusivity and knowledge gaps. The novelty of the deliberative valuation presented here is based on the explicit consideration of awareness gaps from both expert and local perspectives. The results show that even though emerging collaborative institutions are broadening the spectrum of stakeholders engaged in shoreline governance, they do not yet include representative groups of citizens. Empirical material presented here suggests that bridging the citizen engagement gap would potentially support the uptake of nature-based adaptation options, enhance legitimacy of decision-making processes, and bring other-regarding moral principles and biocentric values into decision-making. However, as the valuation results from the citizen workshops illustrate (in resonance with the central tenets of the Intergovernmental science-policy Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services), commonly applied valuation methods may be too narrow in their framing to capture plural values and world views. Furthermore, the ability of citizens to engage in adaptation is limited by knowledge gaps regarding the local area and the pressures it is facing. The deliberative citizen-oriented approach to valuation developed here led to the emergence of clearer priorities, improved choice model fit and participant confidence, providing empirical evidence to support the premise that deliberation builds citizens' ability to engage in adaptation. In addition to contributing empirical insights on how adaptation governance is unfolding on local scales, this thesis responds to methodological discussions on the use of valuation for citizen engagement in three main ways: 1) it demonstrates that the choice of value framings impacts the engagement outcomes; 2) it illustrates how deliberative valuation can shape citizens' attitudes towards the uptake of adaptation measures; 3) it provides evidence of the specific role that local knowledge plays in improving the outcomes of deliberative valuation.
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11

Wironen, Michael Bishop. "Governing Environmental and Economic Flows in Regional Food Systems." ScholarWorks @ UVM, 2018. https://scholarworks.uvm.edu/graddis/918.

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Globalization, specialization, and intensification have transformed the global food system, generating material flows and impacts that span multiple scales and levels, presenting novel governance challenges. Many argue for a transition toward a sustainable food system, although the scope and specific goals are fiercely contested. Theory and method is needed to evaluate competing normative claims and build legitimacy. In this dissertation Vermont serves as a case study to investigate how environmental and economic flows impact regional governance, focusing on efforts to manage agricultural phosphorus to achieve water quality goals. A material flow account is developed to estimate phosphorus flows embedded in commodities flowing in and out of Vermont’s agricultural system from 1925-2012. The results indicate a net imbalance of phosphorus flows for the entire period, leading to the accumulation of legacy phosphorus in soils that constitutes a long-term threat to water quality. Agricultural intensification and land cover change during this period led to increased phosphorus use efficiency, livestock density, and dependency on imported feed, the largest source of phosphorus entering Vermont since the 1980s. The evidence of persistent imbalance calls into question the effectiveness of current nonpoint source pollution policy. A critical investigation of nutrient management planning policy reveals several shortcomings: pasture is frequently excluded; many phosphorus flows that cross the farm-gate are not captured; critical information on soil phosphorus levels and runoff risk is not collected in a manner that facilitates regional governance. The integration of nutrient management plans and mass-balances is proposed as an alternative approach that can increase accountability, encourage efficiency, and facilitate management and governance, albeit within constraints imposed by Vermont’s position in a globalized market for agricultural commodities. The empirical and policy analysis is complemented by a theoretical investigation that starts from the observation that a sustainability transition inevitably entails tradeoffs amongst competing normative goals. Navigating these tradeoffs is complicated by mismatch between the reach of governance institutions and the spatial and temporal dimensions of the challenges they face. This investigation contributes to understanding how legitimacy and consensus are constructed in the context of competing normative claims and multi-level governance. It considers deliberative democracy as a means for evaluating normative claims and arriving at a shared, legitimate basis for social action. An instrumental perspective on deliberation is contrasted with a deeper notion that sees deliberation as constitutive of sustainability at a local-to-global level. A conclusion grounds this analysis by drawing out the ways in which deliberation can inform Vermont’s efforts to govern its agriculture, water quality, and economic development, sowing the seeds for a sustainability transition.
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Smit, Marius Hilgard. "A model for the improvement of democratic school governance in South Africa : an education law perspective / by Marius Hilgard Smit." Thesis, North-West University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10394/2906.

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The South African education system has been undergoing a process of transformation and democratisation. An historical overview of democracy in the South Africa education system confirms that the system had developed to become a highly centralised and bureaucratic system during the twentieth century, but it was transformed in 1996 to afford a greater degree of parental participation through local school governing bodies. Democracy is founded on a belief in individual rights, equality, and self-government by the majority of the people. The moral authority of the majority is based on the notion that there is more enlightenment and wisdom between many than in a single man. However, the power of the majority is always limited by the prerequisite of the rule of law and the implicit requirements of legality and justice. This implies that bureaucratic or undemocratic exercise of power by the majority or any person, including the state, would be contrary to the requirements of legality and democracy. An overview of the theories of democracy explains the complexities of the different orientations and ideological approaches to democracy. Critiques of democracy have identified an elitist, inegalitarian, and antiparticipatory core in liberal democracy. The sensible approach to these weaknesses of liberal democracy is to integrate the best features of the various theories of democracy towards a workable solution to manage the systemic conflicts. This includes the formal application of checks and balances and the substantive adjustment of the executive, legislative and judicial practice to maintain a harmonious equilibrium between equality and liberty. The theory of deliberative democracy suggests an additional way to improve substantive democracy. There is an inextricable link between democracy, education and the law. The South African Constitution provides for representative (political) and participatory democracy, as well as for the enshrinement of fundamental rights such as the right to basic education. In addition, the education legislation and policies contain numerous provisions that prescribe and necessitate democratisation of the education system. However, the empirical results of the study show that a number of controversial bureaucratic practices and a tendency towards increased centralisation of the system, constrain democratic school governance. The most prominent undemocratic practices in the system inter alia include: the over-politicisation of schools by the dominant teachers’ union; the bureaucratic appointment of educators; the interference by teachers’ unions with the appointment of educators, the bureaucratic imposition of English medium language policies on Afrikaans schools; and • the ambivalent attitude towards inclusive education. An investigation into the knowledge levels of senior education administrators, school principals and school governing chairpersons, which participated in this study, revealed that their knowledge of participatory democracy and Education Law was superficial. This ignorance of these stakeholders in education compounds the problem of effectively administering, managing and governing schools in a democratic manner. Conclusions drawn from the evidence of this study suggests that certain of the encumbrances to democracy in schools and the system can be attributed to systemic weaknesses, as well as to misconceptions and the misapplication of democratic principles. Finally, the study proposes two models to improve democratic school governance. The first model suggests a theoretical framework for improving the power relations, knowledge, civic attitudes and democratic values. The final model, which is based on the first theoretical model, proposes that Area School Boards be statutorily established to govern defunctive schools and that deliberative forums should be established and implemented within the organisational hierarchy of the education system.
Thesis (Ph.D. (Education))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2009
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Lindén, Glad Ema, and Joakim Nersing. "Democratic global environmental governance: An oxymoron or a matter of ideals? : A study of the United Nation’s 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Institutionen för tema, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-157030.

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Today, one of the most compelling issues facing students of environmental politics is global environmental governance’s democratic legitimacy. Critics of multilateral and transnational sustainable development negotiations and implementations perceive these as democratically deficient, due to non-state actors deciding over nation-state politics. Multilateralism is then seen as a governance structure which sacrifices state sovereignty, which is the pillar of modern democratic theory together with the concept of national demos. Yet, other theorists consider global environmental governance and multilateralism to foster democratization beyond the concept of the nation-state – something which by them is understood as necessary in a world with ever-increasing supranational environmental and developmental issues. Since 1992, the United Nations has implemented stakeholder models, meaning multi-stakeholder partnership and civil society involvement in sustainable development negotiations, as a way of raising democratic legitimacy and accountability. The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and its 17 Sustainable Development Goals is the culmination of these efforts and the globally guiding document on the subject. The Agenda is a result of the broadest deliberation strategy ever employed by the UN. Via typological content analysis and viewing the Agenda through our theoretical framework, we understand that the UN applying stakeholder models does not necessarily mean evoking stakeholder democracy. Furthermore, democracy is largely construed as a tool for sustainable development and less as an end per se, even if the two are sometimes communicated as equal objectives. All in all, whether one interprets sustainable development negotiations as democratically legitimate or deficient depends on one’s view of democracy beyond the nation- state, as either a possible and necessary notion or a directly undemocratic one.
Idag är global miljöstyrnings demokratiska legitimitet ett av de mest åtråvärda forskningsproblemen inom miljöpolitiska studier. Kritiker av multilaterala och transnationella förhandlingar rörande hållbar utveckling och implementering uppfattar dessa som demokratiskt bristfälliga, då icke-statliga aktörer bestämmer över nationalstaters politik. Multilateralism ses då som en styrelseskicksstruktur som offrar nationalstaters suveränitet, vilket tillsammans med konceptet nationellt demos är kärnan i modern demokratisk teori. Dock anser andra teoretiker att global miljöstyrning och multilateralism kan befrämja demokratisering bortom nationalstater - något som av dessa anses som nödvändigt i en värld med ständig ökning av överstatliga miljö- och utvecklingsproblem. Sedan 1992 har Förenta Nationerna verkställt intressentmodeller, alltså multi- intressentpartnerskap och civilsamhällsinvolvering i hållbar utvecklings-förhandlingar, som ett sätt att höja demokratisk legitimitet och ansvarsskyldighet. Agenda 2030 och dess 17 globala mål för hållbar utveckling är kulmineringen av dessa satsningar, och det globalt ledande dokumentet gällande ämnet. Agendan och dess grundarbete är resultatet av den till dagsdatum största och mest omfattande överläggningsstrategi som FN någonsin använt sig av. Via typologisk innehållsanalys, och granskning av Agendan genom vårt teoretiska ramverk, så tolkar vi att FN:s genomförande av intressentmodeller inte nödvändigtvis innebär en frammaning av ett uteslutande intressentdemokratiskt ideal. I tillägg så kommuniceras demokrati mestadels som ett verktyg för hållbar utveckling, även om dessa två koncept delvis beskrivs som likvärdi ga mål. Huruvida förhandlingar kring hållbar utveckling uppfattas som demokratiskt legitima eller bristfälliga beror på tolkarens syn på demokrati utanför nationalstaten, som antingen en möjlig och nödvändig uppfattning, eller som en direkt odemokratisk sådan.
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Hejny, Jessica. "Pragmatist Policy-making: Rethinking Deliberation and Experimentation in Contemporary Environmental Governance." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/19355.

