Journal articles on the topic 'Degree Discipline: Cultural Anthropology'
To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Degree Discipline: Cultural Anthropology.
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Degree Discipline: Cultural Anthropology.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
D’Oro, Guiseppina. "Understanding Others: Cultural Anthropology with Collingwood and Quine." Journal of the Philosophy of History 7, no. 3 (2013): 326–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18722636-12341256.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract On one meaning of the term “historicism” to be a historicist is to be committed to the claim that the human sciences have a methodology of their own that is distinct in kind and not only in degree from that of the natural sciences. In this sense of the term Collingwood certainly was a historicist, for he defended the view that history is an autonomous discipline with a distinctive method and subject matter against the claim for methodological unity in the sciences. On another interpretation historicism is a relativist way of thinking which denies the possibility of universal and fundamental interpretations of historical or cultural phenomena. In the following I argue that at least in this second sense of “historicism” Collingwood was everything but a historicist. Quine, on the contrary, was nothing but a historicist. The goal of the comparison, however, is not to establish just who, on this definition, was or was not a historicist, but to draw a few conclusions about what a commitment to or rejection of historicism in this sense, tells us about the nature of understanding.
2
Soderstrom, Mark. "Family Trees and Timber Rights: Albert E. Jenks, Americanization, and the Rise of Anthropology at the University of Minnesota." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 3, no. 2 (April 2004): 176–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781400003339.
Full textAbstract:
Hindsight allows present-day scholars to view the development of academic disciplines in a light that contemporaries would never have seen. Hence, from our perspective, Mary Furner's assertion that anthropology developed as a profession reacting against biology and the physical sciences makes sense, for we tend to celebrate the triumph of cultural anthropology as the coming of age of the discipline. However, this trajectory of professional development was not a necessary or predestined development. Rather, the eventual (if occasionally still embattled) predominance of culture over the categories of race, nation, and biology was only one of many possible outcomes. This paper investigates a different trajectory, one that most current scholars would hope has been relegated to the dustbin of history. It is still a cautionary tale, though, in that while the racial anthropology followed in this narrative did not survive World War II, its practitioners did enjoy a degree of prominence and influence that was much greater and longer than has been generally acknowledged by current accounts.
3
Ingram, Mark. "An Anthropology of the Contemporary in France." French Politics, Culture & Society 37, no. 3 (December 1, 2019): 108–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fpcs.2019.370306.
Full textAbstract:
Cultural anthropology in France continues to bear the influence of a colonial-era distinction between “modern” societies with a high degree of social differentiation (and marked by rapid social change) and ostensibly socially homogeneous and change-resistant “traditional” ones. The history of key institutions (museums and research institutes) bears witness to this, as does recent scholarship centered on “the contemporary” that reworks earlier models and concepts and applies them to a world increasingly marked by transnational circulation and globalization. Anthropology at the Crossroads describes the evolution of a national tradition of scholarship, changes to its institutional status, and the models, concepts, and critical perspectives of anthropologists currently revisiting and reworking the foundations of the discipline in France.
4
Hauter, Wenonah. "The Role of Anthropology in Grassroots Organizing: A Campaign in Nebraska." Practicing Anthropology 19, no. 2 (April 1, 1997): 22–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/praa.19.2.3478gx8051g22873.
Full textAbstract:
The anthropological perspective, defined in the broadest sense, provides both a theoretical basis for understanding human society and affords insights into the human condition. These are useful to any number of professions. As a public interest advocate with almost two decades of experience organizing around social justice and environmental issues, I am interested in the discipline not as a researcher, applied or otherwise, but as a tool for understanding and promoting progressive social change through grassroots organizing. My pursuit of a master's degree in applied anthropology, rather than the more conventional degree in public policy chosen by many advocates, was spurred by a desire to understand better how human culture is organized and reproduced. I wanted to glean a deeper understanding of the cultural preconditions for progressive movements that ultimately cause social change. To this end, over the past two years, I have integrated my professional work experiences with the anthropological perspective garnered from my graduate studies. The best example of this convergence is a statewide legislative campaign that I spearheaded in Nebraska. By wearing my "anthropological lenses" I have been able to view organizing from a new vantage point and to design more effectively a majority strategy for mobilizing citizens around environmental issues. The Nebraska campaign that I will discuss in this article is a compelling example of why anthropology should be viewed as a discipline that can provide an intellectual bedrock for other professions. By redefining and expanding the role for anthropology outside academia, the discipline is strengthened and its relevancy assured. This essay is a reflection on how anthropology has enriched and changed my work as an organizer and is a testimonial to its relevancy in our modern world.
5
Steele, James, Peter Jordan, and Ethan Cochrane. "Evolutionary approaches to cultural and linguistic diversity." Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society B: Biological Sciences 365, no. 1559 (December 12, 2010): 3781–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rstb.2010.0202.
Full textAbstract:
Evolutionary approaches to cultural change are increasingly influential, and many scientists believe that a ‘grand synthesis’ is now in sight. The papers in this Theme Issue, which derives from a symposium held by the AHRC Centre for the Evolution of Cultural Diversity (University College London) in December 2008, focus on how the phylogenetic tree-building and network-based techniques used to estimate descent relationships in biology can be adapted to reconstruct cultural histories, where some degree of inter-societal diffusion will almost inevitably be superimposed on any deeper signal of a historical branching process. The disciplines represented include the three most purely ‘cultural’ fields from the four-field model of anthropology (cultural anthropology, archaeology and linguistic anthropology). In this short introduction, some context is provided from the history of anthropology, and key issues raised by the papers are highlighted.
6
Pavlova, Olena. "Visual Anthropology: Formation Stages and Basic Elements of Analysis." NaUKMA Research Papers. History and Theory of Culture 5 (September 6, 2022): 47–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.18523/2617-8907.2022.5.47-53.
Full textAbstract:
The article contributes to the history systematization of the visual anthropology area. The author considers and conceptualizes the stages of this discipline formation not only in accordance with the logic of self-understanding of its representatives, but also taking into account the genesis of optical media. The parameters of video production prove not only the instrumental role of visual anthropology in relation to the field of cultural anthropology, but also allow the latter to be a science in the strict sense of the term; that is, to have not only theoretical generalizations but also a rich empirical base. The inability of textual forms of recording anthropological material to adequately capture the cultural practices of traditional communities has also revealed the preserving and even salvage potential of the video production. However, the dominant of writing as a basic practice of science and its definition as a transparent carrier of scientific discourse did not allow to understand, at the initial stages. the innovative potential of visual anthropology, the specifics of its optics and methodology. The article pays attention both to the specifics of the practice of fixing video products (painting, photography, cinema, and the Internet) and to the forms of the representatives reflection of anthropological thought about their influence on the anthropology subject field. In this article, particular attention is paid to the degree of differentiation of cultural anthropology subject fields and visual anthropology against the background of basic transformations of cultural research. The influence of basic theoretical guidelines, in particular the principle of historical rationalism, participation in the formation of visual anthropology area itself, is also defined. In addition to theoretical principles and procedures of description, as well as comprehension of visual products and guidelines of research communities, the methodological significance of other parameters, formed as basic units of visual anthropology, are analyzed: technical parameters of optical media, the order of signifiers of visual representations, communication between video production and the audience. The author presents the disciplinary and historical context of the genesis of visual anthropology, as well as analyzes the conceptual logic of collective work edited by Paul Hockings “Principles of Visual Anthropology,” which is considered a fundamental work for self-awareness of this research area.
7
SCHMIDT, LEIGH ERIC. "PORTENTS OF A DISCIPLINE: THE STUDY OF RELIGION BEFORE RELIGIOUS STUDIES." Modern Intellectual History 11, no. 1 (March 5, 2014): 211–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244313000395.
Full textAbstract:
Academic disciplines, including departments of history, emerged slowly and unevenly in the second half of the nineteenth century. Professional societies, including the American Historical Association (AHA) at its founding in 1884, were generally tiny organizations, a few would-be specialists collecting together to stake a claim on a distinct scholarly identity. Fields of study were necessarily fluid—interdisciplinary because they remained, to a large degree, predisciplinary. As fields went, the study of religion appeared especially amorphous; it was spread out across philology, history, classics, folklore, anthropology, archaeology, psychology, sociology, and oriental studies. Adding to the complexity more than simplifying it was the persisting claim that the study of religion belonged specifically (if not exclusively) to theology and hence to seminaries and divinity schools. Elizabeth A. Clark'sFounding the Fathersilluminates the importance of Protestant theological institutions in shaping the study of religion in nineteenth-century America, suggesting, in particular, how well-trained church historians pointed the way toward disciplinary consolidation and specialization. Marjorie Wheeler-Barclay'sScience of Religion, by contrast, explores the leading British intellectuals responsible for extending the study of religion across a broad swath of the new human sciences. Together these two books offer an excellent opportunity to reflect on what religion looked like as a learned object of inquiry before religious studies fully crystallized as an academic discipline in the middle third of the twentieth century. Clark opens the introduction to her book with an epigraph from Hayden White: “The question is, What is involved in the transformation of a field of studies into a discipline?” (1). What indeed?
8
Oganezov, Aleksandr E. "Interdisciplinarity and Collaborative Filmmaking in Anthropological Cinema." Observatory of Culture 15, no. 6 (December 28, 2018): 682–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.25281/2072-3156-2018-15-6-682-692.
Full textAbstract:
Anthropological cinema is the most representative form of visual anthropological research, due to which it can be considered a kind of calling card of visual anthropology. It is confirmed by facts from the history of the scientific discipline and by constant, continuous interest in anthropological films both from researchers and from the audience. This is caused by variety of different factors, though the key ones are the “visual turn” in the 20th century culture, the development of cinema and television, mostly in the second half of the 20th century, and the media-oriented socio-cultural direction in the period of postmodernism.We can see that the 20th century, despite a lot of negative events, was a fertile ground for the foundation and further development of visual anthropology. However, nowadays we can still observe new different trends in the development of this scientific direction. The increase in the number of interdisciplinary researches, the high degree of involvement in collaborative work of researchers from various scientific spheres, the advancing level of audiovisual media democratization and popularization, and the continuous development of filmmaking technologies — all these, clearly, are modern factors that determine the further direction and specificity of the development of visual anthropology and, in particular, anthropological cinema.This article considers and analyzes the above-mentioned characteristic features of the anthropological cinema of the postmodern period. Special attention is paid to the development of interdisciplinary contacts between visual anthropology and related scientific disciplines, the democratization of video production and the sphere of audiovisual media, and the direction of collaborative anthropological filmmaking.Study and analysis of these features of the anthropological cinema of the postmodern period can help to identify further ways for development of academic and applied visual anthropology in the socio-humanitarian sphere, to understand the nature of media relations within the framework of visual anthropological research, and to determine the role of author-researcher in contemporary visual anthropological discourse.
9
Berdnikova, N. E., G. A. Vorobieva, I. M. Berdnikov, A. A. Shchetnikov, I. A. Filinov, E. A. Lipnina, and D. P. Zolotarev. "Geoarchaeology within the system of archaeological research in the territory of Baikal Siberia." VESTNIK ARHEOLOGII, ANTROPOLOGII I ETNOGRAFII, no. 3(54) (August 27, 2021): 133–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.20874/2071-0437-2021-54-3-11.
Full textAbstract:
The value of geoarchaeology in archaeological research is discussed with an example of Baikal Siberia. Geoarchaeology is considered as an interface between archaeology and Earth sciences comprising a specific set of approaches, methods, and procedures. Nowadays, geoarchaeology constitutes a full-fledged research branch within the world archaeological practice. However, there are some problems in the determination of the essence and the role of geoarchaeology in archaeological studies, especially in Russia. In particular, the question whether geoarchaeology represents an independent discipline or an interdisciplinary approach has not been resolved yet. Moreover, archaeologists often focus on increasing the number of analytical methods to the detriment of their conceptual basis. In the Russian archaeological practice, the uncertain role of geoarchaeology is manifested by its perception as an auxiliary discipline with limited capabilities for the archaeological interpretations. As a result of many years of research on archaeological sites of Baikal Siberia, we have developed our own concept of geoarchaeology as a source study with a transdisciplinary character. It is based on four principles. Firstly, in our opinion, geoarchaeology constitutes a source study discipline with its own research methods. Geoarchaeological assessment represents one of the most important verification methods aimed at the determination of the degree of correspondence between the results of archaeological and natural science data. Secondly, the main object of research is a geoarchaeological object, which is a composite integral system with a mixture of traces of natural and anthropogenic events encrypted in it. We define the layer with cultural remains, where the natural component predominates, as ‘culture-bearing’. The layer with the predominantly anthropogenic component can be called ‘cultural’. Thirdly, geoarchaeology should be a transdisciplinary branch, the nature of which is determined by the complex origins of the geoarchaeological site. Such an amalgamation allows overcoming disciplinary differences and contradictions which leads to the formation of new knowledge levels. At fourth, geoarchaeological research should be based principally on the methods of actualism and stratigraphy in conjunction with overcoming misidentification of objects and phenomena, as well as on the pedolithological and event-driven approaches.
10
Padilla Fernández, Juan Jesús, Eva Alarcón García, Alejandra García García, Luis Arboledas Martínez, Auxilio Moreno Onorato, Francisco Contreras Cortés, and Linda Chapon. "Between the Hearth and the Store." Documenta Praehistorica 47 (December 2, 2020): 312–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/dp.47.17.
Full textAbstract:
Research into the Bronze Age on the south-eastern Iberian Peninsula has always occupied a pre-eminent position in the archaeological discipline. Although we can state that there is a certain degree of scientific unity regarding the main cultural features of that period, few studies have focused on the social and technological process involved in the manufacture of pottery vessels. This paper aims to remedy that situation. To do this, we provide the results obtained from the technical analysis of the pottery vessels used in two activities essential to human survival – food storage and processing – in the Bronze Age settlement of Peñalosa (2086–1450 cal BC). At the same time, the macroscopic identification of the technological patterns developed in the tasks of manufacturing earthenware jars and pots allows us to reflect on the significance of the concept of specialization in the Argar Culture.
11
Pirogovskaya, Maria. "A Review of JAN PLAMPER, ISTORIYA EMOTSIY [THE HISTORY OF EMOTIONS], transl. from English by K. Levinson. Moscow: NLO, 2018, 568 pp." Antropologicheskij forum 16, no. 47 (December 2020): 196–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.31250/1815-8870-2020-16-47-196-215.
