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Chappell, Zsuzsanna. "Deliberation disputed : a critique of deliberative democracy." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2008. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2340/.
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This thesis critically re-examines deliberative democracy from a rational and social-choice-theoretic perspective and questions its dominance in current democratic theory. I define deliberative democracy as reasoned, inclusive, equal and other-regarding debate aimed at making decisions collectively. The thesis examines both procedural and epistemic justifications for deliberative democracy. Procedural justifications are based on the normative values that underpin the theory of deliberative democracy: reasoned debate, equality and inclusion. The epistemic justification of deliberative democracy states that it will arrive at better outcomes or the truth more often than other democratic procedures. I conclude that the justifications offered for the claim that the model of deliberative democracy is superior to other models of democracy are not solid enough to warrant the strength of the conclusions presented in the literature. The thesis also examines whether deliberation is likely to produce the positive consequences that its proponents ascribe to it by using findings from deliberative experiments, political science, psychology and other social sciences. I find that many assumptions about human nature and motivation that deliberative democrats make cannot be supported by empirical evidence. They do not sufficiently consider problems of instrumental rationality, cognitive limitations, self-interested behaviour and a lack of motivation to participate in highly resource intensive activities. Furthermore, the model of deliberative democracy is based on a very particular conception of politics. This conception is somewhat apolitical, requires a high level of popular participation and conflicts with other, more adversarial or interest-based conceptions of politics. Through these findings I challenge the dominant position of deliberative democracy in the current literature on democratic theory and argue in favour of a more comprehensive theory of democracy that puts more emphasis on other democratic mechanisms, such as representation or interest group politics.
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Danielsen, James. "Pyramidal deliberative democracy." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/74502.
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This dissertation has two main objectives. First, to outline an ICT-facilitated model of democracy called ‘pyramidal democracy’ that reconciles deliberative democracy with mass engagement. Second, to suggest how this model of democracy might engender the democratisation of the global economy and thus the provision of a basic level of economic security for all global citizens. At the core of the model is the pyramidal deliberative network, a means of organising citizens into small online deliberative groups and linking these groups together by means of an iterative process of delegate-selection and group-formation. The pyramidal network enables citizens to aggregate their preferences in a deliberative manner, and then project social power by authorizing the delegates at the top-tier of the pyramidal network to communicate their social demands to elected officials or to other points of authority. The envisioned outcome is the democratisation of the public sphere by means of the proliferation of deliberative networks in the government, market, and civil society spheres. Transnational pyramidal networks may make it feasible to instantiate a new citizen-based schema of global governance and, thereby, facilitate the reform of the United Nations and enable a transition towards global peace, sustainability, and distributive justice. Distributive justice might be achieved by means of implementing the six components of a democratised economy: participatory budgeting, fee-and-dividend taxes, a basic income, monetary reform, workplace democracy, and the sharing economy. Taken together, these components might enable the universal provision of a social minimum – a universal basic income sufficient for basic security and real freedom. Taken to its logical conclusion, a democratised economy may also enable a transition towards a post-scarcity economic order characterised by a maximal stock of humanmade and natural capital that would not exceed the sustainable carrying capacity of the earth.
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Wolkenstein, Fabio. "Deliberative democracy within parties." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2016. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3365/.
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Political parties serve a number of vital functions in representative democracies. Connecting citizens to government is perhaps the most important one. This is how parties were traditionally conceived, and it continues to be the main standard according to which their legitimacy as representative institutions is evaluated. In recent times, observers have noted a growing disconnect between citizens and parties. Parties have gradually transformed from agents that mediate between state and civil society to agents of the state. This sits uncomfortably with the ideal of parties as connectors of citizens and government. How can their capacity to perform this function be restored? This thesis seeks to offer a new answer to this question. Its main argument is that to revitalise their capacity to connect citizens and government, parties need to become more internally democratic, and that they need to become more internally democratic in a particular way, namely more internally deliberative. By this is meant that parties need to strengthen channels of communication from the bottom up and avail themselves of their internal deliberative resources: of the partisans on the ground, who deliberate over the demands of their community in local party branches. The theoretical part of the thesis proposes a model—called a “deliberative model of intraparty democracy”—showing how these traditional sites of partisanship can be empowered. The empirical part of the thesis then asks whether such a model can be realised in real-world parties. The main focus is here on the deliberative capacity of organised party members, which is likely the first target of scepticism. I examine three questions, drawing on the findings of a small-scale study of deliberation in party branches in Social Democratic parties in Germany and Austria: (1) Do party branches provide favourable preconditions for deliberation? (2) Are the political discussions in the branches “deliberative”, in the sense that they are marked by respectful exchanges of reasons? (3) When does intra-party deliberation fail? Though mainly indicative, the analysis of the empirical material suggests that party members do possess the deliberative capacity required to realise a deliberative model of intra-party democracy, and that possible deliberative deficiencies can be countervailed using simple institutional fixes. In light of this, the thesis concludes that making parties more internally deliberative in order to reconnect citizens with government is well within reach.
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Calvert, Aubin. "Politicizing deliberative democracy : strategic speech in deliberative systems." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/44807.
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When using language to resolve conflicts and make decisions, people access democratic resources inherent in the practice of communication. Making a claim implicitly appeals to another’s capacity to agree to that claim autonomously—without being coerced or bought, and based on considerations he or she takes to be valid. Deliberative democracy describes political arrangements that harness this potential as the basis for collective decision-making. To the extent that it empowers individuals, however, actors have incentives to use language strategically to influence the very judgments deliberative democrats hope will be governed by carefully weighed reasons. In political contexts, language is often a tool for political ends, bypassing rather than engaging capacities for autonomous judgment. Deliberative democratic theories respond mostly by imposing the normative condition that deliberative speech should not be strategic. But the cost of this normative line is to depoliticize the theory, since it fails to engage much—even most—of the universe of speech in politics.
Where democratic institutions channel politics—characterized by conflict and competition—into communication, we should expect speech to be strategic. Yet it is still possible for such speech to underwrite democratic autonomy. To establish a better understanding of strategic speech and its implications for democracy, I develop an analytic framework for conceptualizing the force of language. Under the model of communicative influence, the democratic implications of strategic language use depend not on intentions, but on how language produces pragmatic consequences, shaping the processes by which actors reason towards judgment and action.
The model generates propositions about what common features of political communication—narratives, loaded words, and exaggeration, among others—entail for the quality of political judgments. It also systematizes the specific anti-democratic hazards strategic speech that result from the frame-based, subject-based, and institutional ecologies of discourse that condition communicative influence. A democratic theory with analytic capacity around strategic speech can identify institutional interventions into these ecologies that promote autonomous judgment by targeting these specific hazards of strategic speech, without trying to work against the incentives and motivations that make problems political. The result is a politicized theory of deliberative democracy.
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Flynn, Thomas William. "Debating deliberative democracy : how deliberation changes the way people reason." Thesis, University of York, 2011. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/1466/.
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The concepts of deliberation and deliberative democracy have attracted much attention in political theory over the past twenty years. At first seen as both highly idealised and unreflective of reality, they have now shed this accusation of impracticality, as practitioners and policy makers alike have attempted to institute deliberative principles on a national and international scale. Running alongside this has been the desire to both understand political deliberation and its effects more fully, and to then apply this new information back to deliberative democratic theory. This thesis sits in the latter tradition, presenting an empirical investigation of political deliberation and then discussing how it relates back to deliberative models of democracy. Where it departs from all of the contemporary experimental work, however, is the methodology and conceptual model it is founded upon. Embracing the decision and game theoretic approaches, I develop a three-fold framework to study the effects of deliberation on individual decision-making. After outlining two levels of 'preference' and 'issue', I focus on the third, which I term agency. I then compare a particular case of agency revision, which moves people from individualistic to team reasoning, before developing and putting into action an experimental test of the phenomenon. Finally, I then combine these results with the most recent drive in deliberative democracy towards a systemic approach, and derive an alternative, more positive argument for this recasting.