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In this dissertation, I generate a theoretical grounding for the practice of collaborative environmental governance that emerges out of practice. The overall architecture of this dissertation traces the structure of Deweyan reconstruction. I first set out the problems that plague federal environmental governance and the turn to collaborative environmental governance in practice, situating them in historical context. I use forest policy and the case study of the Quincy Library Group to illustrate both the pathologies of federal regulation and the turn to collaboration and to inform my reconstruction of deliberation. I argue that the dominant Habermasian model of deliberation is inadequate to theorizing collaborative governance due to its abstraction and focus on the justificatory aspect of deliberation. I rethink the concept of deliberation, mobilizing critiques of the Habermasian model and resources in American pragmatist philosophy to reconceptualize deliberation as embodied, narrative, and oriented to experimental problem-solving. Drawing on empirical accounts of environmental collaboration, I argue that collaboration is centrally about members of a community working together across difference to solve shared concrete problems. Rational argument plays a role in collaboration, but it is not its transformatory engine. Rather, the building of trust between participants through narrative and storytelling is what enables transformation of beliefs and interests and makes collaboration possible. In contrast to the political theory literature, I assert that deliberation is oriented not only to generating democratic legitimacy but also to solving practical problems. Collaborative governance is both deliberative and experimental, and our theorizing must account for this. In the concluding chapter, I address the practical question of the institutional design of collaborative environmental governance. This theoretical work is integral to furthering policy-making practice because it provides a way for both policy-makers and scholars of public policy to understand what is at stake in the move to collaborative governance and provides a critical standard to guide the design and evaluation of collaboration in practice. For environmental policy-makers, it sheds light on why we have reason to be hopeful about collaborative policy-making and how we can strengthen these efforts on the ground.
10000-01-01
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Lee, Yun Jeong. "Let them brew! : reflexivity, and division of labour in deliberation for science and technology governance." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2014. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/50054/.

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This thesis examines the theoretical premises of and ways that macro deliberative approaches to decision making function in application to specific instances of science and technology governance. Macro-level deliberations constitute complex, extended, distributed decision making processes, in contrast to individual micro deliberation exercises undertaken in particular settings. Macro deliberations employ the mechanism of ‘division of labour' in terms of actors, tasks and methods in order to secure the two essential qualities of ‘inclusiveness' and ‘deliberativeness' – thus resolving the inherent tension between number of participants and deep discussion. Accordingly, the thesis focuses on the ways in which this paradoxical mechanism of ‘inclusion by division' functions in macro deliberations. An interrogation of two UK nationwide public deliberation cases – GM Dialogue (on GM crops) and the CoRWM process (on radioactive waste) – sheds light on the significant role of reflexivity in such macro deliberative approaches to decision making. The thesis adopts a triangulated approach towards both documents and interviews employing contending representations to cross-check the one with the other. In considering the ways in which reflexivity constitutes a critical quality of the process and outcome of division of labour in macro deliberations, the thesis argues that the notion of reflexivity is central to explaining how macro deliberation functions: The reflective and self-contingent feature of reflexivity enables participants to explore diverse rationales on division of labour through continuous generation of new rationales; this recursive self-reconfiguration process of rationales on division of labour entails an evolutionary development of division of labour. As division of labour is played out not in a static, exogenous fashion, but through a dynamic, endogenous construction process, reflexivity in real-world macro deliberations illuminates some significant contrasts in the ways that ‘deliberation' and ‘inclusion' take place to those characterised in theory. Indeed, deliberation emerges in practice as more than just open rational dialogue. In order to understand this more fully, it must be seen in terms of diversity of material, social and political interactions, and relationships – referred to here as ‘discursive relations'. In reality, then, inclusion occurs in more emergent ways than intended by design, rather, unfolding as participants engage with each other. In this way, actors' divergent views are cross-reflected and mutually influence each other, not through theoretically-envisaged top-down aggregation but via a kind of endogenous ‘fermentation' process. In this way, reflexivity actually makes macro public deliberation a more effectively inclusive and deliberative decision making process. In short, recognition of this inherent reflexivity in macro deliberations offers practically to aid improved understanding of the complex process of engagement in science and technology governance. It suggests that we would benefit from shifting our attention somewhat away from the direct provision of strictly prescriptive design protocols towards the construction of better general environments for facilitating more reflexivity, which should enable actors to shape their own reflexive deliberation. Then let them brew!
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Antonie, Lyson CHIGEDA. "マラウィの公立高等学校における熟議民主主義の育成―学校管理と教授法をめぐって―." Kyoto University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2433/199551.

