Journal articles on the topic 'Degree Discipline: Anthropology'

This issue is an attempt to help identify and define masters-level practitioners in anthropology and to provide a forum for discussion and reflection for those trained in M.A. or M.A.A. programs. (Hereafter referred to as "masters professionals" or "masters practitioners"). The authors assembled here have agreed to help define who they are, what they are doing, and where the path of anthropological practitioner has taken them, with a focus exclusively on their experience as a masters-level practitioner. Masters professionals are a relatively unique and recent phenomena, the result of the vision of those senior anthropologists who created programs in applied anthropology in the 1970s and 1980s designed to produce professional practicing anthropologists with masters' degrees. By and large this effort has been successful, judging from numbers which show masters graduates often triple those of Ph.D.'s in anthropology (A.A.A. Guide to Departments, 1996). These numbers are not indicative of anything relevant to the discipline or profession, but serve to raise a question in our minds about what all these anthropologists are doing. Further, these data do not reflect the reality of practitioners' experience, the formation of practitioner identity, the context of training, the level of participation, and the contributions of masters professionals to the discipline. The master's degree is an indirect success especially in anthropology, where the standard often assumes acquisition of the Ph.D. This issue of Practicing Anthropology is aimed at helping to direct and clarify the above-mentioned issues, and make an effort to connect masters professionals in anthropology, as well as to uncover new directions for all practitioners by profiling this constituency. We hope that together these articles will start a dialogue among all practitioners as to the necessity, practice, usefulness, and marketability of this professional discipline, and the role of the masters professional within it.

Hindsight allows present-day scholars to view the development of academic disciplines in a light that contemporaries would never have seen. Hence, from our perspective, Mary Furner's assertion that anthropology developed as a profession reacting against biology and the physical sciences makes sense, for we tend to celebrate the triumph of cultural anthropology as the coming of age of the discipline. However, this trajectory of professional development was not a necessary or predestined development. Rather, the eventual (if occasionally still embattled) predominance of culture over the categories of race, nation, and biology was only one of many possible outcomes. This paper investigates a different trajectory, one that most current scholars would hope has been relegated to the dustbin of history. It is still a cautionary tale, though, in that while the racial anthropology followed in this narrative did not survive World War II, its practitioners did enjoy a degree of prominence and influence that was much greater and longer than has been generally acknowledged by current accounts.

The anthropological perspective, defined in the broadest sense, provides both a theoretical basis for understanding human society and affords insights into the human condition. These are useful to any number of professions. As a public interest advocate with almost two decades of experience organizing around social justice and environmental issues, I am interested in the discipline not as a researcher, applied or otherwise, but as a tool for understanding and promoting progressive social change through grassroots organizing. My pursuit of a master's degree in applied anthropology, rather than the more conventional degree in public policy chosen by many advocates, was spurred by a desire to understand better how human culture is organized and reproduced. I wanted to glean a deeper understanding of the cultural preconditions for progressive movements that ultimately cause social change. To this end, over the past two years, I have integrated my professional work experiences with the anthropological perspective garnered from my graduate studies. The best example of this convergence is a statewide legislative campaign that I spearheaded in Nebraska. By wearing my "anthropological lenses" I have been able to view organizing from a new vantage point and to design more effectively a majority strategy for mobilizing citizens around environmental issues. The Nebraska campaign that I will discuss in this article is a compelling example of why anthropology should be viewed as a discipline that can provide an intellectual bedrock for other professions. By redefining and expanding the role for anthropology outside academia, the discipline is strengthened and its relevancy assured. This essay is a reflection on how anthropology has enriched and changed my work as an organizer and is a testimonial to its relevancy in our modern world.

AbstractMathematics is a fundamental tool of research. Although potentially applicable in every discipline, the amount of training in mathematics that students typically receive varies greatly between different disciplines. In those disciplines where most researchers do not master mathematics, the use of mathematics may be held in too much awe. To demonstrate this I conducted an online experiment with 200 participants, all of which had experience of reading research reports and a postgraduate degree (in any subject). Participants were presented with the abstracts from two published papers (one in evolutionary anthropology and one in sociology). Based on these abstracts, participants were asked to judge the quality of the research. Either one or the other of the two abstracts was manipulated through the inclusion of an extra sentence taken from a completely unrelated paper and presenting an equation that made no sense in the context. The abstract that included the meaningless mathematics tended to be judged of higher quality. However, this “nonsense math effect” was not found among participants with degrees in mathematics, science, technology or medicine.

Cultural anthropology in France continues to bear the influence of a colonial-era distinction between “modern” societies with a high degree of social differentiation (and marked by rapid social change) and ostensibly socially homogeneous and change-resistant “traditional” ones. The history of key institutions (museums and research institutes) bears witness to this, as does recent scholarship centered on “the contemporary” that reworks earlier models and concepts and applies them to a world increasingly marked by transnational circulation and globalization. Anthropology at the Crossroads describes the evolution of a national tradition of scholarship, changes to its institutional status, and the models, concepts, and critical perspectives of anthropologists currently revisiting and reworking the foundations of the discipline in France.

Abstract Whether teaching at the undergraduate or graduate level, we recognize anthropology is a discovery major. Students find their way into a class and something thrilling happens; they get hooked and claim anthropology as their major or advanced degree. What is it that lures students into anthropology? It is the process of understanding culture and power or being able to “make a difference” and contribute towards positive change in an organization or a community. This drive to make a difference for those we work with drew us in as academics and practitioners and kept us engaged in the discipline. It was this vocational motivation that inspired Susan to invite Victoria, Jennifer, and John to speak to her undergraduate Applied Anthropology class regarding our experiences as practitioners. She posed the questions: “What can you do with a degree in anthropology?” and “How do you go about getting those positions rather than becoming a professor?” There may be many jobs in one’s career journey as we see it; how do you get started, stay encouraged, “upgrade” your skills, and creatively adapt over time? This paper is a product of the discussion started in that class and hopefully adds to the larger conversation currently taking place in the field.

In 1974 I enrolled in the inaugural class of the University of South Florida's (USF) M.A. program in applied anthropology. My undergraduate degree had been in finance and prelaw, and my experience with anthropology very limited. My interest in the program had been spurred by a St. Petersburg Times interview with Ailon Shiloh, then the graduate program director. The article told an exciting story about a new idea for anthropology—that the powerful analytical tools and perceptual abilities of the discipline could be taught to master's students, who could then be turned loose on modern American society to become effective and empathetic problem solvers. I was in my mid-twenties and ready to make a commitment to graduate education and a career. Anthropology had never occurred to me, probably because educational and career possibilities in this generally mysterious social science were limited, in my perception, to a Ph.D. and university teaching.

Abstract Social anthropologists have acted as expert witnesses in legal proceedings for many decades, however there has persisted a tension between social anthropologists’ readiness to accept the assignation of ‘expertise’, and the typical manner in which courts and legally empowered bodies characterise such expertise as the forensic specialization of an established scientific field. This paper presents a model for the distinction between forensic social anthropology and expert social anthropology, both of which play important probative roles in a range of legal processes. The key variable in this proposed distinction is the relative degree of independent causal modelling permitted to social anthropologists engaged by courts and other legally empowered bodies. In forensic applications, social anthropologists are called upon to independently detect and explain causal processes that link culturally specific ideas to real-world instances human social interaction. By contrast, in expert applications, social anthropologists are called upon to advise on whether causal models defined by the terms of a given legal process have been substantiated. This distinction brings forensic and expert social anthropology into line with similar distinctions made between forensic and expert applications of physical anthropology in legal proceedings, and offers a useful contribution to the reconciliation of social and physical anthropology as two fields of a single parent discipline.

The advent of career-oriented applied anthropology programs, devoted at least in part to preparing students for employment outside academia, is still a relatively recent development. It was not until the eighties that practitioners training programs began to be examined and observations shared with peer groups (Hyland and Kirkpatrick 1989; Trotter 1988; Kushner 1994). As we enter the new millennium, these training programs have demonstrated the positive value of a practicum or internship experience (Kushner and Wolfe 1993; Smith, Wolfe and Chambers 1981) for producing academically trained practitioners of applied anthropology. In some respects, the experiences of those programs that have developed at the master's level are of particular interest, simply because the discipline has had so little prior experience regarding masters as a professional level degree.

This issue, dedicated to the memory of Delmos Jones, demonstrates several things. First, students learn anthropological skills best in the same way that people more generally learn about culture: through experience. The issue demonstrates one very effective way for students to acquire the knowledge and skills needed to practice anthropology: through the internship experience. The internship has long been a central part of practitioner training at the University of Maryland College Park. Secondly, and this is something that continues to surprise Jeanne and me in our work with undergraduate anthropology majors: students are capable of much better and more sophisticated work than we expect. The articles in this issue are clear evidence of this. Finally, the development of an individual's identity as an anthropologist is independent of any official credentialing or licensing process. Rather, people begin to identify themselves as anthropologists (or aspire to become anthropologists) in the college or university where they earn their degree. We are a discipline with numbers far too small to spend a great deal of time quibbling over whether someone with a Master's degree should and shouldn't be counted as an anthropologist. There is general agreement within the discipline about the value for anthropologists at all stages of their careers to continue to acquire new skills and innovative ideas about how to apply traditional skills, such as ethnographic research skills, throughout our professional lives. Anthropology does not own "ethnography" nor "ethnographic research," although it is central to what many of us do. Rather, all of us who call ourselves anthropologists continue to take pride in our ability to adapt and redefine ‘traditional’ skills such as ethnographic research to the ever-changing challenges posed by the human experience, as demonstrated by the contributors to this issue.

Abstract On one meaning of the term “historicism” to be a historicist is to be committed to the claim that the human sciences have a methodology of their own that is distinct in kind and not only in degree from that of the natural sciences. In this sense of the term Collingwood certainly was a historicist, for he defended the view that history is an autonomous discipline with a distinctive method and subject matter against the claim for methodological unity in the sciences. On another interpretation historicism is a relativist way of thinking which denies the possibility of universal and fundamental interpretations of historical or cultural phenomena. In the following I argue that at least in this second sense of “historicism” Collingwood was everything but a historicist. Quine, on the contrary, was nothing but a historicist. The goal of the comparison, however, is not to establish just who, on this definition, was or was not a historicist, but to draw a few conclusions about what a commitment to or rejection of historicism in this sense, tells us about the nature of understanding.

Academic disciplines, including departments of history, emerged slowly and unevenly in the second half of the nineteenth century. Professional societies, including the American Historical Association (AHA) at its founding in 1884, were generally tiny organizations, a few would-be specialists collecting together to stake a claim on a distinct scholarly identity. Fields of study were necessarily fluid—interdisciplinary because they remained, to a large degree, predisciplinary. As fields went, the study of religion appeared especially amorphous; it was spread out across philology, history, classics, folklore, anthropology, archaeology, psychology, sociology, and oriental studies. Adding to the complexity more than simplifying it was the persisting claim that the study of religion belonged specifically (if not exclusively) to theology and hence to seminaries and divinity schools. Elizabeth A. Clark'sFounding the Fathersilluminates the importance of Protestant theological institutions in shaping the study of religion in nineteenth-century America, suggesting, in particular, how well-trained church historians pointed the way toward disciplinary consolidation and specialization. Marjorie Wheeler-Barclay'sScience of Religion, by contrast, explores the leading British intellectuals responsible for extending the study of religion across a broad swath of the new human sciences. Together these two books offer an excellent opportunity to reflect on what religion looked like as a learned object of inquiry before religious studies fully crystallized as an academic discipline in the middle third of the twentieth century. Clark opens the introduction to her book with an epigraph from Hayden White: “The question is, What is involved in the transformation of a field of studies into a discipline?” (1). What indeed?

Anthropological cinema is the most representative form of visual anthropological research, due to which it can be considered a kind of calling card of visual anthropology. It is confirmed by facts from the history of the scientific discipline and by constant, continuous interest in anthropological films both from researchers and from the audience. This is caused by variety of different factors, though the key ones are the “visual turn” in the 20th century culture, the development of cinema and television, mostly in the second half of the 20th century, and the media-oriented socio-cultural direction in the period of postmodernism.We can see that the 20th century, despite a lot of negative events, was a fertile ground for the foundation and further development of visual anthropology. However, nowadays we can still observe new different trends in the development of this scientific direction. The increase in the number of interdisciplinary researches, the high degree of involvement in collaborative work of researchers from various scientific spheres, the advancing level of audiovisual media democratization and popularization, and the continuous development of filmmaking technologies — all these, clearly, are modern factors that determine the further direction and specificity of the development of visual anthropology and, in particular, anthropological cinema.This article considers and analyzes the above-mentioned characteristic features of the anthropological cinema of the postmodern period. Special attention is paid to the development of interdisciplinary contacts between visual anthropology and related scientific disciplines, the democratization of video production and the sphere of audiovisual media, and the direction of collaborative anthropological filmmaking.Study and analysis of these features of the anthropological cinema of the postmodern period can help to identify further ways for development of academic and applied visual anthropology in the socio-humanitarian sphere, to understand the nature of media relations within the framework of visual anthropological research, and to determine the role of author-researcher in contemporary visual anthropological discourse.

The article contributes to the history systematization of the visual anthropology area. The author considers and conceptualizes the stages of this discipline formation not only in accordance with the logic of self-understanding of its representatives, but also taking into account the genesis of optical media. The parameters of video production prove not only the instrumental role of visual anthropology in relation to the field of cultural anthropology, but also allow the latter to be a science in the strict sense of the term; that is, to have not only theoretical generalizations but also a rich empirical base. The inability of textual forms of recording anthropological material to adequately capture the cultural practices of traditional communities has also revealed the preserving and even salvage potential of the video production. However, the dominant of writing as a basic practice of science and its definition as a transparent carrier of scientific discourse did not allow to understand, at the initial stages. the innovative potential of visual anthropology, the specifics of its optics and methodology. The article pays attention both to the specifics of the practice of fixing video products (painting, photography, cinema, and the Internet) and to the forms of the representatives reflection of anthropological thought about their influence on the anthropology subject field. In this article, particular attention is paid to the degree of differentiation of cultural anthropology subject fields and visual anthropology against the background of basic transformations of cultural research. The influence of basic theoretical guidelines, in particular the principle of historical rationalism, participation in the formation of visual anthropology area itself, is also defined. In addition to theoretical principles and procedures of description, as well as comprehension of visual products and guidelines of research communities, the methodological significance of other parameters, formed as basic units of visual anthropology, are analyzed: technical parameters of optical media, the order of signifiers of visual representations, communication between video production and the audience. The author presents the disciplinary and historical context of the genesis of visual anthropology, as well as analyzes the conceptual logic of collective work edited by Paul Hockings “Principles of Visual Anthropology,” which is considered a fundamental work for self-awareness of this research area.

The value of geoarchaeology in archaeological research is discussed with an example of Baikal Siberia. Geoarchaeology is considered as an interface between archaeology and Earth sciences comprising a specific set of approaches, methods, and procedures. Nowadays, geoarchaeology constitutes a full-fledged research branch within the world archaeological practice. However, there are some problems in the determination of the essence and the role of geoarchaeology in archaeological studies, especially in Russia. In particular, the question whether geoarchaeology represents an independent discipline or an interdisciplinary approach has not been resolved yet. Moreover, archaeologists often focus on increasing the number of analytical methods to the detriment of their conceptual basis. In the Russian archaeological practice, the uncertain role of geoarchaeology is manifested by its perception as an auxiliary discipline with limited capabilities for the archaeological interpretations. As a result of many years of research on archaeological sites of Baikal Siberia, we have developed our own concept of geoarchaeology as a source study with a transdisciplinary character. It is based on four principles. Firstly, in our opinion, geoarchaeology constitutes a source study discipline with its own research methods. Geoarchaeological assessment represents one of the most important verification methods aimed at the determination of the degree of correspondence between the results of archaeological and natural science data. Secondly, the main object of research is a geoarchaeological object, which is a composite integral system with a mixture of traces of natural and anthropogenic events encrypted in it. We define the layer with cultural remains, where the natural component predominates, as ‘culture-bearing’. The layer with the predominantly anthropogenic component can be called ‘cultural’. Thirdly, geoarchaeology should be a transdisciplinary branch, the nature of which is determined by the complex origins of the geoarchaeological site. Such an amalgamation allows overcoming disciplinary differences and contradictions which leads to the formation of new knowledge levels. At fourth, geoarchaeological research should be based principally on the methods of actualism and stratigraphy in conjunction with overcoming misidentification of objects and phenomena, as well as on the pedolithological and event-driven approaches.

Research into the Bronze Age on the south-eastern Iberian Peninsula has always occupied a pre-eminent position in the archaeological discipline. Although we can state that there is a certain degree of scientific unity regarding the main cultural features of that period, few studies have focused on the social and technological process involved in the manufacture of pottery vessels. This paper aims to remedy that situation. To do this, we provide the results obtained from the technical analysis of the pottery vessels used in two activities essential to human survival – food storage and processing – in the Bronze Age settlement of Peñalosa (2086–1450 cal BC). At the same time, the macroscopic identification of the technological patterns developed in the tasks of manufacturing earthenware jars and pots allows us to reflect on the significance of the concept of specialization in the Argar Culture.

New humanities, e.g. sociobiology, human ethology, evolutionary anthropology, etc., have delivered a lot of new knowledge. As a result, scientists have to update some old traditional concepts. The research objective was to examine the phenomenon of solidarity in the context of new approaches. The author compared the biological and anthropological characteristics of this phenomenon and defined it via specifically social forms of human interaction and historical cases. The connectivity of biological communities and the solidarity of human associations revealed some similarities and differences. Human abilities for self-restraint and discipline are consequence of the conscious nature of solidarity. Solidarity as a specifically social form of interaction does not result from the psychological characteristics of people. It expresses the ways people interact with each other, according to their number and degree of convergence. The most important psychological sign of the solidarity of natural groups is their organicity, or integrity, as well as the mutual coordination of individual feelings and experiences. Solidarity is the cohesion of human communities, based on historical types of social interaction. The degree of unfavorable environment and the degree of internal coordination of interests and feelings determine the degree of unity of the group. The author identified two main stable forms of solidarity in history – organic and rationalized. The historical dynamics of the division of labor and personalization determine these forms of solidarity. The author also established the following historical forms of organic solidarity: patrimonial, family-clan, egalitarian, class, and chiliastic.

This article is dedicated to the problems of implementation of competence approach in the Bachelor’s Degree Program in Tourism in the course of studying an academic discipline “Human Being and Their Needs”. The response of tourism industry to the challenges of modernity became the introduction of universal standards in the area of higher education aimed at formation of competences among the future specialist in tourism sphere that would allow tourism agencies to successfully compete on the market of travel services. The article illustrated the creation of academic content of the discipline that corresponds to the modern educational standards. The following conclusions were made: 1) educational strategy is defining for the formation of student’s competence within the framework of the course “Human Being and Their Needs”; 2) a student acquires a unique set of skills related to identification of the needs of “collective subject” as an agent of culture who consumes travel product; 3) globally, the sphere of tourism currently experiences shortage of human resources possessing the knowledge and competences in the area of anthropology of tourism that allows studying the dynamics and structure of modern tourism, which became one of the leading anthropological practices of a person of postindustrial society.

AbstractArising out of debates over ‘children at risk’ and the ‘rights of the child’, the article compares two contrasting childhoods within a single large society—the Hausa‐speaking peoples of northern Nigeria. One segment of this society—the non‐Muslim Maguzawa—refuse to allow their children to be beaten; the other segment, the Muslim Hausa, tolerate corporal punishment both at home and especially in Qur'anic schools. Why the difference? Economic as well as political reasons are offered as reasons for the rejection of corporal punishment while it is argued that, in the eyes of Muslim society in the cities, the threat of punishment is essential for both educating and ‘civilising’ the young by imposing the necessary degree of discipline and self‐control that are considered the hallmark of a good Muslim. In short, ‘cultures of punishment’ arise out of specific historical conditions, with wide variations in the degree and frequency with which children actually suffer punishment, and at whose hands. Finally the question is raised whether the violence experienced in schooling has sanctioned in the community at large a greater tolerance of violence‐as‐‘punishment’.

Objective – To discover how faculty perceives information literacy and examine whether professors in different disciplines view and approach information literacy differently. Particularly, the study seeks to address the following questions: • “How do faculty members define or understand information literacy? Are they familiar with existing standards such as [those from the Association of College and Research Libraries] ACRL? Does the development of a local definition of information literacy impact faculty understanding? • How important do instructors believe information literacy to be for their students? How do they address information literacy, or expect it to be addressed within the curriculum? • Are there disciplinary differences in faculty attitudes toward and approaches to information literacy?” (p. 227) Design – Survey, i.e., an online questionnaire followed by interviews. Setting – Colleges and universities in the United States. Subjects – 834 faculty members in anthropology, the natural sciences, computer science, English literature, psychology, and political science from a sample of 50 American colleges and universities with undergraduate degree programs. Methods – An email, containing a link to a brief online survey, was sent to 834 professors from academic institutions across the United States. Three faculty members from each department in six different disciplines from each institution were contacted. The survey contained a mix of closed and open-ended questions and could be completed in less than 10 minutes. Respondents were asked to supply their contact information if they agreed to be phoned for a follow-up interview. The interview consisted of six questions that were posed to all participants, with some changes depending on the answers given. Main Results – Regardless of discipline, the majority of faculty members who responded to the survey thought that information literacy competencies were important for their students to master. The majority also rated their students as only “somewhat strong” in “identifying scholarly materials, identifying reliable/authoritative information, finding relevant information, citing sources properly, synthesizing information, and searching databases” (p. 229). Professors’ answers differed within different disciplines when it came to showing their own knowledge of information literacy standards, such as those of ACRL, and assessing the abilities of their students. For example, biology students’ web searching skills were rated higher than students in English literature and anthropology. When faculty were asked their opinions about who should be responsible for information literacy instruction, there was no straight answer. Many professors agreed that it is the responsibility of both faculty and librarians. Those faculty members who were knowledgeable about information literacy standards were also among the ones who included information literacy instruction in their courses and thought it was important for their students to learn. Conclusion – According to the author, the study results show that possibilities continue to exist for librarians to be part of information literacy endeavours, but it is still up to the librarians to start and maintain conversations with faculty on this topic. Because faculty members have not yet found systematic methods for integrating information literacy into the curriculum, they might be open to librarians’ suggestions and ideas on this topic. “Perhaps the most important finding of this study is that knowledge of and familiarity with information literacy standards is more closely associated with whether faculty address information literacy in their courses than any other variable including disciplinary area” (p. 232). Therefore, it is the librarian’s responsibility to engage in discussions with faculty about information literacy.

Oskar Loorits (1900–1961) is an Estonian folklore researcher, who is primarily known as the researcher of the folk tradition and religion of the Livonians, and as the founder and the first director of the Estonian Folklore Archives, founded in 1927. His connections with the University of Tartu have been discussed to a lesser extent. The article is based on the materials of the University of Tartu, mainly personnel records, stored in the National Archives of Estonia. Loorits was admitted to the University of Tartu in 1919, i.e., the same year the university adopted Estonian as the language of instruction instead of Russian and German. This involved the opening of new chairs, including the Chair of the Baltic Finnic Languages and the Chair of Folkloristics. Loorits specialised in Baltic Finnic languages and graduated with a master’s degree in 1923. Thereafter he started doctoral studies, while also changing his specialisation. In 1926, he presented his research on Livonian folk religion, for which he was awarded a doctoral degree in folkloristics. In 1927, he submitted the papers required for habilitation to the university and received the right to work as a lecturer at the university. From 1927 to 1942, he worked as an associate professor of folkloristics at the University of Tartu. In 1944, he left Estonia for Sweden. The article looks at the activities of Loorits at the University of Tartu in the period 1919–1942. As he received a scholarship from the university for both studies (1921–1923) and research (1923–1927), he had to present a report of his completed work to the university’s Faculty of Philosophy and to the university’s government at the end of each term. As he worked at the university at an hourly rate, he continued reporting until the Soviet power was established in Estonia in the summer of 1940. Besides factual information, his reports contain a remarkable amount of information on his personal development. These reports reflect Loorits’ keen eye for research problems and opportunities and reveal his great work ability and strict self-discipline. He was able to manage large research fields as he saw possibilities for organising them. He was a strict lecturer, although supportive of young researchers when they were successful. Loorits’ reports and the accompanying documents also provide an insight into the everyday life at the university of the 1920s–1930s. One can see that at the beginning of the period, the comparative method was predominant (this research method was represented by the professor of folkloristics Walter Anderson), and then the research methods based on the tradition group and presentation (Loorits) and the poetics of folklore (August Annist) were added. This was a period of significant advancement of research and science. While Loorits was able to see potential research perspectives and apply new research methods, his work was also theoretically innovative and shaped the future folklore research.

Evolutionary approaches to cultural change are increasingly influential, and many scientists believe that a ‘grand synthesis’ is now in sight. The papers in this Theme Issue, which derives from a symposium held by the AHRC Centre for the Evolution of Cultural Diversity (University College London) in December 2008, focus on how the phylogenetic tree-building and network-based techniques used to estimate descent relationships in biology can be adapted to reconstruct cultural histories, where some degree of inter-societal diffusion will almost inevitably be superimposed on any deeper signal of a historical branching process. The disciplines represented include the three most purely ‘cultural’ fields from the four-field model of anthropology (cultural anthropology, archaeology and linguistic anthropology). In this short introduction, some context is provided from the history of anthropology, and key issues raised by the papers are highlighted.

Many opportunities for more integrated teaching that better capture the interdisciplinary nature of contemporary scholars' work and better achieve the aims of liberal arts education still remain untapped, particularly at smaller schools where combined departments are often necessary. The disciplinary boundaries between history and sociocultural anthropology have become increasingly blurred in recent decades, a trend reflected in scholarly work that engages with both fields, as well as dual-degree graduate programmes at top U.S. research universities. For many scholars, this interdisciplinarity makes sense, with the two disciplines offering critical theoretical tools and methods that must be used in combination to tackle effectively the questions they pursue. This article asks why this interdisciplinarity, so central to professional pursuits of both historians and anthropologists, is significantly less present in the undergraduate classroom. Housed in one of the only joint History and Anthropology departments in the U.S., we detail our own efforts to make the chance joining of our disciplines pedagogically meaningful.

Digging in the earth, uncovering long-buried objects, and musing about past societies have long entranced humankind. As anthropology—including archaeology—became an established scientifichumanistic discipline, universities began offering specialized training and advanced degrees in archaeology. Tracing the beginnings of awarding university credit for digging in the dirt has been a nostalgic excursion, and it has uncovered tales of puzzling prehistoric clues, deep attachments to the essence of a place, camp esprit, and logistical travails made bearable only by the passage of time.

AbstractI discuss my experiences using archaeology and anthropology to teach college-level students how to be interdisciplinary thinkers and doers. Although the number of students who complete archaeology and anthropology degrees is relatively small in the United States and worldwide, programs and courses in such fields offer any student important opportunities in active, interdisciplinary learning that contribute to effective problem-solving using multiple lines of information. Courses and learning activities can question stereotypes depicting archaeology as a “useless” discipline (Arendt 2013:79), and they can prepare students to engage in and adapt to countless personal and professional situations while also learning about archaeology, its benefits, and its potential for relationships with similar and different fields. Therefore, the active learning of multimethod, interdisciplinary archaeology can prepare college-level students to address change and uncertainty in their homes, communities, and professions.

The present review examines an attempt at a historiography of emotion studies that combines history, anthropology, and cognitive science under one cover. In The History of Emotions, the German historian Jan Plamper tries to pinpoint the current state of our fragmented knowledge of emotions and to lay out opportunities for fruitful contacts between social and life sciences. The four chapters of his monograph cover topics such as a historiography of the history of emotions, the constructionist approach to emotions in anthropology, the life sciences’ universalist theories of emotions, and the prospects of emotion studies. To a certain degree, such an organisation of the material reproduces the outline and arguments of the nature or nurture debate which juxtaposed humanities and life sciences in their support of cultural or biological interpretations of emotions, respectively. The review meditates on the conceptual structure of the monograph and surveys some shortcomings stemming from the discussion of emotion studies within isolated frameworks of particular disciplines. In the conclusion, ideas and terms lost and found in their translation to Russian are discussed.

Feminist scholars have begun to ask how existing conceptual schemes and organizational structures in academic disciplines have excluded women and feminist ideas, and to provide suggestions for transformation. One strand of this work has been the exploration of how canons of thought are constructed in such fields as economics, sociology, and sociocultural anthropology. This article begins such an investigation for sociolinguistics and linguistic anthropology by reviewing how gender correlates with publication and citation over a 35-year period (1965–2000) in five key journals, and in 16 textbooks published in the 1990s. It describes some marked differences in the publication of works by women and on gender in the five journals, as well as some significant differences in the degree to which men and women cite the work of women. It also considers how the rate of publication of articles on sex, gender, and women is correlated with publication of female authors. It concludes with a discussion of the implications of this study for changing institutional practices in our field.

AbstractThis article considers aspects of the use of class in sociology and anthropology since the period around 1970, when Neo-Marxism became important in the social sciences, and is concerned primarily with Marxist and Weberian uses of the concept. It considers changes in the use of class in terms of two dimensions. One is the degree to which class is placed in a more macroscopic or more microscopic frame. The other is the degree to which class is defined in more objectivist terms or relies more on the way that the people being studied use the term. It is argued that since around 1970 writing on class has tended to become more microscopic and subjectivist. This tendency is related to changes within the two disciplines and within society more generally. The article closes with a consideration of some of the costs of this changing scholarly orientation to class.

A ideia central deste texto é refletir sobre a construção das fronteiras do que é reconhecido pela comunidade acadêmica da Educação Física como incluso nas identidades: Políticas Públicas de Esporte e Lazer (PPEL). Compreendendo que sempre há um grau de normatividade em definir o que está dentro e fora de uma determinada identidade, faz uma descrição sobre algumas classificações do campo, propondo uma análise da produção a partir dos objetos de pesquisa. Trata de questões relacionadas a análise de políticas públicas para além da análise do Estado, incluindo a relação deste com a sociedade como objeto importante para o campo. Advoga a favor de uma compreensão hibrida, onde diversas disciplinas o constituem e que possui um caráter interdisciplinar.ABSTRACT. By edges: reflections situated on the frontiers of knowledge production in the field PPEL in a period of post-sporting mega events in Brazil. The central idea of this text is to reflect on the construction of the field of Sports and Leisure Public Policy (PPEL). Throughout the text, he seeks to compare the construction of the field with others, such as anthropology. Understanding that there is always a degree of normativity in defining what is inside and outside a given identity, makes a description about some classifications of the field, proposing an analysis of the production from the research objects. It deals with issues related to the analysis of public policies beyond the analysis of the State, including the relationship of this with society as an important object for the field. Advocating in favor of a hybrid understanding, where several disciplines constitute it and that has an interdisciplinary character.

The papers in this issue represent the tremendous ethnographic potential that exists in our discipline at the level of students seeking Master's degrees in applied anthropology. While the time frame on which these papers is based is much shorter than equivalent PhD level ethnography, and thus the extent and depth of information collected is restricted, and the theoretical and methodological sophistication is understandably not as developed as what one expects from a PhD level project, the work presented in these papers represents, with great clarity and directness, many of the principal strengths and potentials of applied ethnography. These are papers to be read not so much for their findings or methodological refinements, but because they remind us of the breadth and potential for ethnography, undertaken with enthusiasm and commitment. Let me cite a few specific examples of what even the most seasoned ethnographer can walk away with after reading the papers in this volume.

The purpose of this paper is interdisciplinary research of combinations of different disciplines of (natural) anthropology/neuroscience of consciousness and quantum physics and (social sciences) of financial decision making in the context of climate change and pandemics, which can be useful for finding new information, solving complex problems. The aim of this study is to provide insights into financial decision-making through the intertwining of anthropology/neuroscience and quantum physics in financial decision-making within COVID 19 and climate change and what their relationship/outcomes are. Human consciousness has slipped towards the collapse of convergent crises. Namely, health and climate change are intertwined. The causes of the COVID 19 crisis and climate change are common and their effects are approaching. The climatic situation and COVID-19, a zoonotic disease, are subject to human activity that has led to environmental degradation. Neither the climate crisis nor the zoonotic pandemic was unexpected. They have led to the loss of life that could have been prevented by delayed, insufficient, or wrong actions. Financial decision-making requires harmonizing public health improvements, creating a sustainable economic future, and better protecting remaining natural resources and biodiversity Perhaps in this context financial simplification could be defined as the coexistence of all options with different degrees of potential that we will choose (it is a superposition), other options cease to exist for us when we enter the so-called zero of the desired option (the brain prepares our decisions). The results of the research showed us that COVID 19 and climate change have caused economic risks and uncertainties that have far-reaching and profound implications for financial decision-making as well as the financial services industry and its institutions. Extending tools through anthropology/neuroscience and quantum physics has given us knowledge of the need to connect both the natural and social sciences to understand the complex world around us. Keywords: Anthropology, Neuroscience, Quantum physics, Financial Decision Making.

In these difficult, pressing and uncertain times, migration and mobility in Asia have been incorporated into the projects of state institutions, media and a range of civil society actors. These agendas engender and shape debates that include belonging and exclusion; social mobility and inequality; conflict, violence and persecution; economic growth and labor market outcomes; state regulation, governance and governmentality; as well as diversity and innovation. Where migratory flows and mobility are advancing significant economic, social, political, environmental and ethical concerns, it becomes imperative for us to rethink and unpack these core concepts in creative and multidisciplinary ways. To do so, we assemble a group of scholars from disciplines such as sociology, anthropology, and geography who work on a variety of topics related to migration studies, sensory scholarship, anthropology of documents, religion, knowledge mobilities, citizenship, and education. Various case studies to be featured in this special issue include Timor Leste, Singapore, Indonesia, China, Malaysia, Sri Lanka, India, and Taiwan. Collectively the authors critically consider the centrality of both human and non-human actors in constituting the different types, degree, and scales of migration and mobility. The articles in this collection engage with how people, objects, things, deities, discourses, and knowledge move across the different and multiple pathways that constitute everyday life in Asia, the shared regional focus of our various research projects. The collection further elicits the connectivities (or entanglements) and comparisons evinced in our individual research, and collectively, with the goal of critically revisiting and reworking our conceptual toolkits and methodologies.

I want to begin by suggesting that to speak of a linguistic turn in the writing of modern German history is premature. It may be true that intellectual history on both sides of the Atlantic has taken “the” linguistic turn, in the sense that, more than ever before, much current research involves “a focused concern on the ways meaning is constituted in and through language.” The formal properties, degree of sophistication, and utility for historians of these studies vary greatly. They encompass by now almost classical poststructuralist perspectives, methodologically more conservative discussions of cultural representation, and the influential works of Quentin Skinner and J.G.A. Pocock. Yet history writing on twentieth-century Germany, considered broadly, stands very much before rather than after a linguistic turn, if there will be a turn at all. Scholars of modern German cultural, social, or political history who engage current debates on language and rhetoric in truly innovative ways are the exception rather than the rule. Moreover, considerations of a linguistic turn in modern German history take place at a time when some historians criticize poststructuralist thought more forcefully than ever before.4 This makes for an interesting confluence of tensions, especially when one considers that disciplines such as literary criticism and anthropology have turned anew to the study of history.

The article is theoretical in nature and does not cover any particular region; however, the phenomenon of zonality is of particular relevance to the northern part of Siberia. The article draws a fundamental analogy be-tween the classical theoretical zonal model of Thünen and zoning models of various regions of the world (South-east Asia, Africa and the Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug — Ugra in Russia). Zonality is usually perceived as a natural phenomenon — regularly and naturally alternating natural zones (tundras, taigas, steppes, etc.). Under the influence of changing natural conditions, human activity also changes to one degree or another. However, there are many cultural and human factors under whose influence a similar picture of regularly and naturally dif-ferentiated zones emerges. For example, it could be the centre and periphery, previously and newly developed zones, etc. These zones are differentiated not only from an economic point of view but also as complex phenom-ena including holistic, imperious, behavioural and other aspects. The article is aimed at expanding the standard use of the concept ