Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Degree Discipline: Political Science'

This dissertation tracks the development of German political philosophy over the course of the first half of the seventeenth century, with an emphasis on the disciplinary, methodological, and pedagogical concerns of Politica writers. These figures produced large-scale technical textbooks on politics, which attempted to make sense of the chaotic civil sphere through the application of disciplinary structures. The main influences on their thought came from the sixteenth century: Aristotelianism, reason of state, natural law, and neostoicism were the competing traditions that they attempted to fit into comprehensive treatments of their subject. Generally, these thinkers have been organized by historians into schools divided by their political and confessional commitments. I argue that, while these factors were important, their disciplinary and methodological choices also decisively shaped their vision of politics, and indeed their positions on the critical questions of their day. I do this by focusing on four specific writers, one from each of the four faculties of the early modern university: Bartholomaus Keckermann from the arts faculty, Henning Arnisaeus from Medicine, Christoph Besold from Law, and Adam Contzen from Theology. I show how each Politica author?s disciplinary background inflected their construction of politics as an academic discipline, and how this in turn shaped their opinions on the confessional and constitutional debates which were then fracturing the Holy Roman Empire. While the dissertation does focus on the differences among these figures, it also tracks a trajectory which they all participated in. I argue that their attempts to discipline politics as a subject resulted in the centering of the state as a disciplinary and administrative institution. Their motivation was to prevent political upheaval through the application of technical expertise, which meant that they were able to find ever more aspects of human life which required treatment under the rubric of political philosophy, because almost anything could be conceived of as either a threat or a source of strength for the political order. This in turn suggested a vastly expanded conception of the regulatory and disciplinary powers of the state. I thus contend that, although the Politica writers are mostly forgotten today, they represent a critical phase in the intellectual development of the idea of the state.

Au début des années 90, le Bloc Soviétique s'effondre. L'île de Cuba, fortement dépendante jusqu'alors de son allié, entre dans une crise économique sévère. Force de réagir promptement, le Gouvernement socialiste cubain décide d'investir dans un secteur économique jusqu'ici boudé, parce que fortement apparente au capitalisme, le tourisme. Comment est-ce que le gouvernement Castriste est-il donc parvenu à permettre l'essor économique de ce secteur, tout en s'assurant que cette "invasion" capitaliste ne menace pas le régime? Il sera question, grâce à l'analyse des législations imposées aux partenaires étrangers opérant dans le secteur des complexes hôteliers ainsi qu'à l'étude des structures mises en place par les autorités cubaines, de montrer que si le régime castriste est parvenu à maintenir le socialisme à Cuba, c'est grâce au fait que, contre toute attente, la discipline ait fait partie intégrante de l'essor de ce secteur, plutôt que d'en etre la conséquence.

This study evaluates the fitness of political parties for the democratisation of the European Union. At the national level political parties have successfully functioned as transmission belts between voter’s preferences and political outcomes in representative democracies. Some scholars have therefore argued that an increase in party competition at the European level could make the European Union more democratic; other scholars claim that European political parties are too weak to fend off public pressure, which would arise from an increase in political competition. Since cohesive voting behaviour of political parties is the basic prerequisite for a functioning representative democracy, this study analyses how the transnational party groups of the European Parliament are able to generate voting cohesion. Drawing on rational institutionalist theories of political parties and theories of collective action, the study outlines two competitive scenarios for explaining party group voting cohesion in the European Parliament. In the party group disciplinary scenario, the party group leadership is able to enforce voting cohesion through its disciplinary powers. The national party discipline scenario predicts that party group voting cohesion is dependent on the voluntary cooperation of the national party delegations. The empirical analysis of party disciplinary effects in the European Parliament corroborates the party group disciplinary scenario. The party group leadership of the two largest party groups is able to discipline it is members for disloyal voting behaviour. The findings do, however, also show that the party group leadership is not able to sanction national party delegations if they fail to toe the party group line. The study concludes that it will be difficult for the party groups to maintain voting cohesion, if public pressure on Members of the European Parliament increases through a more open form of political contestation at the European level. The responsibility for a successful democratisation of the European Union through party competition, therefore, lies in the hands of national political parties.

This thesis deals with political representation in EU multi-level governance. The European Union and its political system is quite complex, due to its unusual and multi-level governance.

It has gained the reputation of capturing professionalism, and conforming to elite governance to a point where it is seen as an elite political game.

The thesis wish to examine the European political system, and ask the questions, how important is the degree of consent between the political elite and the public in the European Union? Does it necessarily have an effect on the system of political representation as such, and if is does, does it influence legitimacy? Or in other terms, is it necessary for a degree of consent between the political elite and the public for political representation and legitimacy?