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Cowgill, Kimberly Hodge. "Impacts of (un)civil discourse by organized groups on local governance in sustainable development projects." Diss., Virginia Tech, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/56962.

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Anecdotal evidence in the media and from personal conversations suggests that inflammatory rhetoric in the collaborative governance setting is increasing, especially during public meetings about sustainable development projects. Planners, mediators, facilitators, and government officials are facing a shutting down of public deliberation by "new activists" who are engaging in public forums in very emotional and uncompromising ways. This dissertation is a direct examination of actions by new activists. It includes two case studies in Roanoke, Virginia, as well as a broader look at the inflammatory rhetoric and disruptions in local public meetings now occurring across the country.
Ph. D.
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Madeira, Neto Acilino Alberto. "A experiência participativa de João Pessoa Paraíba: potencialidades e limites." Universidade Federal da Paraí­ba, 2013. http://tede.biblioteca.ufpb.br:8080/handle/tede/7300.

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Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-14T13:27:04Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 2846352 bytes, checksum: 6ea3f04b17ab0e03040890ea94b1ba02 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-05-17
Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES
The present work is intended to analyze the potential and limits of new municipal governance agenda of João Pessoa (PB) with the participation and citizen for the expansion of participatory democracy and improve the system representative democratic in theoretical approach by the public deliberation. The tender of analysis is to answer how the new agenda for municipal governance of João Pessoa (PB) contributes to the transformation of local government in a power connected to the social composition in an administration that universalize the rights of citizenship. From a theoretical reflection and criticism, will be examined the construction and development of that shared governance agenda of João Pessoa (PB), that these developments of the survey factors that contributed to the emergence of this new agenda, analysis and evaluation of participatory institution structuring and guiding the new governance agenda of the normative criteria of public deliberation, in consideration of the qualitative aspects of participation and deliberative effectivety.
O presente trabalho se destina à análise das potencialidades e dos limites da nova agenda de governança municipal de João Pessoa (PB) com a participação popular e cidadã para a ampliação da democracia participativa e o aperfeiçoamento do sistema democrático-representativo pelo enfoque teórico da deliberação pública. O propósito da análise é responder de que forma a nova agenda de governança municipal de João Pessoa (PB) contribui para a transformação do poder local em um poder articulado com o corpo social numa gestão que universalize os direitos da cidadania. A partir de uma reflexão teórica e crítica, serão examinados a construção e o desenvolvimento da referida agenda de governança compartilhada de João Pessoa (PB), tendo como desdobramentos o levantamento dos fatores determinantes que contribuíram para a emergência dessa nova agenda, a análise e a avaliação da instituição participativa estruturante e condutora da nova agenda de governança pelos critérios normativos da deliberação pública, na consideração dos aspectos qualitativos da participação e da efetividade deliberativa.
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Zachrisson, Anna. "Commons protected for or from the people? co-management in the Swedish mountain region? /." Doctoral thesis, Umeå : Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, Umeå universitet, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-30150.

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20

Aubert, François-Jérôme. "La décision à l'hôpital public : quelles relations entre directeur et médecin ?" Thesis, Bordeaux, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014BORD0402/document.

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La décision à l’hôpital public est un objet complexe, qui donne lieu à de fréquentesmodifications législatives et réglementaires. Déterminant essentiel de la qualité duservice rendu, les modalités d’exercice du pouvoir de décision à l’hôpital sontdéfinies par les textes, mais aussi par les pratiques des acteurs.Cette thèse traite des relations entre les deux catégories d’acteurs qui dominent lesinteractions ayant pour objet la décision : les directeurs et les médecins.Ces acteurs ont un rôle majeur et complémentaire dans les deux phases du processusde décision. D’une part, ils assurent une grande partie de la préparation desdécisions, dans le cadre d’échanges informels et au sein des instances. Directeurs etmédecins ont donc ainsi un rôle important dans la délibération qui précède ladécision. D’autre part, ils ont un rôle essentiel dans la prise de décision elle-même.Au-delà du pouvoir juridique de décider, qui revient au directeur, chefd’établissement, directeurs et médecins s’influencent réciproquement dans la prisede la décision.Ces travaux visent à démontrer que les relations entre directeurs et médecins dansle cadre de la décision à l’hôpital public sont des relations de dialogue, notammentdans la préparation des décisions. Ce sont aussi des relations de pouvoir, enparticulier dans la phase de prise de décision.Notre étude présente enfin des propositions visant à améliorer la qualité du processusde décision à l’hôpital public. Ces propositions tendent à renforcer la qualité dudialogue par le rapprochement des formations des acteurs, à augmenter latransparence, et à renforcer les supervisions externes des débats hospitaliers
Decision-making in a public hospital is complex and subject to frequent legislative and regulatory changes. The rules of decision-making – an essential determinant of service quality – are defined not only by Law and regulations, but also by actual practices.This Dissertation analyses the relationships between the two types of actors predominantly involved in decision-making: managers and physicians.These actors hold a major and complementary role in the two phases of the decision-making process. First, they take charge of a large part of the preparation of decisions, thanks to informal exchanges and formal committee meetings. Managers and physicians thus have an important role in the preliminary discussions preceding the decision. Second, they also play a major role in the decision-taking stage itself. Beyond the decision power – that belongs to the manager. Managers and physicians have a reciprocal influence in the final decision-making process.This study aims at demonstrating that the relationships between managers and physicians in the process of decision-making in a public hospital are based on dialogue, in particular in the preparation of decisions. They are also power relationships, in particular in the final phase of decision-making.Last, this Dissertation offers suggestions to improve the quality of the decision-making process in public hospitals. These suggestions aim at reinforcing the quality of dialogue by harmonizing the formation of the actors, improving transparency, and reinforcing the external supervision of debates within the hospital
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WANG, ERH-HAO, and 王爾豪. "A study of deliberative democracy and city governance-Taking Habermas’ deliberative democracy as an example." Thesis, 2019. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/buv6sy.

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碩士
南臺科技大學
高階主管企管碩士班
107
Our country has had currently at the risk of the lying age. To improve this problem, this article aims to study how the deliberative democracy can be applied to city governance, and given that Habermas’s deliberative democracy has the wide influence all around the world, so this study chooses it as the object of analysis and application. Specifically, this study has two purposes. One is to analyze the structure of Habermas's deliberative democracy; the other is to discuss how it can apply to city governance. To achieve purposes, this study uses literature analysis and interpretive method, and it purposes two conclusions and suggestions as follow. (1) Habermas's deliberative democracy contains two basic structures: two-track public sphere and the argumentation mechanism. (2) Habermas's deliberative democracy can focus on city governance’s informative public sphere. (3) Habermas's deliberative democracy need other theory to establish city governance’s virtual public sphere. (4) Although consensus conference can be as the informative public sphere of city governance, its issues should transfer from the government to civil society.
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Buck, Sebastian. "Deliberative Ideale im Kontext informeller Bürgerbeteiligung." Doctoral thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11858/00-1735-0000-0023-3E0B-A.

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Chen, Chih-chung, and 陳致中. "Community Governance and Deliberative Democracy:The Case Study of the Tam-sui Citizen Conference." Thesis, 2008. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/97jzwc.

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碩士
世新大學
行政管理學研究所(含博、碩專班)
96
The issue of community development has been discussed for many years in Taiwan, nevertheless, there are lots of problems that still need to be tackled and solved. In recent years, government agencies and academic groups have widely adopted the ideal of deliberative democracy to deepen democratic foundation, and treated deliberative democracy as a prescription to renew citizen participation. Additionally, they have also indicated that deliberative democracy will play an important role in the community. Along this context, this thesis examines the role of deliberative democracy in the case of citizen conference in Tam-Sui. We collect both qualitative as well as quantitative data (e.g. surveys, in-depth interviews and participative observations) to assess the deliberative effect of citizen conference. The findings reveal that the citizen conference shows some benefits such as “the rising of autonomous power”, ”substantive discussion atmospheres”, “civic education and community empowerment,” and “build the communicative platform”. These benefits may resolve the dilemmas of community governance and advance its practical feasibility. However, there are still some problems in this case – for instance, “lack of the local government support”, “the doubt of representative” and “lack of integrated mechanisms”. Based on the three-level theory of community governance, the author suggests that "community deliberation" should positively examine the emotional factor in expression, actively engage more community groups, and enhance incentives for citizen participation. Besides, a “Deliberative Democracy Center” may be established to integrate resources and to assist citizen of the community to practice community governance.
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Yen-Chieh, Chu, and 朱彥杰. "The Analysis of Deliberative Governance on Houli Base of Central Taiwan Scientific Industry Park." Thesis, 2013. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/56144546871680220742.

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25

Henley, Morgan. "Rozdíly a podobnosti mezi obchodními a environmentálními skupinami v rámci jednání OSN o klimatu." Master's thesis, 2017. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-357348.

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The leader of the climate change regime is the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) which hosts the international climate change negotiations at the annual Conference of Parties (COP). In addition to official parties which represent nations in the UNFCCC, businesses and environmental groups are also playing a role in the negotiations as observers, which are grouped together in constituencies. This research will look at the two largest and original constituencies, the Business NGOs (BINGOs) and the Environmental NGOs (ENGOs) which represent business and environmental groups respectively. Both constituencies have a focal point for their members with the UNFCCC Secretariat, which for BINGOs is the International Chamber of Commerce (ICC) and the Climate Action Network (CAN) for ENGOs. Specifically, this paper compares the ICC and CAN and finds similarities and differences between their functioning within the UNFCCC in regards to their ability to build coherent policies between their members and how transparent they are in their activities. It was predicted that businesses groups have a harder time working together and are less transparent than the environmental groups which the research indeed confirmed. A series of interviews with various actors in the climate negotiations...
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Richards, Garrett Ward. "Climate Change Action through Co-Productive Design in Science-Policy Partnerships at Municipal, Provincial, and National Levels of Government." Thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/6975.

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Why is it that the international scientific consensus on climate change has not been followed by a proportionate policy response in Canada? Perhaps the relationships between the country’s science organizations and government agencies are not functioning properly. My research adopts an interdisciplinary approach (i.e. science studies and political science) to this issue, highlighting the relevant literature’s underlying consensus on co-production, a norm of deliberative two-way engagement between scientists and policy-makers. I hypothesize that relationships embodying elements of co-productive design (e.g. informal communication, appointed liaisons) are more likely to facilitate climate action. To test this, I examine three cases of climate science-policy partnership in Canada by interviewing participants from both sides. The partnership between the Pacific Climate Impacts Consortium and BC municipalities exhibits substantial influence on policy, tied to a considerable degree of co-productive design. The partnership between the Pacific Institute for Climate Solutions and the Climate Action Secretariat of the BC provincial government also displays notable design characteristics, but primarily facilitates side benefits and soft influences rather than concrete policy changes. The attempted partnership between the Canadian Foundation for Climate and Atmospheric Sciences and the federal government exhibits few elements of co-productive design and has been effectively terminated, demonstrating the prerequisite importance of political interest. The relevant literature is not sufficiently nuanced to fully predict or explain these situations, so I put forward a new theoretical model. My science-policy relationship hierarchy (SPRHi) suggests that each such case can be classified as incidental interaction, basic partnership, interactive dialogue, or true co-production. It specifies the conditions which must be met for any given relationship to improve, maximizing potential benefits and influences. Concrete policy changes seem to result only from true co-production, though, which generally requires exceptional external requirements and thus cannot be deliberately facilitated. As such, co-productive design ultimately does not offer a clear way to address Canada’s climate inaction. I suggest that further research be conducted on international coordination mechanisms, public attitudes, and (especially) political leadership. However, the soft influences of science-policy partnerships may affect these broader factors in unpredictable ways, so the importance of co-productive design should not be underestimated.
Graduate
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Pinto, Maria Alcide Gonçalves da Mota Baptista. "Governância colaborativa para a preservação e valores dos serviços dos ecossistemas e da biodiversidade da Serra da Aboboreia : proposta para uma gestão sustentável." Master's thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.2/1937.

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Dissertação de Mestrado em Cidadania Ambiental e Participação apresentada à Universidade Aberta
A democracia deliberativa impõe novos formatos de participação pública que promovem um maior envolvimento dos cidadãos em processos complexos de tomada de decisão. Esta nova forma de governância, por sua vez, vai exigir que a Administração do território e as instituições democráticas adoptem novos modelos de gestão permitindo maior partilha de poder, tornando o Estado parceiro do cidadão. Por outro lado, as várias estratégias e políticas, em matéria de ambiente, reforçam a necessidade do cidadão ser mais participativo e colaborante em acções para a conservação da biodiversidade e a preservação dos serviços de ecossistemas que visam o alcance do desenvolvimento sustentável e salvaguarda de um futuro comum. A presente dissertação terá por objectivo ensaiar uma proposta de gestão participada para a Serra da Aboboreira (Baixo Tâmega), através do instrumento Plano de Parceria colocando em prática a boa governância.
The deliberative democracy implies new public participation forms that enhance a bigger citizen’s involvement in the complex processes of decision making. On the other hand, this new way of governance will demand that Public Administration of the territory and the democratic institutions to adopt new management styles that allows a wider shared power and that make the State and Citizens as partners. Another issue are the several environment strategies and policies that reinforce the citizen need of being more collaborative and participant in actions towards the biodiversity conservation and the maintenance of the ecosystems services whose aim is to achieve the sustainable development and to ensure a common future. The present thesis has the mission to experiment a proposal of participatory management for Serra da Aboboreira (Baixo Tâmega), through a Plano de Parceria (Partnership Plan) as a tool to good governance.
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"Redistribution and Deliberation in Mandated Participatory Governance: The Case of Participatory Budgeting in Seoul, South Korea." Doctoral diss., 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2286/R.I.49090.

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abstract: This dissertation examines whether participatory budgeting (PB) processes, as a case of participatory governance and an innovative approach to local governance, promote inclusive and deliberative government decision-making and social justice outcomes. The first chapter introduces the case of the dissertation, PB in the city of Seoul, South Korea. It reviews the history of PB and the literature on PB in South Korea and discusses three issues that arise when implementing legally mandated PB. The second chapter explores whether inclusive PB processes redistribute financial resources even without the presence of explicit equity criteria, using the last four years of PB resource allocation data and employing multi-level statistical analysis. The findings show that having a more inclusive process to encourage citizen participation helps poorer districts to win more resources than wealthier ones. The third chapter is a follow-up exploratory study; the possible reasons behind the redistributive effects of PB are discussed using interview data with PB participants. The findings suggest that the PB process could have been redistributive because it provided an opportunity for the people living in the comparatively poorer neighborhoods to participate in the government decision-making process. Additionally, when scoring proposals, participants valued ‘needs’ and ‘urgency’ as the most important criteria. The last chapter examines the 32 PB meetings in order to find the combinations of conditions that lead to a deliberative participatory process, employing qualitative comparative analysis (QCA). This dissertation contributes to the field of public management, and particularly participatory governance by providing a review of the literature on PB in South Korea, presenting empirical evidence on the redistributive effect of PB without explicit equity criteria, and finding the combinations of meeting conditions that could be used to promote deliberation in the context of PB.
Dissertation/Thesis
Doctoral Dissertation Public Administration and Policy 2018
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Ahmed, Farid. "Fair access to environmental justice in poor nations: case studies in Bangladesh." 2009. http://repository.unimelb.edu.au/10187/8517.

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The thesis is about environmental values that we encounter in our everyday life. The thesis also talks about environmental justice dialogues and tensions that play in Bangladesh. The thesis, in the first place, explores how an environmental planning and resource management approach causes a particular type of environmental injustice; i.e., non-recognition of access to the decision making process of local ethnic communities, which identifies them as adivasi meaning indigenous, poses a threat to their livelihood and culture, and obstructs the process of environmental protection in Bangladesh.
The existing theories of environmental justice and four case studies conducted in Bangladesh have been used to interrogate the research findings. I argue, along with Low and Gleeson (1998) that for environmental justice, recognition of environmental needs for every entity as an ingredient of human dignity should be basis of the planning process. The research findings also suggest that , at all levels of decisions, fair access to decision, information and justice for all entities should be an integral part of environmental planning and resource management.
The thesis explores avenues for fair access to justice, meaning redress and remedy of environmental injustice, in the context of Bangladesh. I argue that capillaries of justice such as Salish, a process and institution for public interest negotiation (PIN) embedded in Bangladesh culture, can be reinvented. In addition, access to information should be a prerequisite for meaningful deliberation at all levels of decision making and dispute resolving processes.
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Hagan, Julie. "Portée et limites de la participation délibérative : le cas de la Commission d'étude sur la gestion de la forêt publique québécoise." Thèse, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/4469.

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Ce mémoire de maîtrise s’intéresse à la portée et aux limites de la participation publique à la gestion des ressources naturelles. Plus spécifiquement, une étude du cas de la Commission Coulombe est réalisée afin de déterminer, d’une part, dans quelle mesure la participation délibérative a favorisé l’émergence de nouveaux discours et quels ont été ses effets politiques, d’autre part. L’argumentation se fonde sur une approche discursive-institutionnelle et, plus précisément, sur la notion d’arrangement politique développé par Bas Arts et Pieter Leroy. L’étude de la Commission Coulombe révèle que la participation délibérative a permis de renforcer la légitimité des institutions étatiques, elle a encouragé l’émergence de préoccupations et de notions nouvelles, elle a eu des effets sur l’élaboration des règles, des politiques et des programmes et a permis une certaine redéfinition des rapports de pouvoirs entre les acteurs du régime forestier québécois. Ses effets sont cependant ambivalents en termes de démocratisation de la gestion publique. Les pouvoirs publics ont utilisé la Commission pour rétablir leur crédibilité, justifier des décisions impopulaires et faire avancer les grandes orientations du gouvernement. De plus, les acteurs qui ont acquis le plus de pouvoir et les enjeux qui ont émergés de façon la plus marquée sont ceux qui étaient favorisés par le contexte politique de modernisation de l’État québécois.
This master’s thesis addresses the scope and limits of public participation in the management of natural resources. More precisely, a case study of the Commission Coulombe is made to determine, on one hand, how deliberative participation has encouraged the emergence of new discourses and what the political effects of this recognition were. The theoretical approach underlying the argument made in this dissertation is both discursive and institutional. It is based on Bas Arts and Pieter Leroy’s “political arrangement” notion. The analysis of the Coulombe Commission reveals that deliberative participation reinforced the legitimacy of state institutions, encouraged the emergence of new concerns and concepts, had effects on the elaboration of rules, policies and programs and fostered – to an extent – a redefinition of the power relations among the actors of Québec’s forest regime. However, its effects on the democratization of public management remain limited. Government officials made use of the Coulombe Commission to reestablish their credibility, to justify unpopular decisions and push forward the principal orientations of their government. Furthermore, the social actors who gained the most power and the issues who became prominent are those who were advantaged by Québec’s political agenda of state modernization.
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Fraga, Vanessa de Souza. "A participação nas mudanças de políticas públicas e o papel da sobrecarga administrativa na política de segurança social no Brasil." Doctoral thesis, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/1822/70526.

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Abstract:
Tese de Doutoramento em Ciências da Administração
Esta tese procura as percepções da predisposição para participar em mudanças de políticas públicas (policy change), observando as partes interessadas (stakeholders) envolvidas na política previdenciária brasileira por meio de uma intervenção controlada em jeito quasi-experimental, i.e., numa consulta deliberada e de inquérito. A participação tem vindo a apresentar-se como uma possibilidade de mudança de políticas por meio de articulações que incluem a deliberação cívica e o envolvimento dos stakeholders nas outras fases do processo político, na busca do consenso entre as redes de atores. Isto é especialmente o caso no Brasil, em que inúmeras políticas públicas tem vindo a inovar no sentido de aumentar o papel do beneficiário na provisão de bens e serviços públicos. Ora isto tem implicações para os encargos administrativos para todas as partes, uma vez que processos onerosos comprometem a vontade política da participação cívica. Com o enquadramento teórico em Nova Governança Pública (no âmbito da Governação na Era Digital), Teoria das Redes de Políticas, democracia participativa e os encargos administrativos associados, bem como a cada vez crescente literatura do emprego do design experimental nas áreas científicas de Administração Pública e Políticas Públicas e de Ciência Política em geral, investigou-se o efeito do papel da mudança dos encargos administrativos no nível de predisposição das partes interessadas (street-level bureaucrats e cidadãos) para um processo político mais participativo. Proporcionou-se um espaço propício para promover consulta numa intervenção deliberativa, em grupos de discussão e participação de cidadãos e trabalhadores. Para isso realizaram-se inquéritos antes de depois junto dos grupos de controlo e experimental. Apuramos que não há predisposição suficiente ainda para envolver os stakeholders numa tentativa de influência na policy change. Isto porque a sobrecarga administrativa é entendida como sendo muito alta, contribuindo para encargos mais onerosos. Identificou-se que o papel da sobrecarga nesses processos políticos é justamente no sentido de corroborar para um afastamento maior numa interferência participativa.
This thesis intends to seek people’s willingness to participate in public policy changes, observing the interested parties (stakeholders) involved in Brazilian social security policy through a controlled intervention in a quasi-experimental way, ie, a deliberate consultation in a discussion group with survey experiment carried out. Participation has been presented as a possibility for changing policies through articulations which includes civic deliberation and the involvement of citizens and other stakeholders in other phases of the political process, in the search for consensus in the networks of actors. This is especially the case in Brazil, where numerous public policies have been innovating in order to increase the role of the beneficiary in the provision of public goods and services. This has implications for administrative burdens for all parties, for better or worse, since costly processes compromise the political will for civic participation. With the theoretical framework the New Public Governance (within the scope of Governance in the Digital Age), the Theory of Policy Networks, and the participatory democracy and the associated administrative burdens, as well as the increasingly growing literature on the use of design experiences in the areas sciences of Public Administration and Public Policies and Political Science in general, the effect of changing the role of administrative burdens on the level of stakeholder predisposition (street-level bureaucrats and citizens) in the predisposition for a more participatory political process was investigated. A suitable space was provided to promote consultation in a deliberative intervention, in discussion and participation groups of citizens in control groups and experimental groups with workers. For this, surveys were carried out before and after with the control and experimental groups. We found that there is not enough predisposition yet to involve stakeholders in an attempt to influence policy change. This is because the administrative burden is understood to be very high, contributing to more onerous charges. It appears that the role of overload in these political processes is precisely in the sense of corroborating for a greater distance in a participatory interference.
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