Full textAbstract:
The present review examines an attempt at a historiography of emotion studies that combines history, anthropology, and cognitive science under one cover. In The History of Emotions, the German historian Jan Plamper tries to pinpoint the current state of our fragmented knowledge of emotions and to lay out opportunities for fruitful contacts between social and life sciences. The four chapters of his monograph cover topics such as a historiography of the history of emotions, the constructionist approach to emotions in anthropology, the life sciences’ universalist theories of emotions, and the prospects of emotion studies. To a certain degree, such an organisation of the material reproduces the outline and arguments of the nature or nurture debate which juxtaposed humanities and life sciences in their support of cultural or biological interpretations of emotions, respectively. The review meditates on the conceptual structure of the monograph and surveys some shortcomings stemming from the discussion of emotion studies within isolated frameworks of particular disciplines. In the conclusion, ideas and terms lost and found in their translation to Russian are discussed.
12
Jaago, Tiiu. "Oskar Looritsa portree Tartu Ülikoolile esitatud aruannete valguses." Mäetagused 82 (April 2022): 9–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.7592/mt2022.82.jaago.
Full textAbstract:
Oskar Loorits (1900–1961) is an Estonian folklore researcher, who is primarily known as the researcher of the folk tradition and religion of the Livonians, and as the founder and the first director of the Estonian Folklore Archives, founded in 1927. His connections with the University of Tartu have been discussed to a lesser extent. The article is based on the materials of the University of Tartu, mainly personnel records, stored in the National Archives of Estonia. Loorits was admitted to the University of Tartu in 1919, i.e., the same year the university adopted Estonian as the language of instruction instead of Russian and German. This involved the opening of new chairs, including the Chair of the Baltic Finnic Languages and the Chair of Folkloristics. Loorits specialised in Baltic Finnic languages and graduated with a master’s degree in 1923. Thereafter he started doctoral studies, while also changing his specialisation. In 1926, he presented his research on Livonian folk religion, for which he was awarded a doctoral degree in folkloristics. In 1927, he submitted the papers required for habilitation to the university and received the right to work as a lecturer at the university. From 1927 to 1942, he worked as an associate professor of folkloristics at the University of Tartu. In 1944, he left Estonia for Sweden. The article looks at the activities of Loorits at the University of Tartu in the period 1919–1942. As he received a scholarship from the university for both studies (1921–1923) and research (1923–1927), he had to present a report of his completed work to the university’s Faculty of Philosophy and to the university’s government at the end of each term. As he worked at the university at an hourly rate, he continued reporting until the Soviet power was established in Estonia in the summer of 1940. Besides factual information, his reports contain a remarkable amount of information on his personal development. These reports reflect Loorits’ keen eye for research problems and opportunities and reveal his great work ability and strict self-discipline. He was able to manage large research fields as he saw possibilities for organising them. He was a strict lecturer, although supportive of young researchers when they were successful. Loorits’ reports and the accompanying documents also provide an insight into the everyday life at the university of the 1920s–1930s. One can see that at the beginning of the period, the comparative method was predominant (this research method was represented by the professor of folkloristics Walter Anderson), and then the research methods based on the tradition group and presentation (Loorits) and the poetics of folklore (August Annist) were added. This was a period of significant advancement of research and science. While Loorits was able to see potential research perspectives and apply new research methods, his work was also theoretically innovative and shaped the future folklore research.
13
Koshar, Rudy J. "Playing the Cerebral Savage: Notes on Writing German History before the Linguistic Turn." Central European History 22, no. 3-4 (September 1989): 343–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900020525.
Full textAbstract:
I want to begin by suggesting that to speak of a linguistic turn in the writing of modern German history is premature. It may be true that intellectual history on both sides of the Atlantic has taken “the” linguistic turn, in the sense that, more than ever before, much current research involves “a focused concern on the ways meaning is constituted in and through language.” The formal properties, degree of sophistication, and utility for historians of these studies vary greatly. They encompass by now almost classical poststructuralist perspectives, methodologically more conservative discussions of cultural representation, and the influential works of Quentin Skinner and J.G.A. Pocock. Yet history writing on twentieth-century Germany, considered broadly, stands very much before rather than after a linguistic turn, if there will be a turn at all. Scholars of modern German cultural, social, or political history who engage current debates on language and rhetoric in truly innovative ways are the exception rather than the rule. Moreover, considerations of a linguistic turn in modern German history take place at a time when some historians criticize poststructuralist thought more forcefully than ever before.4 This makes for an interesting confluence of tensions, especially when one considers that disciplines such as literary criticism and anthropology have turned anew to the study of history.
14
Jayawardene, Sureshi M., and Serie McDougal. "Francis Cress Welsing’s Contributions to Africana Studies Epistemology." Journal of Black Studies 48, no. 1 (October 15, 2016): 43–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934716673057.
Full textAbstract:
Francis Cress Welsing, a Black psychiatrist and medical school professor, advanced one of the most notable and controversial theories about the perpetuation of global White supremacy. The cress theory of color confrontation (CTCC) seeks to etiologically explain the varying degrees of White supremacist patterns of behavior that shape White interaction with Black people in particular and “non-White” people in general. White supremacy has been under-theorized in Africana Studies save for a few key scholars. The present investigation seeks to locate the CTCC within Africana Studies in terms of Christian’s, McDougal’s, Karenga’s, and Banks’s epistemological models, and to estimate the analytical value it adds to knowledge production in the discipline. This analysis concludes that CTCC both enhances and challenges Africana Studies. It offers a systematic scientific examination of White supremacist behaviors and psychology to equip Africana communities for the continuing needs of the freedom struggle. CTCC also challenges Africana Studies in that in order to move beyond a reactive posture toward racism, it is necessary to direct systematic attention, resources, and research toward studying White thought, in order to understand, anticipate, and defeat its efforts to oppress people of African descent.
15
Low, Kelvin E. Y., Noorman Abdullah, and Elaine Lynn-Ee Ho. "Shaping Mobile Worlds in Asia: Human and Nonhuman Socialities." American Behavioral Scientist 64, no. 10 (August 14, 2020): 1395–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764220947772.
Full textAbstract:
In these difficult, pressing and uncertain times, migration and mobility in Asia have been incorporated into the projects of state institutions, media and a range of civil society actors. These agendas engender and shape debates that include belonging and exclusion; social mobility and inequality; conflict, violence and persecution; economic growth and labor market outcomes; state regulation, governance and governmentality; as well as diversity and innovation. Where migratory flows and mobility are advancing significant economic, social, political, environmental and ethical concerns, it becomes imperative for us to rethink and unpack these core concepts in creative and multidisciplinary ways. To do so, we assemble a group of scholars from disciplines such as sociology, anthropology, and geography who work on a variety of topics related to migration studies, sensory scholarship, anthropology of documents, religion, knowledge mobilities, citizenship, and education. Various case studies to be featured in this special issue include Timor Leste, Singapore, Indonesia, China, Malaysia, Sri Lanka, India, and Taiwan. Collectively the authors critically consider the centrality of both human and non-human actors in constituting the different types, degree, and scales of migration and mobility. The articles in this collection engage with how people, objects, things, deities, discourses, and knowledge move across the different and multiple pathways that constitute everyday life in Asia, the shared regional focus of our various research projects. The collection further elicits the connectivities (or entanglements) and comparisons evinced in our individual research, and collectively, with the goal of critically revisiting and reworking our conceptual toolkits and methodologies.
16
Zamyatina, N. Yu. "ANTHROPOLOGY OF ZONALITY: NATURE AND CULTURE IN THE SPATIAL DIFFERENTIATION OF HUMAN ACTIVITY." VESTNIK ARHEOLOGII, ANTROPOLOGII I ETNOGRAFII, no. 4(47) (December 30, 2019): 174–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.20874/2071-0437-2019-47-4-14.