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Wales, Corinne Anne. "Deliberative democracy : toward active citizenship." Thesis, Southampton Solent University, 2000. http://ssudl.solent.ac.uk/1227/.
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Deliberative democratic theory has evolved in response to the perceived limits of liberal democratic theory and practice and offers a challenge to, and a critical perspective from which to judge, contemporary liberal representative institutions. The institution of representation establishes a 'division of labour' between an elite of professional politicians and a passive, privatized citizenry. Deliberative democracy offers the possibility of a different form of that division where increased opportunities for citizen participation are taken to be both feasible and desirable, and citizen engagement forms part of an ongoing critical dialogue upon which more legitimate forms of political authority can be grounded. Underpinning deliberative democratic theory is the idea that our needs and interests may be dialogically interpreted and formed. This takes us away from the notion of the citizen as sole proprieter of private, subjectively formed preferences and provides the imperative for a more public, active conception of citizenship. The work of Jurgen Habarmas is central to deliberative demoratic theory. His distinction between strategic and communicative rationality lies at the heart of the deliberative critique of representative government and in itself provides a useful critical foothold. However, Habermas's procedural conception of discursive legitimacy, though necessary, is not a sufficient condition for a flourishing and vibrant deliberative democracy. This thesis addresses this lacuna in his work, the problem of the mediation of moral pronciples and moral culture, and elaborates a political ethic of philia politike which substantively supplements contemporary deliberative democratic theory. Turning to the question of deliberative democratic institutions, we ask whether deliberative democracy should be seen as an alternative to liberal representative democracy, requiring a complete restructuring lf liberal political institutions, or whether it points to the reform and supplementation of representative structures and practices. We draw learning from the experience of citizens' juries on what may be of value to deliberative democratic theory as well as critically assessing the claim that citizen's juries are viable deliberative institutions.
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Esperanza, Casullo Maria. "Expanding the borders of democracy deliberative democracy and populism /." Connect to Electronic Thesis (CONTENTdm), 2009. http://worldcat.org/oclc/525166640/viewonline.
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O'Flynn, I. J. "The philosophical basis of deliberative democracy." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.252599.
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Smith, Graham Martin. "Pluralism, deliberative democracy and environmental values." Thesis, University of Southampton, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.242671.
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Benson, Jonathan. "An epistemic theory of deliberative democracy." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2019. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/an-epistemic-theory-of-deliberative-democracy(6583716a-470d-4b9e-b80e-44a1e71a4ff7).html.
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Democracy has been encountering an increasing number of critics. Whether it comes from a sympathy for autocrats, free-markets, or the more knowledgeable, this increasing democratic scepticism often takes an epistemic form. Democracy's critics argue that democratic procedures and institutions are unlikely to make good decisions or produce good outcomes in terms of justice or the common good, and should, therefore, be restricted if not completely rejected in favour of its more able alternatives. In the face of such scepticism, this thesis develops an epistemic theory of deliberative democracy. This theory has two principal aims. The first is to analyse and define the epistemic properties of deliberative democracy, and the second is to clarify the possible role epistemic values can play in a wider justification of democratic rule. In accordance with the first, the thesis analyses the ability of deliberative democratic institutions to make good or correct decisions in comparison to a broad range of prominent alternatives. These include traditional rivals such as autocracy and aristocracy, but also more modern and less considered alternatives such as free-markets, limited epistocracy and forms of technical calculation. Through these comparisons, it is argued that we have no good or clear epistemic reason to reject democracy. Deliberative democracy is found to be epistemically superior to many of its alternatives and epistemically equivalent to even its best competitors. The thesis, therefore, mounts a strong reply to democracy's epistemic sceptics. The analysis, however, also helps clarify which form of deliberative democracy is epistemically most valuable, pointing to the value systems approaches which give a prominent role to direct citizen deliberation. The epistemic theory of deliberative democracy also aims to clarify what role epistemic values can play in a wider justification of democratic rule. The thesis argues that deliberative democracy is epistemically superior to many of its rivals and no worse epistemically than even its best alternatives. This suggests that although epistemic values cannot mount a stand-alone defence of democracy, democrats would only be required to defend very weak non-epistemic values to produce a mixed justification. Far from being 'rule by the incompetent many' and therefore highly reliant on procedural values, the thesis will demonstrate that epistemic values can carry significant weight in an argument for democratic rule.
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Silveira, Karine Grassi Malinverni da. "O regime legal das audiências públicas na gestão democrática urbana : análise crítica da legislação com aporte do banco de experiências dos planos diretores participativos do sul do Brasil." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UCS, 2015. https://repositorio.ucs.br/handle/11338/968.
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O presente trabalho versa sobre as audiências públicas do plano diretor participativo (PDP), entendido como instrumento de efetividade da gestão democrática e de exercício do direito à cidade. O objetivo é compreender as potencialidades e as limitações dos dispositivos legais que regem o PDP no que concerne ao papel da coletividade nas audiências públicas, tendo em conta as distorções observadas na prática deste instrumento participativo. Para cumprir o objetivo proposto, foram adotados três procedimentos metodológicos. Primeiramente, interpretar o regime legal das audiências a partir dos conceitos operacionais fornecidos pelo marco teórico adotado, sobretudo: o direito à cidade, a democracia participativa e as propriedades especiais constitucionais. Em segundo lugar, a partir de um método de interpretação sistêmico, investigar as normas aplicáveis às audiências públicas do PDP no contexto das inovações trazidas pela Constituição de 1988, dos tratados internacionais e da legislação infraconstitucional que trata da participação popular para gestão do meio ambiente natural e urbano. Em terceiro lugar, a partir dos relatos obtidos nos bancos de experiências do Ministério das Cidades, avaliar como a norma foi compreendida e aplicada em concreto em 11 cidades da Região Sul do Brasil, de modo a visualizar quais as principais distorções e inconsistências na relação entre os partícipes do processo e a norma. Embora o caráter participativo das audiências públicas represente uma importante conquista histórica, é possível concluir que este instrumento ainda carece de densidade normativa. A falta de abrangência normativa sobre o propósito da audiência e de diretrizes para sua condução facilita distorções e tende a reduzir sua legitimidade política.Submitted by Ana Guimarães Pereira (agpereir@ucs.br) on 2015-07-15T18:20:53Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Karine Grassi Malinverni da Silveira.pdf: 1754615 bytes, checksum: 6967f987e79d210028a31f2eaafc5d35 (MD5)
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El presente trabajo se ocupa de las audiencias públicas del plan maestro participativo (PDP), entendida como un instrumento de gestión democrática y la eficacia del ejercicio del derecho a la ciudad. El objetivo es entender el potencial y las limitaciones de las disposiciones legales que rigen el PDP en relación con el papel de las audiencias públicas colectivas, teniendo en cuenta las distorsiones observadas en la práctica de este instrumento participativo. Para cumplir el objetivo propuesto, fueron adoptados tres procedimientos metodológicos. En primer lugar, interpretar el régimen jurídico de las audiencias públicas desde los conceptos operacionales proporcionados por el marco teórico adoptado, en particular: el derecho a la ciudad, democracia participativa y las constitucionales propiedades especiales. Em segundo lugar, de un método de interpretación sistémica, las normas aplicables a las audiencias públicas del PDP en el contexto de las innovaciones traídas por la Constitución de 1988, los tratados internacionales y la legislación que se ocupa de investigar la participación popular para la gestión del medio ambiente natural y urbano. En tercer lugar, desde los informes obtenidos en los experimentos del Ministerio de las ciudades, evaluar cómo la ley ha sido entendida y aplicada en concreto en 11 ciudades del sur de Brasil, con el fin de mostrar cuáles son las principales distorsiones y contradicciones en la relación entre los participantes del proceso y la norma. Aunque el carácter participativo de las audiencias públicas represente un importante logro histórico, se puede observar una falta de densidad normativa. La falta de densidad normativa sobre el propósito de la audiencia y acerca de las directrices de conducción facilita las distorsiones y tiende a reducir su legitimidad política.