The European Union has a tendancy to gain critique for its focus on professionalism and elitism, and I wish therefore to state that it is important to generate an evident relationship between political representation and legitimacy in EU multi-level governance. It is necessesary to create a functioning relationship between the political elite and the public, but it does not necessarily mean that it influence political representation and legitimacy. It is important to view the opportunities for political representation and legitimacy in a situation such as this. The degree of consent is not to create an impossibility for sufficient political representation and legitimacy in the European Union, is it?

The so called price control policies have traditionally been understood in terms of concerns about (a) the role and size of the bureaucracy implied (Taussig, 1919, Grayson and Neeb, 1974; Clinard, 1969; Rockoff, 1984; Galbraith, 1941 and 1946); (b) the (potential) short term effectiveness and medium/long term ineffectiveness of controls (Rockoff, 1984, Grayson and Neeb, 1974; Bienen and Gersovitz, 1986, FIEL, 1990); (c) the tax evasion and creation of black markets (Clinard, 1969); (d) the eventual emerging violence following the dismantling of controls or subsidies on consumer goods (Bienen and Gersovitz, 1986; van Wijnberger, 1992); (e) the potential impact on the government coalition (Agéndor and Asilis, 1997); (f) the levels of delivery, fill rates or even any breaks in supply chains (Grayson and Neeb, 1974; Clinard, 1969); (g) the incentives/distortions in the distribution of resources, as a result of the alteration of the price system (Galbraith, 1941, 1946, 1951, 2001; Friedman, 1990; Colander, 1984; Dunn and Pressman, 2005); (h) the search for focused or selftargeted alternatives in order to optimize the use of limited resources and prevent freeriding (Adams, s / f; Alderman, 2002; Gutner, 2002); and (k) its historical development as a political response to rising prices (Schuettinger and Butler, 1978).

However, little has been studied its contribution to the development of state capacities as well as the role of entrepreneurship in the acceptance of price controls.

In this sense, this thesis analyzes the first year of the "Precios Cuidados" program in force in Argentina since January 2014, in order to address two interrelated questions: (a) To what extent the “Precios Cuidados” Program, as a particular and specific form of joint coordination between public and private sector, favored the development and expansion of state capacities? (b) If it is true, as it will be argued, that this new form of joint articulation between the public and private sector contributes to expand state capacities, why did the retail community agree to take part of a voluntary agreement to freeze prices and markups that in the end would help to increase the relative powers of the agencies by which they are controlled without effective guarantees of limits to its exercise? A public policy, in a word, that will give us the unique opportunity to analyze the link between state, market and society and its effect on market regulation and the improvement of state capacities.

This thesis proposes an alternative way of establishing a link between market orientation and electoral success, by focusing on market orientation as a message instead of as a management function. Using interpretive textual analysis the thesis examines the advertising messages of the highest polling political parties for evidence of voter orientation and competitor orientation in the 1999 and 2002 New Zealand general election campaigns. Relating manifest market orientation to a number of statistical indicators of electoral success the thesis looks for plausible associations between the visual manifestation of market orientation in political advertisements and parties' achievement of their party vote goals in the 1999 and 2002 elections. It offers party-focused explanations for electoral outcomes to complement existing voter-centric explanations, and adds another level of scholarly understanding of recent electoral outcomes in New Zealand.While the thesis finds little association between demonstration of competitor orientation in political advertisements and electoral success, it finds a plausible relationship between parties that demonstrated a voter orientation in their political advertisements and goal achievement. The parties that achieved their party vote goals in 1999 and 2002 tended to demonstrate an affinity for their target voter groups by showing images of voters and their environments and images of party leaders interacting with voters. They demonstrated concern for the satisfaction of the needs of existing voters by using words of togetherness and proving they had met their previous promises. They did not change their policy or leadership messages dramatically between campaigns. There was a visual consistency to their television, print and billboard advertising messages which rendered the messages easy to recognise and remember. They were clear about what they were offering in exchange for the party vote and recognised the need to offer something in addition to previous offerings in order to attract new voters.

This thesis examines the ability of the European Union (EU) to impact on the Palestinian people and their institutions. Before using the formal concept of actorness to examine the extent of this impact, it presents a model of actorness that synthesises aspects of Bretherton and Vogler’s and Sjösjedt’s models. It uses the components of this model as a series of lenses through which to focus on and examine various facets of the EU’s influence. The analysis deals with diplomacy, aid, and the effects of the unexpected Hamas victory in the 2006 Palestinian Legislative Council (PLC) elections. The thesis finds that the EU’s early lack of diplomatic direction improved for a period but was limited by its consistent inability to have an effect if it ignored the US. In the field of aid, the EU has been a more successful actor. However, the EU’s best efforts in these spheres have been undone by two EU blunders. First, it classified Hamas as a terrorist organisation and subsequently felt unable to provide aid to a Hamas-run government. Second it joined the Quartet in the hope of increasing its own diplomatic clout, but found that it had given the US the opportunity to erode its ability to act as an independent financial agent.

This dissertation focuses on the intersection of foreign policy, public opinion, and domestic politics in Taiwan, a relatively young democracy under persistent threat. It examines the influence of a variety of internal political forces on Taiwanese foreign policy and employs various methodologies. The dissertation contributes to the scant literature of weak state political behavior in political science. It sheds light on the nuances missing in research that focuses on major powers. Substantively, it integrates a variety of subfields including international relations, public opinion, public support for war, and Taiwan studies.

This study began with the premise that looking at leadership in a different setting might generate new understanding of how leadership works. Only four women mayors had held office in New Zealand before the 1980s but when their numbers grew over the next two decades, there were signs of a difference in their approach to leadership. Although the amount of scholarly work published on leadership is vast, the body of academic literature on local government leadership is slender. The possibility of finding new knowledge about leadership by studying women mayors made them an intriguing area to research. The research sought answers to two questions: how do women mayors perceive exemplary mayoral leadership and explain their own leadership practice; and how do women mayors' views of leadership compare with leadership theory? The information gathered to assist in answering the research questions included: interviews with three mayoral candidates in the 1998 elections, interviews with 18 of the 19 female mayors in office during the 1998-2001 term, and a case study of Jill White, mayor of Palmerston North from 1998-2001. The case study comprised a series of interviews with Jill White during the three year term, a selection of newspaper stories about the mayor and council gathered during 1998-2001 and interviews with four key informants about Jill White's leadership after she lost the election in 2001. The findings of the research were that the research participants saw leadership as a process that took place working with the community to achieve mutually desired leadership goals. Leadership was not generated by a single person's abilities, nor was it automatically linked to a position such as being mayor, although being mayor gave a lot of opportunities to participate in and encourage leadership. Four areas participants considered to be requirements of exemplary mayoral leadership were: being at the centre of webs of people rather than at the top of a hierarchy having less concern for ego than for working towards change being committed to making a difference in the community and/or the council being prepared to sacrifice their own interests for the good of the community Comparing participants' views of leadership with leadership theory showed that their descriptions and examples of leadership were closely related to transforming leadership (Burns, 1979), whereas transactional leadership in the sense of acting in your own self-interest or trading favours with others, met with strong disapproval. The heroic paradigm of leadership that has been prevalent in the literature, with its focus on the leader, was absent from the participants' accounts. Their achievements came from working with others and they saw the ability to involve others in the leadership process as the strength of their leadership. The implication of these findings is that the focus in much of the literature on individual attributes of people in leadership positions, as if they had to 'do' all the leadership themselves, is misplaced. Being concerned to make a difference with and through others is at the core of leadership.

This doctorate thesis The Politics of Iwi Voice focuses on the struggle of a modern, urban iwi authority to secure political recognition from other iwi and the Crown as it attempts to assert an independent iwi voice, and exercise mana and tino rangatiratanga. The responses of the local iwi/Maori community, the Crown, and others to the re-emergence of the new iwi entity are critically examined. The thesis demonstrates how a small iwi group resists attempts to assimilate into a broader coalition of iwi, hapu, whanau and marae interests, preferring instead to maintain and develop its own distinctive identity. It uses the iwi Ngati Tama to exemplify the diaspora of an iwi, and shows how iwi identity and fortunes are buffeted by both iwi and urban contestations as well as changing political directions. The study suggests that a Ngati Tama future away from its homeland will depend primarily on the development of pragmatic adaptive and innovative strategies, and a fervent resolve to retain a distinctive identity, while participating in a dynamic and often oppressive environment. This thesis concludes that to maintain a distinctive iwi presence its members should have the right to decide who best represents them. An iwi is considered an appropriate vehicle to represent its members and manage its interests. In order to survive in a constantly changing environment, an iwi must be dynamic, flexible, relevant, and meet the needs of its membership. Further, its leadership should be focused on negotiating relationships in good faith - including third party interventions - and seeking pathways that will advance its interests into the future.

The main purpose of this thesis is to explore the complexities involved in engendering local governance and to identify strategies to encourage gender equitable partnerships between stakeholders in local governance in Third World countries. Local governance refers to the dynamic yet complicated process of interaction between state and non-state actors involved in local level development processes. Considering the invisibility of women in local governance, this study focuses heavily on women's agency, that is, the way women redefine and reconstruct identities and interactions in engendering local governance despite the given constraints. The central argument in this thesis is that engendering local governance requires transformation of structures and processes of governing at the local level so that they recognise and are responsive to differences between men and women in their values and responsibilities. Relevant institutions should then integrate these differences in policies and in managing development at the local level. Fieldwork in North Sumatra, Indonesia highlighted how the interlocking of public and private patriarchy complicates the engendering of local governance. Both within and beyond the household there are constraints put on women that impede their participation in local governance. Analysis of case studies of perwiridan (Moslem women's religious grouping), SPI (Serikat Perempuan Independen/ Union of Independent Women) and women working in local government found that relationships at the household level significantly influence gender relations in local governance. Reproduction of images of 'good' and 'bad' women is one of the most effective instruments to subordinate and control women in North Sumatra, meaning that it is not easy for women to formulate and defend their personal interests. Women often experience severe threats of physical, psychological and verbal violence when they attempt to influence formal decision making at the local level. Based on a further case study of the implementation of decentralisation, this study also found that decentralisation does not automatically bring local government closer to women due to the interweaving of structural, cultural, and financial barriers local government faces in implementing gender mainstreaming policies in North Sumatra. The intertwining of gendered structures of local government and gendered construction of the community contribute to the marginality of women in service delivery and in public decision making at the local level. This study rejects the assumption that women are passive recipients in local governance since they contribute significantly in fulfilling household and community needs and interests. Through knowledge and understanding to construction of power at the local level, women creatively produce and use alternative strategies which are based on their sexuality and traditional gender roles in challenging and transforming gender inequity at the local level and in improving the quality of everyday life. By raising women's self esteem, confidence and solidarity in reconstructing gendered relations at the household and community levels, women's grassroots organisations open up alternative arenas for political expression for women which is crucial for the realisation of good local governance.

This thesis is primarily a study of organisational approaches used by Maori to achieve their development goals and aspirations. One focus is the impact of development ideas and practice, largely driven by international and national influence, upon Maori. Another focus is the role of the state in the direction and implementation of Maori development with particular emphasis on the impact of the structural adjustment programme. As a consequence, the relationships between Maori and the state, Maori and Maori, and Maori with others are critically examined. The thesis canvasses a number of disciplines including Maori history, ecology, sociology, anthropology, environmental studies, management, and development studies. Engaging with this broad spectrum of ideas and actions and using literature based, empirical and participatory research tools, three themes are explored. They are: (i) The theme of 'development' which examines international and national perspectives of development in order to identify the merits of Shifting the praxis of Maori development; (ii) The theme of 'organisation' which explores local and wider perspectives of organisational theory and practice in order to identify the implications for Maori organisations; (iii) The theme of 'relationship' which investigates a wide range of perspectives about the dynamic relationships between Maori themselves and with others, and the opportunities to reaffinn and build new relationships. The thesis concludes with an analysis of current thought and action before presenting five major conclusions. In essence and simply stated, if Maori self-determination is the destination then the journey is best guided by a Maori centred approach to development and organisational arrangements that are cognisant of the contemporary circumstances, in particular the relationship dynamics, that challenge Maori and the life choices they make.

A new regional level of government was formed in late 1989 as part of a comprehensive reform of New Zealand’s local government. Regional government was not new, but the comprehensiveness of reforms established a comprehensive regional layer of government across all of New Zealand and was part of a wider decentralisation of government functions. The new regional councils were intended to be the primary environmental policy and implementation agencies underpinning the parallel environmental resource management law reforms, promising a new era of regional government. This thesis examines the public value of this regional government structure two decades later using environmental management as a case study. Public value was assessed using substantive value, authorising agency and operational feasibility drawing on published data and a survey of perceptions held by environmental resource practitioners and stakeholders. The results indicate a low level of public value. Despite some improvements, and some regional variation, overall environmental conditions have deteriorated nationally since 1989. The councils also show low public support and apparent sector capture and vary in capability to undertake their functions. While sub-national environmental conditions and problems were identified, they do not match existing regional council jurisdictions, nor match each other. Most councils share many characteristics, suggesting uniform rather than separate management regimes are appropriate. Consequently, the efficacy of the regional council-based model for managing the environment is questioned. The role of the councils is also queried. Although classified as part of local government, these democratically elected regional councils are really multi-special purpose authorities that parallel a national government decentralised regional administration. Despite being endowed with a broad mandate to promote their communities’ well-being, most regional councils continue to exercise a narrow set of functions. These are based on their historical role as environmental management agencies. This discourages allocative efficiency, limiting their sustainable development capability. Importantly, the hierarchical policy-making system developed has been compromised by an ongoing lack of national level government policy. Recommendations for alternative environmental management institutional arrangements in New Zealand are made, while more broadly the implications of the research for regional studies identified.