Full textAbstract:
The article is theoretical in nature and does not cover any particular region; however, the phenomenon of zonality is of particular relevance to the northern part of Siberia. The article draws a fundamental analogy be-tween the classical theoretical zonal model of Thünen and zoning models of various regions of the world (South-east Asia, Africa and the Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug — Ugra in Russia). Zonality is usually perceived as a natural phenomenon — regularly and naturally alternating natural zones (tundras, taigas, steppes, etc.). Under the influence of changing natural conditions, human activity also changes to one degree or another. However, there are many cultural and human factors under whose influence a similar picture of regularly and naturally dif-ferentiated zones emerges. For example, it could be the centre and periphery, previously and newly developed zones, etc. These zones are differentiated not only from an economic point of view but also as complex phenom-ena including holistic, imperious, behavioural and other aspects. The article is aimed at expanding the standard use of the concept ‘zonality’, reconsider zoning as not only and not so much a natural phenomenon as a broad theoretical approach effective for comparative studies in anthropology, economic and social geography, history, economics, as well as other disciplines. The technique used in this study consists in the identification of similar features when modelling the geographical differentiation of processes of different nature. As a result, the author proposes a general conceptualisation framework for the concept ‘zonality’ as a universal phenomenon of spatially differentiated conditions for activities and the understanding of these conditions by people. The phenomenon of zonality can be observed when the geographical differentiation of any studied process is determined by a regular difference in a certain basic condition from place to place, which has a definitive effect on the development of the studied process. In the case of natural zonality, this is the distribution of solar radiation; in the case of economic zoning, cost of transportation often serves as the differentiating factor; in the case of areas of new development, the differentiating factor is the age of development.
17
Parker, Lyn. "Religion, class and schooled sexuality among Minangkabau teenage girls." Bijdragen tot de taal-, land- en volkenkunde / Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences of Southeast Asia 165, no. 1 (2009): 62–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134379-90003643.
Full textAbstract:
This paper examines the meanings attached to sexuality and femininity by Minangkabau teenage girls in schools in West Sumatra, Indonesia. Schools in West Sumatra communicate a hegemonic, normative understanding of womanhood, and a moral consciousness of the female sexual body, to students. Different types of schools – academic, vocational and Islamic senior high schools – have a different ‘curriculum of the body’ (Lesko 1988) and differently discipline bodies and shape sexuality. School girls articulate their understanding of and practise their sexuality in ways that are characteristic of their class, gender and religiosity, mediated by their schools. The schools articulate a religiously-ordained and gendered social order, and impose social control. The different types of school render girls chaste and virtuous to varying degrees. Through everyday practices, this curriculum effects girls’ embodied experience of sexuality. Minangkabau teenage girls have a highly developed sense of their own sexuality, but, far from experiencing a sexual revolution as a result of globalization, most have developed a sexual awareness that is weighted with cultural and religious burdens. Minang female adolescent sexuality is a moral sexuality based on Islam and adat.
18
Zamotin, M. P. "The Culture of ”Crossroads”: the Emergency of Blues as a Countercultural Declaration." Discourse 6, no. 6 (January 15, 2021): 49–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.32603/2412-8562-2020-6-6-49-64.
Full textAbstract:
Introduction. Apart from classical academic musicology, sociology, social anthropology and related disciplines such as sociolinguistics, philology, and cultural studies contributed to the development of research of music and its role in social, interpersonal relations, and individual experiences. The aim of this research is to investigate musical and singing traditions within the context of social relations, historical challenges, and sub-cultures by sociological and social anthropological approaches. In the last decades these research is of relevance for scholars interested in creativity and creative individuals whose impact effect is ambient in current social and political processes. The main tradition can be approached as a socio-cultural phenomenon emerging in the form of sub-culture.Methodology and sources. Methodological b ackground o f t his r esearch i s o f s tructuralfunctional character. Within this framework art and creativity can be approached by various sets of research techniques. Culture of music can be studies both as an object and as a text; hence, textual and contextual approaches are of significance. In result, we can discover reasons motivating people to influence social relations and preconceptions within certain groups and societies. This approach allows the analysis the connections between individual and collective perceptions of people regarding their identities and place in a society. Finally, not only music shapes the context of sociolultural phenomena, but it is the context itself per se. For this paper I used texts and bibliographic data of singers such as follows: Son House, Robert Johnson, Skip James, William Samuel McTell, Edward W. Clayborn.Results and discussion. The analysis of social history of blues in the end of the nineteenth and in the beginning of the twentieth centuries as well as biographies of bluesmen along with the texts of their songs clearly demonstrates poetic motifs, individual and social reflections of different communities. The images such as love and flirt, manqué love, rest from hard work, roads, railways, trains, abandoned home with simultaneous lack of home, prison, illness, death and cemetery as well as the demonstration of all the listed images by socially oriented creativity in music, represents deep forms of marginality of those who sing it out in front of respected citizens living normal lives.Conclusion. The material scrutinized in this paper clearly shoes that blues as a genre of music along with bluesmen who are representatives of a certain sub-culture, constitute a coherent social system which can be characterized a s a c ounter-culture. This social and cultural phenomenon in a way we encounter it derived from marginal status of its representatives. This marginal status becomes visible in blues as emotion and soulreflection to a large degree contradictory to the idea of respectable citizens and so-called “right way of life”.
19
Hibou, Béatrice. "Work discipline, discipline in Tunisia: complex and ambiguous relations†." African Identities 7, no. 3 (August 2009): 327–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14725840903069114.
Full text
20
Abélès, Marc. "On Anthropology in France." Anthropological Journal of European Cultures 16, no. 1 (March 1, 2007): 101–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ayec.2007.160107.
Full textAbstract:
What is anthropology in France about, what is its image, its impact? Where do we come from? Where are we going? Finding answers to these questions would require a whole book. However, in a more modest way, I would like to make a number of observations related to the recent history of the discipline – history that, as we shall see, is inseparable from the general socio-political context and the place that the discipline occupies today in the French intellectual landscape.
21
Moore, Alexander. "Discipline or profession: Anthropology and its guilds." Reviews in Anthropology 18, no. 1-4 (March 1991): 115–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00988157.1991.9977943.
Full text
22
Cirese, Alberto M. "Le discipline umanistiche: l'antropologia." La Ricerca Folklorica, no. 23 (April 1991): 79. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1479641.
Full text
23
Rabier, Marion, and Étienne Pénissat. "(Dés)ordres et discipline." Ethnologie française 37, no. 4 (2007): 615. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/ethn.074.0615.
Full text
24
Bennett, Tony. "Cultural studies: A reluctant discipline." Cultural Studies 12, no. 4 (October 1998): 528–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09502386.1998.10383119.
Full text
25
Craith, Máiréad Nic, and Bernadette O'Rourke. "Anthropology and Language in Europe." Anthropological Journal of European Cultures 24, no. 1 (March 1, 2015): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ajec.2015.240101.
Full textAbstract:
Within the field of anthropology, there is a comprehensive linguistic sub-discipline which deals with issues from semiotics and linguistics to identity and intangible cultural heritage. This special volume of AJEC emerged from our desire to explore that sub-discipline in a European context. From our perspective, it appears that many anthropologists in and of Europe engage with a variety of questions within the sub-discipline. However, these anthropologists are not necessarily located in anthropology departments. Furthermore, their expertise is not necessarily profiled in anthropological journals. This is in sharp contrast with the U.S.A. where the significance of language in the field of anthropology is more clearly defined and profiled.
26
Klein, Barbro. "La folkloristique, une discipline mère ?" Ethnologie française 38, no. 2 (2008): 223. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/ethn.082.0223.
Full text
27
White, Cassandra. "Experiments in Cultural Anthropology Field School." Practicing Anthropology 32, no. 3 (June 26, 2010): 9–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/praa.32.3.jw57848m80g4t712.
Full textAbstract:
Undergraduate and graduate students in many areas of study (business, healthcare, education, law, and communications, for example) have multiple opportunities to receive firsthand experience in their discipline through internships. Within anthropology, "field schools" or study abroad programs often serve the purpose of internships in terms of providing the basic training students would need to learn how to do fieldwork. As an undergraduate and M.A. student at the University of Florida in the early 1990s, I attended three study abroad programs with an anthropology focus (in Mérida, Mexico; Brunnenburg, Italy; and Rio de Janeiro, Brazil); only one program (in Italy) was billed as a "field school," but all three provided excellent ethnographic training that would serve me well for future fieldwork.
28
Carpitella, Diego. "De Martino e le nuove discipline." La Ricerca Folklorica, no. 13 (April 1986): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1479668.
Full text
29
Ramya, Tame, and Bhaboklang Sohkhlet. "Anthropology in Arunachal Pradesh: Genesis, Establishments, and Contribution." Dera Natung Government College Research Journal 3, no. 1 (2018): 76–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.56405/dngcrj.2018.03.01.09.
Full textAbstract:
The existence of anthropology as an academic and research discipline in Arunachal Pradesh is at infancy. The traditional ethnographic studies among the tribes were initiated by the early British administrators, missionaries, travellers, explorers,etc. Professor Furer-Haimendorf and Verrier Elwin were perhaps the first professional anthropologist and ethnographer to delve into the various cultural aspects of Arunachal tribes. The official recognition of the discipline took place with the introduction of Arunachal Institute of Tribal Studies (AITS) in 1995 under Arunachal University (Now Rajiv Gandhi University, Doimukh) which was established in 1984; for which anthropology as a discipline was introduced in 2001. The establishment of the Directorate of Research, Government of Arunachal Pradesh and introduction of Anthropology at the University and College levels significantly count towards the development of this discipline in the state. Research contributions have been witnessed over time in the field of social and cultural aspects of the tribes. Though not completely absent, researches on physical-biological aspects, genetic studies, linguistic and archaeology, growth, nutrition and health have been witnessed but limited. Taking into consideration the broad scope of Anthropology as a discipline of holistic approach, this paper urge for a need of wider coverage of studies in terms of research, projects, and publications in developing tribal state like Arunachal Pradesh. The relevance of Anthropology in the state could be ensured through rigorous research taken up at various levels of standard, support from the government, collaboration between academic institutions and funding agencies. At the same time, its dimension and scope as a relevant research and academic discipline could be broadened and expanded through addressing new research questions, formulation of hypotheses, and through standard conduct of empirical researches.
30
Sztankai, Krisztián. "Place and Role of Cultural Anthropology in the Military." Academic and Applied Research in Military and Public Management Science 13, no. 1 (March 31, 2014): 113–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.32565/aarms.2014.1.10.
Full textAbstract:
Action–anthropology is one branch of cultural anthropology that as an interdiscipline can promote the more effective functioning of the system of the Hungarian Defence Force’s mission operations planning, training, and task implementation. Cultural anthropology — and the sub–discipline action–anthropology — is a branch of social science utilizing methods of theory and knowledge to solve prac- tical social problems; therefore, it is suitable for special research in mission areas.
31
Martínez, Francisco. "Forum Introduction." Anthropological Journal of European Cultures 29, no. 2 (September 1, 2020): 93–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ajec.2020.290206.
Full textAbstract:
This Forum sets out to contribute to the understanding of anthropologists’ identification with their discipline, the homogeneity of anthropologists as an academic group, and how our disciplinary boundaries are constructed and embodied. It provides different angles on the academic demarcations influencing how anthropology is practiced in Europe. Four colleagues explore different ways of questioning the boundaries of our discipline, opening up spaces for remaking anthropology (what can be said and done, and by whom).
32
Ali, Maged, and Laurence Brooks. "A situated cultural approach for cross‐cultural studies in IS." Journal of Enterprise Information Management 22, no. 5 (September 25, 2009): 548–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/17410390910993536.
Full textAbstract:
PurposeThis paper aims to provide a comprehensive framework of a situated culture approach to studying culture within the IS discipline.Design/methodology/approachThis is achieved via an articulation of structuration theory and the provision of an approach to study cross‐cultural phenomena within the IS discipline. The paper proposes two main components of a structuration theory based analysis model which is proposed as a way to study culture within IS discipline. First, the paper presents ideas behind the practice lens for studying the use of technology, as proposed by Orlikowski. Second, the paper presents a structurational analysis approach as detailed by Walsham. The paper argues that using a practice lens contributes to identifying the mediated shared structures between actors through understanding the actions of the actors within the phenomena. Then, using a structurational analysis approach contributes to identifying the cultural dimensions that are embedded in the identified mediated shared structures.FindingsThis paper contributes to cultural studies within the IS discipline and provides a framework for researchers aiming to investigate cultural influences for different phenomena within IS.Originality/valueCultural anthropology seeks to understand the similarities and differences among groups of people in the contemporary world. Although there are many different models of national culture, most IS research has tended to rely almost solely on Hofstede's cultural model. However, Hofstede's cultural model been criticised, and using structurational analysis will provide researchers within cultural studies in the IS discipline with a more broad perspective for the phenomena.
33
De Munck, Victor C., and Kristina Garalytė. "Old Discipline, New Trajectories: Theories, Methods and Practices in Anthropology." Vilnius University Proceedings 25 (June 3, 2022): 1–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/olddiscnewtrjectories.2022.
Full textAbstract:
Going under the title “Old Discipline, New Trajectories: Theories, Methods and Practices in Anthropology”, the conference seeks to provide a “home” for socio-cultural and linguistic anthropologists as well as archeologists and bio-evolutionary anthropologists who identify themselves and seek to connect with scientifically minded anthropologists. It does not neglect the humanistic aspect of anthropology and embraces it as part of the unity implicit in the study of human lifeways and the cultural stuff that gives meaning, direction and collective identities to us. The conference might be seen as an important foundational step to establishing closer collaboration and integration among different disciplinary and methodological strands within the discipline of anthropology. The conference will broadly focus on theory, methods and practices in anthropology and will address the following questions:
- Can we still say that anthropology is the most scientific of humanities and most humanistic of social sciences?- What does a scientific approach to the study of culture imply theoretically and methodologically?- Should ethnography still hold a central place in anthropology?- How can the results of the study of human evolution, cultural evolution and language evolution contribute insights into the current human condition?- What are the consequences the current rapid technological change is having on culture?- What can anthropology contribute to the important questions of today’s world such as pandemics, growing economic inequality, fascism, second demographic transition, climate change, etc.?
34
Erlihson, Irina M. "THE NEWGATE CALENDAR: PCHYCOLOGICAL RECONSTRUCTION OF ENGLISH CRIMINAL BIOGRAPHY OT THE 18TH CENTURY." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Kul'turologiya i iskusstvovedenie, no. 43 (2021): 166–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/22220836/43/13.
Full textAbstract:
The author of the article refers to one of the intellectual aspects of the genesis of English penitentiary reforms of the 18th century. The progressive increase in crime rate, which English society faced in the 18th century, became a popular trend in social discourse, being left off “board” of historical penology that developed till the middle of the 20th century in the line of the normativism approach. Historiographic schools traditionally treated the evolution of English criminal justice system of the 18th century as the history of sanctions and led complicated social processes to forming severe “vertical of subordination”. The dislocation of the vector of historical researches to interdisciplinary anthropological field led to the emergence of new methods of reconstructions of historical world. The author applied theoretical aspects and tools of “cultural-intellectual and new social history” and it helped to consider imperious relationships in the epoch of the reforming of criminal justice system in the mirror of representation in historical narratives in social-cultural context and reality of Great Britain in the 18th century. The aim of the following research is to analyze criminal biographies from the Newgate Calendar for comprehension of the psychology of a crime both in the point of view of its direct subjects and through the prism of literary and personal interpretation. To reach the goal the author solves the following tasks: - considers the phenomenon of crime from the point of view of their subjects, on the one hand, and the public in the search for universal forms of neutralization of criminal aggression and ways of realization of the punishment in the stated period, on the other; - analyzes the criminals’ psychological state and emotional reactions taking into account classical studies in criminal psychology; - shows the specifics of the manifestation and perception of violence and “crime and retribution” interpretation in the social and spiritual-intellectual contexts of the period In the framework of the study, the author resorts to both special historical and source study methods (biographical, historical synthesis, discursive analysis, interpretation of texts and sources), as well as to the tools of related humanitarian disciplines such as psychological anthropology (reconstruction of a criminal biography involving fundamental works of Z. Freud, E. Fromm, Yu.M. Antonyan). We conclude the following: First of all, Newgate histories performed the edifying function, reminding us of the inevitability of punishment and compulsory repentance of a criminal. Moralistic component helped the “Calendar” to create the reputation of reading, elevating the spirit and it frequently held pride of place on the bookshelves near the Bible. Secondly, The Newgate Calendar made the attitude to the essence of violence in human nature as a part of public discourse. It was a successful commercial project of replication of the examples of antisocial behavior: violence, fraud, adultery, sexual inversions were boldly included into the sphere of public representation. In fact, the combination of didactic discourses and narrative passages created compositional structure of every biography in proportion, fitting such criteria as provocativeness of the material, eccentricity of a criminal’s personality and the degree of his discrepancy to conventional social norms.
35
Coombe, Rosemary J. "Beyond Modernity′s Meanings: Engaging the Postmodern in Cultural Anthropology." Culture 11, no. 1-2 (December 15, 2021): 111–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1084479ar.
Full textAbstract:
Drawing upon literature in cultural studies, the author argues that the concept of the postmodern challenges the discipline of cultural anthropology in a number of ways. Interpretive anthropology is a modernist enterprise — one with untenable premises and limitations that are increasingly evident in the condition of postmodernity. Exploring the intersections between culture and power in local contexts, cultural anthropologists engage the postmodern by investigating the cultural politics of everyday life.
36
Marcus, George E. "The Passion of Anthropology in the U.S., circa 2007." Anthropological Journal of European Cultures 16, no. 1 (March 1, 2007): 29–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ayec.2007.160104.
Full textAbstract:
For me, since the 1980s, the distinctive event in the recent history of social and cultural anthropology in the United States has been a profound cutting of the discipline (or rather of this influential component of the four-field disciplinary organisation of general anthropology) from moorings that defined it through much of the twentieth century. Certainly the discipline is still wedded functionally to certain aspects of the institutional model which has shaped the identity of social and cultural anthropologists, as pioneered through the works of such figures as Bronislaw Malinowski in England and Franz Boas in the United States. Most anthropologists still begin their careers with a geographical area specialisation outside the U.S. However, few receive the intensive areas studies education that was available and encouraged in the U.S. during the 1950s through to the 1970s when, in the atmosphere of the Cold War and development studies, there was a huge investment in such interdisciplinary programmes that has since waned.
37
Danilko, Elena. "A Review of Ilya Utekhin, Chto takoe vizualnaya antropologiya: putevoditel po klassike etnograficheskogo kino [What Is Visual Anthropology: А Guidebook on the Classics of Ethnographic Cinema]. St Petersburg: Poryadok slov, 2018, 352 pp." Antropologicheskij forum 16, no. 45 (2020): 228–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.31250/1815-8870-2020-16-45-228-240.
Full textAbstract:
This is a review of anthropologist Ilya Utekhin’s What Is Visual Anthropology: A Guidebook on the Classic of Ethnographic Cinema. On the example of classical ethnographic films of the 20th century, the monograph considers the phenomenon of ethnographic cinema as an important part of visual anthropology. The book’s main intent is to show how outstanding projects that shaped visual anthropology as a discipline posed key questions for anthropology as a whole. These include nonverbal communication, the socialization and association of personality types with the dominant ethos of culture, the form and function of ritualized aggression in tribal society, obsession and communication with other beings, psycho-pathology, boundaries of normality, arrangement of specialized social institutes, boundaries of human beings and human projections in relations between human beings and animals. The review focuses on the key problems of developing visual anthropology as a discipline and how they were reflected in films.
38
Leeds-Hurwitz, Wendy. "Intercultural Communication and Anthropology: Understanding Their Common History." Practicing Anthropology 9, no. 3 (July 1, 1987): 4–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/praa.9.3.w8820h7305074772.
Full textAbstract:
The thriving field of study called intercultural communication appears closely related to anthropology in content, but it currently has few links with the discipline of anthropology. Rather, its home is within the discipline of communication, which defines it as the study of communication between individuals from different cultural backgrounds. This can be interpreted as meaning subcultural groups within America but more generally is interpreted as interaction between people from different countries. Although most anthropologists have little to do with intercultural communication at present, and some may not even know that it exists, the situation was once different.
39
Reuter, Thomas A. "Imagining globalization in anthropology." Focaal 2015, no. 71 (March 1, 2015): 18–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2015.710103.
Full textAbstract:
Over the last century anthropological studies have served as a testimony to human cultural diversity, as well as highlighting the existential challenges we all share, but the discipline has failed to provide an undistorted mirror of this unity in diversity. Critics from postcolonial studies and within anthropology have argued that anthropological knowledge cannot be universal so long as representatives of only a few privileged nations participate in the process of its construction, and so long as there are significant power differentials among those who do participate. From the perspective of a performance theory of truth, there are two necessary conditions if we wish for anthropology to genuinely reflect the human condition. The first step is to improve global participation in the social production of anthropological knowledge by creating equality within the discipline. The second is to help create a more level playing field in the world at large by challenging abuses of power in contemporary societies. In this article I discuss recent efforts by international organizations in anthropology to satisfy some of these conditions.
40
Jackson, John P. "Definitional Argument in Evolutionary Psychology and Cultural Anthropology." Science in Context 23, no. 1 (January 26, 2010): 121–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0269889709990263.
Full textAbstract:
ArgumentEvolutionary psychologists argue that because humans are biological creatures, cultural explanations must include biology. They thus offer to unify the natural and social sciences. Evolutionary psychologists rely on a specific history of cultural anthropology, particularly the work of Alfred Kroeber to make this point. A close examination of the history of cultural anthropology reveals that Kroeber acknowledged that humans were biological and culture had a biological foundation; however, he argued that we should treat culture as autonomous because that would bring benefits to the biological sciences as well as the human sciences. Hence, the historical caricature of his work by evolutionary psychology fails. The paper concludes that cultural anthropologists were successful in creating their discipline, at least in part, because they argued by pragmatic definition. Evolutionary psychology, on the other hand, offers an essentialist definition of “culture” and thus offers a much less promising vision of interdisciplinary collaboration.
41
Adair, John G., Janak Pandey, Hamida Akhtar Begum, Biranchi N. Puhan, and Neharika Vohra. "Indigenization and Development of the Discipline." Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology 26, no. 4 (July 1995): 392–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022022195264005.
Full text
42
Bardone, Ester, Maarja Kaaristo, Kristi Jõesalu, and Ene Kõresaar. "Mõtestades materiaalset kultuuri / Making sense of the material culture." Studia Vernacula 10 (November 5, 2019): 12–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/sv.2019.10.12-45.
Full textAbstract:
People live amidst objects, things, articles, items, artefacts, materials, substances, and stuff – described in social sciences and humanities as material culture, which denotes both natural and human-made entities, which form our physical environment. We, humans, relate to this environment by using, depicting, interacting with or thinking about various material objects or their representations. In other words, material culture is never just about things in themselves, it is also about various ideas, representations, experiences, practices and relations. In contemporary theorising about material culture, the watershed between the tangible and intangible has started to disappear as all the objects have multiple meanings. This paper theorises objects mostly in terms of contemporary socio-cultural anthropology and ethnology by first giving an overview of the development of the material culture studies and then focusing upon consumption studies, material agency, practice theory and the methods for studying material culture.
Both anthropology and ethnology in the beginning of the 20th century were dealing mostly with ‘saving’; that is, collecting the ethnographical objects from various cultures for future preservation as societies modernised. The collecting of the everyday items of rural Estonians, which had begun in the 19th century during the period of national awakening, gained its full momentum after the establishment of the Estonian National Museum in 1909. During the museum’s first ten years, 20,000 objects were collected (Õunapuu 2007). First, the focus was on the identification of the historical-geographical typologies of the collected artefacts. In 1919, the first Estonian with a degree in ethnology, Helmi Reiman-Neggo (2013) stressed the need for ethnographical descriptions of the collected items and the theoretical planning of the museum collections. The resulting vast ethnographical collection of the Estonian National Museum (currently about 140,000 items) has also largely influenced ethnology and anthropology as academic disciplines in Estonia (Pärdi 1993).
Even though in the first half of the 20th century the focus lay in the systematic collection and comparative analysis of everyday items and folk art, there were studies that centred on meaning already at the end of 19th century. Austrianethnologist Rudolf Meringer suggested in 1891 that a house should be studied as a cultural individual and analysed within the context of its functions and in relation to its inhabitants. Similarly, the 1920s and 1930s saw studies on the roles of artefacts that were not influenced by Anglo-American functionalism: Mathilde Hain (1936) studied how folk costumes contribute to the harmonious functioning of a ‘small community’, and Petr Bogatyrev (1971) published his study on Moravian costumes in 1937. This study, determining the three main functions – instrumental, aesthetic and symbolic – of the folk costume, and translated into English 30 years after first publication, had a substantial influence on the development of material culture studies.
The 1970s saw the focus of material culture studies in Western and Northern Europe shifting mainly from the examination of (historical) rural artefacts to the topics surrounding contemporary culture, such as consumption. In Soviet Estonian ethnology, however, the focus on the 19th century ethnographic items was prevalent until the 1980s as the topic was also partially perceived as a protest against the direction of Soviet academia (see Annist and Kaaristo 2013 for a thorough overview). There were, of course, exceptions, as for instance Arved Luts’s (1962) studies on everyday life on collective farms. Meanwhile, however, the communicative and semiotic turn of the 1970s turned European ethnology’s focus to the idea of representation and objects as markers of identity as well as means of materialising the otherwise intangible and immaterial relationships and relations. The theory of cultural communication was established in Scandinavian ethnology and numerous studies on clothing, housing and everyday items as material expressions of social structures, hierarchies, values and ideologies emerged (Lönnqvist 1979, Gustavsson 1991). The Scandinavian influences on Estonia are also reflected in Ants Viires’s (1990) suggestion that ethnologists should study clothing (including contemporary clothing) in general and not just folk costumes, by using a semiotic approach.
Löfgren’s (1997) clarion call to bring more ‘flesh and blood’ to the study of material culture was a certain reaction to the above focus. Researchers had for too long focused exclusively upon the meaning and, as Löfgren brought forth, they still did not have enough understanding of what exactly it was that people were actually and practically doing with their things. Ingold’s (2013) criticism on the studies focusing on symbolism, and the lack of studies on the tangible materiality of the materials and their properties, takes a similar position. In the 1990s, there was a turn toward the examination of material-cultural and those studies that were written within the framework of ‘new materialism’ (Hicks 2010, Coole and Frost 2010) started to pay attention to objects as embodied and agentive (Latour 1999, Tilley et al 2006). Nevertheless, as Olsen (2017) notes, all materialities are not created equal in contemporary academic research: while items like prostheses, Boyle’s air pumps or virtual realities enjoy increased attention, objects such as wooden houses, fireplaces, rakes and simple wooden chairs are still largely unexamined. The traditional material culture therefore needs new studying in the light of these post-humanist theories.
Where does this leave Estonian ethnology? In the light of the theoretical developments discussed above, we could ask, whether and how has the material Making sense of the material culture turn affected research in Estonia? Here we must first note that for a significant part of the 20th century, Estonian ethnology (or ethnography as the discipline was called before 1990s) has mostly been centred on the material culture (see the overview of the main topics from vehicles to folk costumes in Viires and Vunder 2008). Partly because of this aspect of the discipline’s history, many researchers actually felt the need to somewhat distance themselves from these topics in the 1990s (Pärdi 1998). Compared to topics like religion, identity, memory, oral history and intangible heritage, study of material culture has largely stayed in the background. There are of course notable exceptions such as Vunder’s (1992) study on the history of style, which includes analysis of theirsymbolic aspects. It is also interesting to note that in the 1990s Estonian ethnology, the term ‘material culture’ (‘materiaalne kultuur’) – then seen as incorporating the dualism between material and immaterial – was actually replaced with the Estonian translation of German ‘Sachkultur’ (‘esemekultuur’, literally ‘artefact culture’). Nevertheless, it was soon realised that this was actually a too narrow term (with its exclusion of natural objects and phenomena as well as the intangible and social aspects of culture), slowly fell out of general usage, and was replaced with ‘material culture’ once again. Within the past three decades, studies dealing with material culture have discussed a wide variety of topics from the vernacular interior design (Kannike 2000, 2002, 2012), everyday commodities (Kõresaar 1999b) and spiritual objects (Teidearu 2019), traditional rural architecture (Pärdi 2012, Kask 2012, 2015), museum artefacts (Leete 1996), clothing, textiles and jewellery (Kõresaar 1999a; Järs 2004; Summatavet 2005; Jõeste 2012; Araste and Ventsel 2015), food culture (Piiri 2006; Bardone 2016; Kannike and Bardone 2017), to soviet consumer culture (Ruusmann 2006, Rattus 2013) and its implications in life histories (Kõresaar 1998, Jõesalu and Nugin 2017). All of these these studies deal with how people interpret, remember and use objects.
The main keywords of the studies of European material culture have been home, identity and consumption (but also museology and tangible heritage, which have not been covered in this article). Material culture studies are an important part of the studies of everyday life and here social and cultural histories are still important (even though they have been criticised for focusing too much on symbols and representation). Therefore, those studies focusing on physical materials and materialites, sensory experiences, embodiment, and material agency have recently become more and more important. This article has given an overview of the three most prevalent thematic and theoretical strands of the study of material culture: objects as symbols especially in the consumer culture, material agency and practice theory as well as discussing some methodological suggestions for the material culture studies.
To conclude, even though on the one hand we could argue that when it comes to the study of material culture there indeed exists a certain hierarchy of „old“ topics that relate to museums or traditional crafts and „new“ and modern materialities, such as smart phones or genetically modified organisms. However, dichotomies like this are often artificial and do not show the whole picture: contemporary children are often as proficient in playing cat’s cradle as they are with video games (Jackson 2016). Thus, studying various (everyday) material objects and entities is still topical and the various theories discussed in this article can help to build both theoretical and empirical bridge between different approaches. Therefore, there is still a lot to do in this regard and we invite researchers to study objects form all branches of material culture, be they 19th century beer mugs in the collections of the Estonian National Museum that can help us to better give meaning to our past, or the digital and virtual design solutions that can give our academic research an applied direction.
Keywords: material culture, artefacts, consumption, practice, agency, research methods
43
Chevalier, Sophie, Jeanette Edwards, and Sharon Macdonald. "L'anthropologie de la Grande-Bretagne : une discipline en plein essor." Ethnologie française 37, no. 2 (2007): 197. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/ethn.072.0197.
Full text
44
Contri, Andréia Mainardi, Marlon Paula Pessota, Carla Rosane da Silva Tavares Alves, and Vânia Maria Abreu de Oliveira. "Cultural and social interactions." International Journal for Innovation Education and Research 9, no. 10 (October 1, 2021): 145–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.31686/ijier.vol9.iss10.3427.
Full textAbstract:
This paper presents the results of a bibliographical research that had as corpus the films "Up to the limit of honor" (1997), "Race and redemption" (2019) and "The House of Spirits" (1993), an activity proposed in the discipline Cultural Representations: Literature and Cinema, of the master’s degree in Sociocultural Practices and Social Development of the University of Cruz Alta – Unicruz. The purpose of this work was to discuss recurring themes in the contemporary society scenario, such as: machismo, social inclusion and prejudice, issues that are presented in the films analyzed.
45
Mears, Ashley. "Discipline of the catwalk." Ethnography 9, no. 4 (December 2008): 429–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1466138108096985.
Full text
46
Rojas, Fabio. "One Discipline, Two Tracks." Journal of Black Studies 39, no. 1 (May 8, 2007): 57–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934706294785.
Full text
47
Bondarenko, Dmitri M. "Cultural Anthropology in the USA." Anthropos 117, no. 2 (2022): 411–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0257-9774-2022-2-411.
Full textAbstract:
The outburst of antiracist protests in the USA in 2020 demonstrates how deeply this society’s present-day problems are rooted in its past. From this perspective, a study of the cultural memory of the time of the Civil War and the abolition of slavery, the key moment in the contemporary American nation formation, is especially relevant and important. The cultural frontier between the North and the South that had appeared as an outcome of differences in US history has not disappeared up to now. By example of the complexity and inconsistency of the historical memory of the Civil War, slavery, and its abolition in the USA manifested in their visual representations, the article documents how through collective memory, history does not just invade modernity but is present in it, particularly in the form of memorials, monuments, museum expositions, and therefore determines the nation’s modernity to a large degree.
48
Caduff, Carlo. "Anthropology’s ethics: Moral positionalism, cultural relativism, and critical analysis." Anthropological Theory 11, no. 4 (December 2011): 465–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1463499611428921.
Full textAbstract:
In a programmatic article, published in late 2008 in Anthropological Theory, the French anthropologist Didier Fassin explores the vexed question whether anthropology should be moral or not. Observing a general discomfort with the question of morality in the discipline of anthropology, Fassin argues that such a discomfort might actually serve a valuable heuristic function for the development of a moral anthropology in the near future. What Fassin means by moral anthropology is essentially a form of empirical inquiry that investigates how social agents articulate and negotiate moral claims in local contexts. In this response to Fassin’s article, I address a crucial challenge at the heart of moral anthropology, or the anthropology of ethics, as I prefer to call it. The challenge is to bring the anthropology of ethics into a productive relationship with the ethics of anthropology. Building on Fassin’s argument, I suggest that the discomfort with ethics indeed serves a valuable heuristic function because it is the spontaneous articulation of an ethics of discomfort.
49
Pavlova, O. Y. "THE PROBLEM OF FIELD RELATIONSHIP CULTURAL AND VISUAL ANTHROPOLOGY IN THE LOGIC OF THE CRISIS OF TEXT-CENTERED METHODS OF CULTURAL RESEARCH." UKRAINIAN CULTURAL STUDIES, no. 1 (8) (2021): 54–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/ucs.2021.1(8).12.
Full textAbstract:
The article is devoted to the study of the relevance of anthropological issues in the beginning of twentieth century and socio-cultural background of the anthropological sciences. The specificity of the subject and method of anthropology as a science in general focused on the systematization of empirical material which was studied. In this context, the logic of the formation of cultural / social anthropology and its instrumental interest to the video productions of technical media is studied. Anthropology tried to form a scientific understanding of human world as a holistic phenomenon (combining theoretical generalizations based on empirical data), while cultural anthropology focused on the study of cultural diversity. Visual anthropology emerged as a crossing of the fields of cultural anthropology as an academic discipline and the field of application of technical optical media, and thus a new source of empirical material. The gradual accumulation of empirical material in the "field researches" of anthropologists allowed to significantly expand the subject area and optics of anthropological science. And also it allowed visual anthropology to go gradually beyond the instrumental function that was originally intended for it. Meanwhile, the text-centered view of ethnographic material led to the transform of the culture of indigenous peoples into the codes of Western civilization, and hence to its reduction. Any of the various authentic non-Western cultures fundamentally distinguishes them from the unification style of the modern culture. The accumulation of video production by ethnography has allowed not only to preserve the disappearing authentic cultures, but also to develop methods of systematization of visual material, as well as to understand the role of visual anthropology as an autonomous discipline of the humanities. The integration of two aspects of visual anthropology (the production and study of images) casts doubt the classical style of positivist science: in particular, on the one hand the status of the subject as an observer or a spectator, on the one hand, and the monopoly of text optics, on the other.
50
Bourke, Sarah. "Enacting an Indigenist Anthropology: Diversity and Decolonising the Discipline." Teaching Anthropology 10, no. 1 (August 3, 2021): 30–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.22582/ta.v10i1.583.
Full textAbstract:
My doctoral thesis focused on a national epidemiological survey of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander wellbeing in Australia. I occupied many roles during my study and fieldwork and adapted the practice of my anthropology to fulfil both the goals of my research and my socio-cultural responsibilities as an Aboriginal Australian. Being able to conceptualise one’s diversity and being reflexive in anthropological practice is necessary for researchers undertaking decolonising research in particular. The necessity of this process is not often taught at an institutional level, reflecting (and perpetuating) the lack of diversity within the Academy and the enduring power imbalances between researchers and the Indigenous communities with whom they conduct research. This paper is organised around four principles which are characteristics of a decolonising research model from an Indigenous standpoint — Resistance, Reflexivity, Relationality, and Respect. Through these principles I describe how I enacted an ‘Indigenist anthropology’ which enabled me to be diverse and work towards decolonising the discipline from within the Academy. What this paper highlights is the need for research for, with, and by Indigenous academics, and the need for allies in the Academy who recognise the importance of decolonisation and diversity within anthropology.