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Dillard, Kara Noelle. "Assessing the problem of gender inequality in deliberative democracy." Diss., Kansas State University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/12005.
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Doctor of PhilosophyDepartment of Sociology, Anthropology, and Social Work
Robert K. Schaeffer
In deliberative democracy, attempts to reconcile questions of gender and civil society are deadlocked over fundamental assumptions concerning the role of deliberation and the possibility that exclusion and inequality are inherent in democracy. Normative theories of deliberation - encouraging free, equal and impartial participation by citizens are fueled by the power of reason. Reason giving is associated with dominant groups – namely white, middle-class men; passionate, emotive and particularized speech is associated with politically disadvantaged groups such as women, minorities and poor. Limited empirical findings indicate rational models of deliberation do not affirm theorized inequalities. In this case, female participants neither experience unequal access or treatment within deliberation. This dissertation seeks to provide a framework for resolving the debate posed by difference democrats over whether deliberative democracy remedies the problem of inequality by examining fourteen National Issues Forums public deliberations. One set of deliberations feature an equal mix of male and female participants, another set with more male than female and a third with more female than male participants. I examine the types of talk women and men use in deliberations and whether affective claims negatively affect deliberation. Ultimately, I find that inequality based on gender exists in most of the deliberative forums I surveyed. I argue that the type of inequality plaguing deliberative democracy exists a priori – before participants enter the forums – and then manifests itself inside the forum as well. The normative structure of deliberation that is supposed to screen or bracket out inequality and the strong influences of the economic and political elites just does not happen to the degree deliberative democracy needs in order to continue the claim that it is net beneficial over the status quo.
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Tavio, Viera Natalie. "Demokratiuppdraget: ett viktigt uppdrag : En kvalitativ studie om hur fem lärare för årskurs 1 tolkar skolans demokratiuppdrag." Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för kultur och lärande, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-27588.
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According to the Swedish curriculum the education should establish respect for human rights and democratic values (Skolverket, 2011, s.7). The purpose of this study is to investigate how five first grade teachers understand the democracy education and how they practice it in reality. I have, based on the purpose of this study issued following questions: What is the teachers interpretation of the democracy education? How does the teachers work with democracy in practice? What difficulties does the teachers see with the democracy education? This study is made through a qualitative method based on interviews with five teachers. The results show that the teachers at both schools, despite the different definitions of the concept of democracy, yet interprets democracy education relatively equal. All of the teachers perceive the democracy education as an assignment where the focus is on student participation, responsibility and opinions as well as human rights. In practice the work with the democracy education is done through activities such as class councils and voting. The teachers also emphasizes discussions as an important part of the democracy education which can be linked to deliberative democracy. The difficulties that teachers see with the democracy education concerns being neutral to certain values. One conclusion from this study is that teachers work with democracy education mostly on the basis of learning for and learning through democracy.
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van, den Berg Ryan James. "Canadian civic education, deliberative democracy, and dissent." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/59094.
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This thesis develops two normative standards for the evaluation of secondary-level Canadian civic education curricula, and evaluates British Columbia (B.C.)’s Civic Studies 11 and Ontario’s Civics (Politics) curricula accordingly. Both standards are concerned with the models of democracy that inform each curriculum and, more specifically, how these models open or close curricular spaces to prepare students to dissent in civic and political life. These standards are also sensitive to policymakers’ desire to increase Canadian youths’ civic engagement. Chapter One outlines the author’s agonist and semi-archic theoretical framework, positionality, research questions, and literature review. Chapter Two employs qualitative thematic analysis and determines that deliberative models of democracy inform both curricula. Chapters Three and Four use philosophical inquiry to develop normative evaluative standards based on critiques of deliberative democracy. Chapter Three makes the case that civics curricula should teach dissent as a positive right. Chapter Four argues that curricula should give critical attention to the passionate demands of civic life, especially as civic and political passions prepare students to exercise dissent. Chapter Five applies these standards to B.C.’s and Ontario’s civics curricula, and offers concluding thoughts.Education, Faculty of
Educational Studies (EDST), Department of
Graduate
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Lee, Chanhee. "Deliberative Democracy: John Dewey and Alasdair MacIntyre." OpenSIUC, 2021. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/dissertations/1921.
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Authoritarianism is on the rise across the world and intriguingly in the United States, known as the democratic laboratory. Political theorists and activists inquire into this contradictory political phenomenon in the United States, but their inquiries are fruitless. This dissertation finds that they uncritically conceive democracy as a mechanism of governance. As such, this narrow conception hampers their intelligence for political inquiries into the surge of authoritarianism in America. This dissertation discusses why and how the current political phenomenon occurs and suggests a moral method to pursue the quest for democratic values. This method allows inquirers to successfully address the crisis of democracy. This dissertation appeals to John Dewey’s vision of deliberative democracy, comparing and contrasting it with Alasdair MacIntyre’s communitarianism-oriented political theory. It finds that just as the Deweyan democratic vision does, MacIntyre’s political vision of democracy, too, emphasizes citizens’ participation in the political activities of decision-making and policy formulation. For MacIntyre, deliberative and participatory citizens are engaged in small group meetings to resolve their social and political issues. However, his communitarian method falls short of inspiring inquirers who wish to establish meaningful hypotheses to overcome the crisis of democracy: the idea of value plurality that is deemed essential for the political hypotheses is negated to a substantial degree by Thomist humanism held in his later works. MacIntyre’s skeptical attitude toward the methodology of democracy fundamentally based on liberalism and empirical naturalism inhibits political inquiries to discover and apply methods required to resolve the existing political situation in the U.S. By contrast, Dewey provides an appropriate array of philosophical ideas concerning deliberative democracy based on cooperative intelligence for political inquirers. With Dewey’s thought-provoking philosophical ideas, they are prepared to address their recently revived interest in authoritarianism in politics. They open a path towards a way of life that promotes authentic participation and deliberation in public affairs to tackle complex policy issues and bring out human flourishing. On this moral and social path, people demolish authoritarianism. Democratic hope is no longer an unattainable dream.
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Thomassen, L. A. "Democracy, inclusion and exclusion : Habermas, Laclau and Mouffe on the limits of democracy." Thesis, University of Essex, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.274377.
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Håland, Amanda Louise Bolann. "Protests as a Building Block to Deliberative Democracy? : A Quantitative Study on the Relationship Between Protests and Deliberative Democracy in 30 European Countries." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-445234.
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In a time of decreasing participation in party politics across Europe, both protests and deliberation can be studied as means of expressing political opinion that have not seen the same decline. Traditionally, protests and deliberation have been considered mutually exclusive. This notion has later been challenged, indicating that these factors coexist in democratic societies.The aim of this thesis is to get a better understanding of the complex causal relationship between protests and deliberative democracy in 30 European countries. This is investigated through the following research question: Do countries with high levels of protest activity also have high levels of deliberative democracy? Two contradicting hypotheses are established, where one considers protests and deliberation to be mutually exclusive while the second hypothesisconsiders them to be coexisting factors in democratic countries. To test the hypotheses, correlation matrices and regression analysis are used, adding relevant control variables (GDP per capita, population and income distribution) to the model. The results imply that protests and deliberation are not mutually exclusive, instead countries with higher levels of protest activity also have higher deliberation. However, this does not appear to be because protests itself drive deliberation, but rather that a confounding variable, measuring the percentage of national income that the bottom 40% holds, drives both protests and deliberation positively. The implications underline the importance of a more even income distribution to foster both more protests and higher deliberation. Further research to continue investigating these findings is encouraged.
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Akdenizli, Dilek. "Critical Theory, Deliberative Democracy And International Relations Theory." Master's thesis, METU, 2005. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/2/12606881/index.pdf.
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In the 20th century, Critical Theory has been very influential on every discipline of social sciences including international relations. According to Critical IR Theory, traditional theories are problem solving and try to explain repetition and recurrence, rather than changehowever, the main subject matter of an IR theory should be the change itself. The idea of change is also constitutive of Habermasian political thought. Jü
rgen Habermas, as a critical theorist, has developed the model of Deliberative Democracy to provoke a change in the political life of the Western countries towards a more ethical politics. According to Habermas, such a change will eliminate the legitimacy crisis occurred in Western democracies. Therefore, Habermas aims at strengthening the moral basis of democratic understanding in order to make masses participate actively in decision making processes. According to him, rational consensus must be at the centre of democracy, and it can be reached, only if every part of the deliberation has the opportunity to express their arguments equally. Once the idea of rational consensus becomes a regulative rule of democracy, it is possible to change the nature of politics, including international politics
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Celiktemur, Bahadir. "Participation of people with disabilities in deliberative democracy." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2016. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/97369/.
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This thesis seeks to conceptualise a model of inclusion for people with disabilities in deliberative democracy, which on one hand addresses a gap in deliberative democratic theory and on the other hand provides practical insights for its practitioners. Despite its critical and emancipatory roots, in practice deliberative democracy has traditionally left people with disabilities outside deliberative decision making processes. The thesis identifies the root causes of this exclusion as deliberative democracy’s convergence with liberalism which leads to the construction of the deliberative citizen as a liberal citizen, its neglect of the embodiedness of deliberation and normalisation of able-bodiedness, and finally its neglect of the spatiality of deliberative sites in both micro and macro levels. The proposed model of inclusion seeks to reclaim the emancipatory quality of deliberative democracy by replacing the dominant liberal conceptualisation of deliberative citizenship with a caring citizenship. It highlights the embodiedness of deliberation and suggests instrumentalising the embodied appearance of the disabled in deliberative sites as a claim for recognition and voice. It proposes a way to translate the presence of the disabled in deliberative sites into preference. Finally, it highlights the role of the spatial arrangements in a deliberative site as a factor that contributes to inclusion or exclusion.
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Hodgson, James. "Deliberative democracy and the realist recovery of politics." Thesis, University of York, 2015. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/12678/.
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This thesis is an attempt to synthesise two streams of political thought previously conducted in isolation from one another: political realism and the theory of deliberative democracy. The thesis attempts to show that both of these approaches reveal something important about the nature of democratic politics, and that despite the appearance of mutual antipathy these approaches are compatible with one another. Political realism urges us to attend to the sites of power, conflict, and interest in politics, while deliberative democracy emphasises conciliation, inclusion, and reciprocity. By synthesising both approaches, we can achieve a greater understanding of the character and purposes of democratic politics and the possibilities for deliberative democratic reform. The overarching argument is for the central place of deliberation within a realist account of democratic politics. I begin by considering three realist models of democracy: agonism, competitive elitism, and deliberative democracy. I argue that deliberative democracy offers the most promising model as it can accommodate realist concerns. I then move to examine several aspects of democratic politics overlooked by political theorists but which realism directs us towards. These are: rhetoric and leadership, parties and partisanship, and states of emergency. In each case, I elaborate how these features of real democratic politics appear to pose challenges for deliberative democracy, before outlining how the dominant treatments of these aspects are inadequate for various reasons, and then propose alternative accounts of each in which they are compatible with political deliberation. The aim of each chapter is to extend the role and possibilities for deliberation in real democratic politics. I conclude with some general reflections on the recovery of politics for contemporary political thought.
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Herron, Elizabeth J. "Sexual Assault and Deliberative Democracy: Potential for Change." Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1308145482.
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Kim, Yoohee. "The internet and deliberative democracy in South Korea." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2007. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/263/.
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Over the last decades, deliberative democracy has been pai~ increasing attention as a complement for representative democracy. Deliberative democracy is a political system based on deliberation among free and equal citizens, and deliberation is considered as a core component of democracy. Deliberation can contribute to democracy in various ways, such as giving attention to the common good and improving opinion quality. Today, the Internet is creating a new environment of deliberation. The Internet delivers great amounts of political information without any constraints in time and space. It also enables people to engage in easy and free two-way communication at an affordable cost. In addition, the Internet has the potential to liberate people from social hierarchies and power relations that exist off-line. In the literature, some limitations are recognised with respect to the impact of the Internet on deliberative democracy. While previous studies focus on the established democracies of Western countries, Asian context studies are largely limited. Existing empirical measurements for the deliberation quality focus on specific aspects of deliberation and do not reflect the depth of the theoretical discussions. Little attention is given to the deliberation quality of process and heterogeneous groups. To overcome the limitations, this study attempts to explore the potential of the Internet for deliberative democracy in the South Korean context by looking at the quality of the online deliberation process. In addition, a comprehensive set of measurements for deliberation quality is developed based on an extensive exploration of literature. Furthermore, the effects of exposure to diversity in opinion on deliberation process are examined by scrutinising the different patterns of online deliberation between homogeneous and heterogeneous groups. Data are collected from Nosamo and Hani, which are the most influential and busiest online bulletin boards during the 2002 Korean Presidential election campaign. The data constitute all of the messages that are posted on the bulletin boards before and after the TV debate between two major candidates: A content analysis ~s carried out to search for patterns and structuresofthe messages and then to make inferences on them. In addition, the Chi-square test, the Mann-Whitney U test, and the T-test are employed to evaluate the discrepancy in the d~liberation process between the two online bulletin boards. The results of the analyses reveal that the online discussions in the two bulletin boards do not meet all the requirements of ideal democratic deliberation. The discussions in the two bulletin boards can be described, by and large, as they are 'opinion-oriented, rational and autonomous' but 'lacking in impartiality'. They also can be described, by and large, as they are 'respectful to others and sincere' but 'not very. reciprocal and lacking in corrigibility' . 'In addition, some discrepancies between the two bulletin boards are found with respect to requirements for deliberation. While, the heterogeneous group (Hani) tends more to . express opinions, the homog~neous group (Nosamo) develops a longer argument, expresses the opinions with more conviction, and shows a higher level ofjustific~tion. The homogeneous group presents a more topic relevance and a more criticism toward the conservative traditional media and regionalism. However, the homogeneous group lacks impartiality compared to the heterogeneous group. On the other hand, the messages in the homogeneous group are more interactive, corrigible and respectful than the heterogeneous group. However, pros and cons are more prevalent' in the heterogeneous group and no difference in perceived deception is found between the two groups.
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Dantas, José Carlos de Castro. "O recurso político da democracia deliberativa." Universidade do Vale do Rio dos Sinos, 2017. http://www.repositorio.jesuita.org.br/handle/UNISINOS/6668.
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UEMA – Universidade Estadual do Maranhão
A tese básica dessa pesquisa toma a democracia deliberativa pública como paradigma teórico e como recurso político relevante para as democracias moderno-contemporâneas plurais e complexas. É fato histórico que, na heterogênica construção da democracia ocidental estabelecida como regime político mais apropriado, esse modelo deliberativo pode constituir-se atualmente em notável proposição de ethos e práxis democrática e, consequentemente, como objeto de intensos debates. Seus defensores advogam, comumente, que aquilo que é considerado do interesse comum seja resultado dos processos de deliberação coletiva, racional e equitativa entre indivíduos livres e iguais. Além disso, a democracia deliberativa é uma concepção de governo democrático que prioriza a discussão racional na vida política. Princípios associados do liberalismo rawlsiano, tais como o da preservação das liberdades subjetivas, da pluralidade e da razão pública, e do republicanismo pettitiano da liberdade como não dominação positiva fundamentando a democracia, são contributos relevantes considerados à luz racionalidade e dos princípios discursivos habermasianos os quais fundamentam a concepção deliberativo-procedimental no âmbito correlacional do direito e da política. Nesse contexto, o orçamento participativo de Porto Alegre, calcado no histórico associativismo local e na vontade política da Administração Popular entre 1990 e 1996 cujos procedimentos metodológico-discursivos estabeleceram que cidadãos livres e iguais habilitam-se, de cooperações institucionais, a debates, avaliações e decisões em torno dos interesses públicos, foi tomado nessa pesquisa como modelo exemplar de possibilidade deliberação democrática pública.
The basic thesis of this research takes public deliberative democracy as a theoretical paradigm and as a relevant political resource for pluralistic and complex modern contemporary democracies. It is a historical fact that, in the heterogeneous construction of Western democracy established as the most appropriate political regime, this deliberative model can now constitute a remarkable proposition of ethos and democratic praxis and, consequently, as the object of intense debates. Its defenders commonly advocate that aspects considered of common interest have to be a result of processes of rational, equitative and collective deliberation between free and equal individuals. Moreover, deliberative democracy is a conception of democratic government that prioritizes rational discussions in political life. In the Habermasian theory, in particular, contributions such as the Rawlsian liberalism, concerning preservation of subjective freedoms and public reason, and the Pettitian republicanism, related to freedom as positive non-domination, are considered within the context of rationality and discoursive principles, which ground the deliberative-procedural conception on the correlacional scope of law and politics. The context of the Porto Alegre participatory budgeting, based in the historical and local associativism and in the political will of the Popular Administration, whose metodological-discoursive procedures established that free and equal citizens qualify themselves, within the context of institutional cooperations, to debates, evaluations and decisions of public interests, was taken in this research as an exemplary model of possibility of public democratic deliberation.
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Mendes, Conrado Hübner. "Deliberative performance of constitutional courts." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/5974.
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Political deliberation is a classic component of collective decision-making. It consists in forming one’s political position through the give-and-take of reasons in the search of, but not necessarily reaching, consensus. Participants of genuine deliberation are open to transform their preferences in the light of persuasive arguments. Constitutional theory has borrowed this notion in its effort to reconstruct a justificatory discourse for judicial review of legislation. Constitutional courts were ascribed the pivotal role of implementing fundamental rights in most contemporary democracies and called for a more sophisticated picture of democratic politics. One influential defence has claimed that courts are not only insulated from electoral competition in order to guarantee the pre-conditions of majoritarian politics, but are deliberative forums of a distinctive kind: they are better located for public reasongiving. This belief has remained, from the normative point of view, largely underelaborated. The thesis proposes a model of deliberative performance to fill that gap. This qualitative concept unfolds the institutional and ethical requirements for courts to be genuinely deliberative. Instead of taking a stand on the old dispute about which institution is more legitimate to have the “last word” on constitutional meaning, this research leaves this question suspended and systematizes the large range of variations that can exist in constitutional courts’ performances. Discussions about the potential roles of constitutional courts, in this perspective, become more sensitive to contexts and to their varying degrees of legitimacy. The thesis offers a comprehensive picture of what is at stake if a constitutional court plans to be truly deliberative. This picture comprises the virtues presupposed by an ethics of deliberation, the institutional devices that facilitate deliberation, the approach to constitutional reasoning that is more hospitable to deliberation and, finally, the political perception to grasp the limits of deliberation itself.
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Cherniak, Brett. "Critiquing the Role of Deliberative Democracy in EE and ESD: The Case for Effective Participation and Pragmatic Deliberation." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för geovetenskaper, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-179183.
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There has been much written of the potential positive impact in Environmental Education (EE) and Education for Sustainable Development (ESD). This thesis explores the reliance on deliberative democracy by the proponents of EE/ESD and whether or not they have justification for their beliefs. Specifically, participation and deliberation will be separated in order to identify any faults in these values that may prevent democracy – and therefore education – from addressing the problems of sustainable development and environmental concerns. Through a deconstruction of the relevant literature and a clarification of the lines of thought brought forth throughout the various arguments, it is shown that there is no good theoretical or empirical reason for advocating a deliberative democratic approach to EE/ESD as feverishly as some do. Instead, the case for an educational method and content based on the empirically observed characteristics of current liberal democracies will be made.
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KODIVERI, Arpitha Upendra. "Deliberating development in India’s forests : consent, mining and the making of the deliberative state." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2021. https://hdl.handle.net/1814/71875.
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Defence date: 08 July 2021Examining Board: Professor Peter Drahos (European University Institute); Professor Joanne Scott (European University Institute); Professor B.S Chimni (Jindal Global Law School); Professor César Rodríguez-Garavito (NYU School of Law)
Deliberating Development in India’s Forests is a thesis that examines how India’s forest laws and the right to free, prior, and informed consent or consent provision of forest-dwelling communities has shaped the relationship between the state and forest-dwelling communities in extractive frontiers. The relationship between the state and forest-dwelling communities is tenuous as land in forest areas is acquired based on the Doctrine of Eminent Domain for extractive industries. Through extensive fieldwork in three mining sites in the eastern state of Odisha, this thesis offers an analysis of how the consent provision is implemented and how the relationship between the state and the forest-dwelling citizen is mediated by the pro-business bureaucracy as one of competing sovereignties. The forest-dwelling communities describe that the state operates in multiple modalities in India’s forests to enable extraction and realize its pro-business ambitions. Drawing from interviews with forest-dwelling communities and their aspirational legal interpretation of the consent provision the thesis makes an argument for the state to operate in a deliberative mode in India’s forests supported by a shared sovereignty framework and theories of deliberative and nodal governance. The thesis charts out an institutional pathway to overcome the structural imbalance experienced by forest-dwelling communities in their negotiations and dialogue with the state. This pathway can pave the way to repair the ruptured relationship between forest-dwelling communities and the Indian state and entrench the state in its deliberative modality.
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Hirose, M. Takeshi. "Liberalism, pluralism and the limits of deliberative legitimation." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.270451.
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Lee, Eon Joung. "Theorizing and assessing deliberative democracy in Korea and China." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/53767.
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A process or event of communication should be both democratic and deliberative to be considered as “deliberative democracy”. An empirical case of deliberative democracy needs to establish a clear understanding of both deliberation and democracy not only to present a deliberative democratic case but to clearly demonstrate how deliberation can contribute to democracy. However, some empirical studies of deliberative democracy in and from South Korea and China interpret deliberative democracy differently, which can confuse readers’ conceptual understanding of “deliberative democracy”. I found two common problems of how the theory is applied and interpreted in the well-known cases from the two countries. The first is the scholars’ assertion that deliberation occurred, when the process was non-deliberative or generally non-deliberative. The second is scholars equating deliberation with democracy. The ambiguity between the two concepts can lead one to expect deliberation to generate democratic effects, even in non-democratic settings. However, non-democratic deliberation takes place in many cases without any democratic effects, which is evident in the cases presented in the given study. A solid theoretical base can provide guidance to an ideal process and help locate shortcomings in a model, which is the reason why empirical studies are in great demand. I hoped to find such guidance in scholarly assessments, yet a plethora of different interpretations in the South Korean and Chinese cases provided little ground to understand what deliberative democracy could possibly mean. In the given study, I attempted to identify and clarify some of the confusion in the studies of deliberative democratic cases from South Korea and China, where many understandings seem to be in play.Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
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Nabatchi, Tina. "Deliberative democracy the effects of participation on political efficacy /." [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2007. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3278204.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, School of Public and Environmental Affairs, 2007.Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 68-09, Section: A, page: 4062. Adviser: James L. Perry. Title from dissertation home page (viewed May 7, 2008).
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CALAZANS, PAULO MURILLO. "DELIBERATIVE DEMOCRACY, LEGITIMATION AND EFFECTIVENESS OF THE FUNDAMENTAL PRINCIPLES." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2003. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=4053@1.
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O debate argumentativo na sociedade antecede e renova o
espírito vinculante das cartas constitucionais. A busca por
uma fundamentação da normatividade dos princípios
constitucionais requer, mais do que o peso que se pretende
atribuir ao papel da jurisdição constitucional, que se
identifique a relevância da deliberação democrática no
processo de formação do sentimento constitucional pelos
cidadãos da polis, que são, ao mesmo tempo, destinatários e
agentes criadores das diretrizes políticas fundamentais. A
maior contribuição dos estudos elaborados em torno da
democracia deliberativa reside, pois, na percepção da
inestimável relevância das relações intersubjetivas entre
os membros da comunidade durante o processo
político, o conhecimento de suas dificuldades e limites,
assim como a verificação de seus méritos. Neste rumo, é
oferecido um vasto campo favorável à aproximação
entre as teses contrapostas dos liberais e republicanos,
tornando possível a coexistência teórica e prática entre a
realização efetiva da soberania popular e a proteção dos
direitos fundamentais, tendo sempre em vista a supremacia da
dignidade humana, como elemento informador e balizador de
todas as atividades ínsitas à vida em sociedade.The argumentative debate inside society antecedes and renews the bonding force of the constitutional charts. The search for a justification of fundamental rights and principles requires, more than the weight that one might wish to attribute to the role of constitutional jurisdiction, that the relevance of democratic deliberation be taken into account in the process of the formation of a constitutional feeling by the people of the polis, which are at the same time addressees and creators of the fundamental political directives. The most important contribution of recent studies concerning deliberative democracy reside, in fact, in the perception of the utmost relevance of the intersubjective relations between all members of the affected community during the political process, the knowledge of its difficulties and limits, as well as the verification of its merits. In this direction, a vast field is offered for the convergence between opposed theories such as those of liberals and republicans, paving the way for the effective application of popular sovereignty and human rights protection, while considering the supremacy of the value of human dignity as the informative and orientative standard of all activities inherent to life in society.
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McMillan, Nicola. "Constructing democracy with others : deliberative theory and social identity." Thesis, Lancaster University, 2017. http://eprints.lancs.ac.uk/87183/.
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This thesis provides a contribution to knowledge by demonstrating that deliberative theories of democracy have failed to take sufficient account of social difference and by arguing for a more complex and relational understanding of social identity to be considered in democratic theory. I argue that deliberative theories of democracy should not consider deliberators only as socially embedded actors but should consider social groups and social identity as a ground for political participation. I show how some of the main deliberative theories to date have failed to commit to a sufficient understanding of social identity, before demonstrating how identity should be conceived for the purposes of deliberative models. I further argue that, in view of the importance of social identity in political participation, we should understand our civic and political spheres as porous, rather than as distinct. Identity is not something we can ignore in political life, and attempts to minimise its workings are more likely to result in problems, than promote greater political harmony. I will demonstrate throughout the course of this thesis that attempts to efface, minimise or overcome identity in deliberative theory leads to that theory being unable to recognise some of the important workings of social identity in democracy.
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Elstub, Stephen. "Cultivating autonomy : a case for deliberative and associational democracy." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2004. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/10263/.
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The thesis aims to justify liberal democracy on the cultivation of autonomy amongst its citizens. The potential of deliberative democracy and associational democracy to achieve this cultivation are then critically evaluated It is suggested that autonomy has intrinsic value and an intrinsic connection to democracy, particularly in Western democracies. Deliberative democracy is justified as the most suitable model of decision-making to cultivate autonomy due to its enhancement of public reason, speaker and hearer autonomy. All three factors therefore encourage reflective preference transformation. which is the defining mark of deliberative democracy. A perfectionist case of deliberative democracy is further presented and associations in civil society are evaluated as a location of deliberative democracy. It is argued that the associations can achieve this by fulfilling four functions: they can be venues for subsidiarity; provide information and representation; be schools of democracy; and locations for governance. The fulfilment of these functions enables the institutionalisation of deliberative democracy to overcome some of the threats of complexity, pluralism, size and inequality. However, not all associations can achieve all four functions and in order to do so, they must be internally democratic. The associations also need to pursue a dualist strategy in relation to the state. This involves a critical public sphere with informal networks of communication based upon the norms of deliberative democracy. The public sphere should then set the agenda for legislation through the `outside access model'. The second strand of the dualist strategy is to gain access to legislative arenas. Associational mediating forums with power devolved from the state, again based on the norms of deliberative democracy, are advocated as a suitable method by which to achieve this. This associational model differs from the neo-pluralist model of interest groups because it is based upon the norms of deliberative democracy and can therefore promote the common good and avoid the `mischief of factionalism'. Finally, a case study of the Stanage Forum is considered I suggest that it approximates the associational mediating forums and highlights where trade-offs between the ideal and practice need to be, can be, should be and will be made.
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Tidrick, Charlee. "Deliberative Democracy, Divided Societies, and the Case of Appalachia." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2009. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc11007/.
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Theories of deliberative democracy, which emphasize open-mindedness and cooperative dialogue, confront serious challenges in deeply divided political populations constituted by polarized citizens unwilling to work together on issues they collectively face. The case of mountaintop removal coal mining in Appalachia makes this clear. In my thesis, I argue that such empirical challenges are serious, yet do not compromise the normative desirability of deliberative democracy because communicative mechanisms can help transform adversarial perspectives into workable, deliberative ones. To realize this potential in divided societies, mechanisms must focus on healing and reconciliation, a point under-theorized by deliberativists who do not take seriously enough the feminist critique of public-private dualisms that illuminates political dimensions of such embodied processes. Ultimately, only a distinctly two-stage process of public deliberation in divided populations, beginning with mechanisms for healing and trust building, will give rise to the self-transformation necessary for second-stage deliberation aimed at collectively binding decisions.
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Tidrick, Charlee Figueroa Robert. "Deliberative democracy, divided societies, and the case of Appalachia." [Denton, Tex.] : University of North Texas, 2009. http://digital.library.unt.edu/permalink/meta-dc-11007.
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Silfver, Sarah. "Skolan en demokratisk arena? : En kvalitativ undersökning av hur demokratiska förmågor får ta plats i SO-undervisningen." Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Lärarutbildningen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-30260.
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The aim of this study is tos to make visible if and how teachers integrate democratic abilities in social studies education. I also want to examine what teachers experience enable or hinder the teaching of democratic abilities. The study is based on the following questions: Does deliberative and participatory democratic abilities apply in teaching and if so, how is this done in the actual teaching? What opportunities and challenges do teachers find in conversations-and participatory democratic abilities? The study examines how teachers teach deliberative and participatory democracy. This study is qualitative and based on interviews and observations offour teachers working in grade 3. The theoretical frame of the study is founded on the deliberative democracy model of Tomas Englund and Åsa Forsberg which is used to study how deliberative abilities take place in teaching. Furthermore, the theory formed by Roger Hart, called Ladder of participation,is used to study whether teachers invite studentsto participateand influencetheir own education. I also used Ljungberg and Unemar Öst theory about teacher's communicative strategies in connection with the controversy handling to give an understanding about how teachers handle controversy, but also how they in connection with controversy encourages deliberative conversations.The results of the study showed that the students did apply and practice conversations democratic abilities.Despite this, some deliberative democratic abilities were more prominent than others.On the other handthe application of participatory abilities were not as common as training deliberativ democractic abilites.
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Habegger, Michael Warren. "Learning to Do Democracy: Deliberative Capacity in Political Blogging Communities." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/34053.
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This thesis demonstrates that participants in Political Blogging Communities increase their deliberative capacity over time, potentially enabling them to participate in democratic societies. The study unifies perspectives on the meaning of blogs in American politics. It presents a unique theoretical framework that incorporates community and social learning literatures. The Internet is thought to potentially enable a revitalization of democracy because of its political and communicative properties. While studies have looked to deliberation in online forums, this study specifically targets Political Blogging Communities. Blogs have been targeted by a diverse range of scholars and methods that raise questions of their role in emphasizing the constitutional ideal of deliberation. Daily Kos and Red State are among the most popular political discussion sites, but are generally under-investigated in the literature. The theoretical framework and results presented here suggest that they are places where democratic capacity increases. A pilot study provided encouraging results. Because Political Blogging Communities talk about public issues, have several aspects of a supportive community, and feature contributions from ordinary people, they foster an adherence to deliberative norms. The sampling frame sought dedicated participants in an effort to approach the question of social learning over time. To address these questions, the deliberative content of 373 diaries from 20 authors at Daily Kos and Red State was hand coded. This Thesis makes two principal contributions: (1) it introduces a new measure that assesses deliberative quality is introduced, and (2) finds that the diversity of deliberative content in political blogs increases over time.Master of Arts
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Kanra, Bora. "Deliberating across difference : bringing social learning into the theory and practise of deliberative democracy in the case of Turkey /." View thesis entry in Australia Digital Theses Program, 2004. http://thesis.anu.edu.au/public/adt-ANU20051202.161618/index.html.
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Min, Seong-Jae. "Deliberation, east meets west exploring the cultural dimension of citizen deliberation /." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1243277918.
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Shannon, Brooke M. "The Value of Deliberative Democratic Practices to Civic Education." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1183659204.
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Igwe, Ukoro Theophilus. "Communicative rationality and deliberative democracy of Jürgen Habermas : toward consolidation of democracy in Africa /." Münster : Lit, 2004. http://www.gbv.de/dms/sub-hamburg/47332203X.pdf.
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Igwe, Ukoro Theophilus. "Communicative rationality and deliberative democracy of Jürgen Habermas: toward conslidation of democracy in Africa /." Münster : Litt, 2004. http://www.gbv.de/dms/sub-hamburg/47332203X.pdf.
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Silva, Roselani Maria Sodré da. "A participação nos fóruns das mesorregiões metade sul do RS e grande fronteira do Mercosul : um estudo sobre novas instâncias de governança territorial participativa (2007-2013)." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/172973.
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Esta tese trata da atuação das novas instâncias participativas voltadas para a governança territorial constituídas para atender ao Programa de Promoção da Sustentabilidade de Espaços Sub-Regionais, da Política Nacional de Desenvolvimento Regional. Busca identificar a contribuição dos arranjos institucionais deliberativos, denominados Fóruns das Mesorregiões Diferenciadas, enquanto espaços privilegiados para a prática da democracia deliberativa, na governança do desenvolvimento dos seus respectivos territórios. Para tanto, foram escolhidos como objetos de estudo dois fóruns mesorregionais, localizados na macrorregião Sul do país, abrangendo os estados do Rio Grande do Sul, Santa Catarina e Paraná. A abordagem empírica foca-se na atuação do Fórum da Mesorregião Metade Sul do Rio Grande do Sul (Fórum MESOSUL) e do Fórum da Mesorregião Grande Fronteira do Mercosul (Fórum MESO MERCOSUL), constituídos para atuar na integração e articulação dos diferentes atores regionais para a construção, implementação, monitoramento e avaliação de planos, projetos e ações de interesse público para o desenvolvimento das mesorregiões. Buscou-se por meio de uma base teórica-metodológica compreender a atuação e o processo de deliberação destes fóruns, enquanto estratégias inovadoras de governança territorial participativa, em novas escalas de planejamento do desenvolvimento. Com base neste propósito, buscou-se analisar a trajetória sócio-histórica dos Fóruns MESOSUL e MESO MERCOSUL enquanto possíveis instâncias de governança territorial. No estudo empírico dos Fóruns se verificou suas características de espaço de governança territorial participativa. A forma como as deliberações são efetivadas, representam uma inovação em relação às práticas tradicionais de planejamento e gestão do desenvolvimento, embora com algumas fragilidades e dificuldades, a atuação destes fóruns representa um avanço no processo de descentralização político administrativo, principalmente por atuarem em uma escala intermediária entre a municipal e a estadual, onde a multiplicidade de estruturas públicas e privadas se entrecruza, constituindo uma complexa rede de poder e de interesses individuais e coletivos. Conclui-se que os respectivos fóruns se enquadram como arranjos institucionais deliberativos e as suas práticas demonstram um esforço de governança territorial, mesmo que ainda não atenda aos modelos ideais. A expectativa quanto à realização desta pesquisa é a de contribuir com informações sobre o campo do conhecimento das políticas de desenvolvimento local/regional do país, bem como, das estruturas de governança territorial constituídas em espaços territoriais diferenciados.This thesis focuses on the practice of the new participative bodies aimed at the territorial governance set to meet the Program for the Promotion of Sustainability of Sub-Regional Spaces, of the National Policy for Regional Development. It seeks to identify the contribution of deliberative institutional arrangements, called Forums of the Differentiated Mesoregions, while privileged spaces for the practice of the deliberative democracy, in the governance of the development of their respective territories. In order to do so, two mesoregional forums were chosen as study objects, located in the South macro-region of tthe country, comprising the states of Rio Grande do Sul, Santa Catarina and Paraná. The empirical approach focuses on the practice of the Fórum da Mesorregião Metade Sul do Rio Grande do Sul - Forum of the Mesoregion Southern Half of (Forum MESOSUL) and the Fórum da Mesorregião Grande Fronteira do Mercosul – Forum of the Mesoregion of the Mercosur Great Border (Fórum MESO MERCOSUL), comprised to work in the integration and articulation of the different regional actors for the construction, implementation, monitoring and assessment of plans, projects and actions of public interest for the development of the mesoregions. We aimed, through a theoretical-methodological basis, to understand the work and the process of deliberation of these forums as innovative strategies of participative territorial governance, in new scales of development planning. Based on this purpose, the aim was to analyze the social-historical course of the MESOSUL and MESO MERCOSUL Forums while possible instances of territorial governance. In the empirical study of the Forums it has been noticed their characteristics of space of participative territorial governance. The way the deliberations are made represent an innovation in terms of the traditional planning practices and development management, although with some weaknesses and difficulties, the practice of these forums represents an advance in the process of political and administrative decentralization, mainly as they work in an intermediary scale between the city and state level, where the diversity of public and private institutions intertwines, resulting in a complex network of power and individual and collective interests. The conclusion is that the respective forums fit in as deliberative institutional arrangements and their practices show an effort of territorial governance even though it does not yet serve the ideal models. The expectation concerning the completion of this research is to contribute with information on the field of knowledge about policies of local/regional development of the country as well as structures of territorial governance comprised in differentiated territorial spaces.
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Hawkins, Stephen Bernard. "Narrative in Political Argument: The Next Chapter in Deliberative Democracy." Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/20212.
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Deliberative democrats have argued that democracy requires citizens to seek consensus, using a familiar style of principle-based moral argument. However, critics like Iris Young object that deliberative democracy’s favoured model of reasoning is inadequate for resolving deep value conflicts. She and others have suggested that the aim of improving understanding across political differences could be achieved if our conception of legitimate democratic discourse were broadened to include a significant role for narrative. The question is whether such a revision would amount to abandoning the deliberative democratic goal of seeking reasonable resolutions of value conflict. This thesis argues that a narrative approach to deliberative democracy can realize its commitment to reasoned justification, while preserving the significance of differing perspectives and promoting mutual understanding. The narrative-contextualist approach is developed and illustrated with reference to public debate over issues such as cultural accommodation and historical justice.
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Amaral, Claudia Tannus Gurgel do. "A democracia deliberativa habermasiana: o orçamento participativo como instrumento viabilizador da transformação urbana." Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, 2015. http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=9265.
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A motivação para estudar modelos de democracia, em especial a participativa no viés deliberativo, deita raízes na conjuntura histórica compreendendo pelo menos duas décadas, em que ocorrem debates acadêmicos, lutas democráticas e movimentos sociais que vêm em alguns países nos últimos anos dando voz às reivindicações populares por mudanças nos modelos atuais de democracia, e por maior participação popular e um alargamento dos espaços públicos para discussões. Nesse contexto, o Orçamento Participativo se destaca como experiência no Brasil e em muitos países como instrumento para essas mudanças. O marco teórico escolhido foi a démarche de Jürgen Habermas. Suas digressões sobre democracia deliberativa envolvem diretamente as formulações sobre o conteúdo da esfera pública e seu reposicionamento em arranjo interno mais amplo relacionando-a com os sistemas da sociedade. A principal experiência objeto da pesquisa foi o Orçamento Participativo de Cascais, em razão do estágio de doutoramento com bolsa concedida pela CAPES no ano de 2013.The motivation to study models of democracy, especially in participatory deliberative bias, is based on the historical context comprising at least two decades, they occur academic debates, democratic struggles and social movements that come in some countries in recent years giving voice to the claims popular for changes in current models of democracy, and greater popular participation and a broadening of public spaces for discussions. In this context, the Participatory Budget stands as experience in Brazil and in many countries as a tool for these changes. The chosen theoretical complex was the demarche of Jürgen Habermas. Their tours on deliberative democracy involve formulations directly on the contents of the public sphere and its repositioning in broader internal arrangement relating it to the systems of society. The main object of the research experience was the Participatory Budget of Cascais- PT, due to the doctoral stage with scholarship granted by CAPES in 2013.
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Kanra, Bora, and bora kanra@anu edu au. "Deliberating Across Difference: Bringing Social Learning into the Theory and Practice of Deliberative Democracy in the Case of Turkey." The Australian National University. Research School of Social Sciences, 2005. http://thesis.anu.edu.au./public/adt-ANU20051202.161618.
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This thesis will argue that one of the main challenges for deliberative democracy is the lack of attention paid to the different modes of deliberative practices. The theories of deliberative democracy often treat deliberation as a decision-making process. Yet, I would argue that this approach fails to appreciate the full benefits of deliberation because it ignores the fundamental role that the social learning phase of deliberation plays in reconciling differences. Hence I argue for a deliberative framework in which social learning and decision-making moments of deliberation are analytically differentiated so that the resources of social learning are freed from the pressures of decision-making procedures and are therefore no longer subordinated to the terms of decision-making.¶
This is particularly important for countries such as Turkey where divisions cut deep across society. A case study examines the discourses of the Turkish public sphere regarding Islam, democracy and secularism to identify the kinds of discourses present in relation to the topic in question. By analysing the types of discourses through Q methodology the study reveals points of convergence and divergence between discourses, hence provides significant insight into how deliberation oriented to social learning can play a substantive role in reconciling differences between sharply divided groups.
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Gallegos, Fadda Romina. "Demokrati : En kvalitativ studie om demokrati i ämnet samhällskunskap." Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Lärarutbildningen, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-29113.
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The purpose of this study is to examine how the concept of democracy and education for democracy are formulated in school policy documents related to the four teacher’s description of their work with democracy in the civic subject. The study is based on the following questions: What type of democracy is presented in the school curriculum as well as other school policy documents? How do the participant teachers understand democracy? How do the participant teachers describe and motivate their work with democracy? This study is made through a qualitative method based on a contextual analysis and interviews with four teachers working in grade 1-3. The study is based on two theoretical extensions and these are electoral-, participate-, deliberate democracy and the traditional- , liberal progressive-, social critical orientated views. Common to the four school policy documents that have been analysed, the most prominent conceptions of and approaches to democracy is participatory and deliberative democratic perspectives. The results show that the school documents and the teacher’s description of democracy rarely mention electoral democracy. However, it can be seen in the school policy documents that there is a notion that knowledge about democracy. That is, knowledge of political ideologies and the selection process, is required to enable participatory and deliberative democracy. Teachers understanding of democracy show mainly participatory democracy perspective. However, it has come to shown from the interviews that the teacher’s description of their work with democracy in the civic subject mainly shows deliberative perspectives. One conclusion of this study is that the documents and the teachers' descriptions of democracy and education for democracy are quite similar.
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Soares, Mauro Victoria. "Democracia, deliberação e razão pública: recomendações igualitárias para a democracia liberal." Universidade de São Paulo, 2008. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-08102008-153312/.
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Um dos principais problemas apresentados pela concepção tradicional de democracia, caracterizada pela mera competição política entre interesses ou preferências, é sua insuficiência na avaliação dos resultados políticos. Em contraposição, a idéia de uma democracia deliberativa pretende, dentre outros objetivos, fornecer uma reflexão epistêmica, na medida em que se propõe a ir além do mérito dos procedimentos democráticos, com vistas a apresentar boas razões para as escolhas públicas. Ela requer uma justificação pública que se faça por meio da argumentação pública de todos os concernidos. Essa abordagem, contudo, é comprometida por falhas relacionadas a sua postura excessivamente idealista caso entendamos os procedimentos deliberativos como discussões políticas efetivas voltadas para o consenso ou à eventual vagueza de seus parâmetros epistêmicos. Procuro defender, em sentido contrário, que critérios adequados à justificação pública podem ser encontrados na concepção política de justiça presente no liberalismo político de John Rawls. Sua proposta deve ser interpretada, em discordância com críticas correntes, como defensora da democracia e plenamente compatível com a deliberação democrática.One of the major problems that beset the traditional conception of democracy, marked by a mere political contention of interests or preferences, is the absence of a due appraisal of political outcomes. Contrarily, the idea of deliberative democracy intends inter alia to provide an epistemic account so far as it goes beyond procedural values in order to find good reasons for a public choice. It claims a public justification by way of a public reasoning among all those concerned. This account reveals, however, shortcomings for being either too idealist if its deliberative procedures mean a public discussion whose aim is consensus or too vague whether one considers those procedures as epistemic standards. I sustain otherwise that appropriate criteria for public justification can be found in a political conception of justice supported by John Rawls political liberalism. This account is to be shown in opposition to common objections - as encouraging democracy and not inimical to democratic deliberation.
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Reyes, Mendy Francisca. "Exploring the green promises of deliberative democracy : a multi-country analysis /." Thesis, Connect to Dissertations & Theses @ Tufts University, 2003.
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Submitted to the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy. Thesis (Ph.D.)--Tufts University, 2003.Adviser: William Moomaw. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 223-248). Access restricted to members of the Tufts University community. Also available via the World Wide Web;
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Sidwell, Robert W. "Self-contradictions and morality a natural law critique of deliberative democracy /." Ohio : Ohio University, 2007. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1180728105.
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Holdo, Markus. "Field Notes on Deliberative Democracy : Power and Recognition in Participatory Budgeting." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-232462.
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The theory of deliberative democracy suggests that public discourse should be guided by reasonable arguments. In real life, power relations not only obstruct free exchanges of reasons but also shape our understandings and expectations of what it means to provide reasons and to speak with authority. Struggles over power and recognition are necessary parts of deliberation. This thesis asks how groups that are marginalized in public discourse can act to demand recognition in public sphere deliberation. The thesis draws on work by Pierre Bourdieu to make the argument that actors can use various kinds of capital to advance their interests in public deliberation. Based on research on participatory budgeting in the city of Rosario, Argentina, the thesis demonstrates that state-sponsored arenas of deliberation can work as strategic social fields that ground struggles for recognition in new forms of capital. On the basis of “deliberative capital” participants can demand recognition from fellow citizens and political decision-makers. The case study of Rosario’s participatory budget demonstrates that participating citizens expected public recognition for their commitment to deliberative values. The study shows, moreover, that local politicians had reasons to respect participants’ independence from the government. Participatory budgeting could serve the political purpose of legitimizing the government on the condition that participants were recognized as independent actors who work in the interest of their neighborhoods. These arguments are presented in three essays, each making distinct contributions to debates on deliberation and inclusion. The first essay makes a theoretical argument for utilizing Bourdieu’s concepts of field, investment and capital in theorizing on public deliberation. The second essay provides an empirically grounded argument for thinking of empowerment in terms of deliberative capital. The third essay demonstrates a mechanism of non-cooptation that should be of wider relevance to debates about the merits of deliberative governance projects in urban politics. Taken together, the essays demonstrate that citizens can capitalize on an interest in legitimizing power through deliberation by conditioning their participation.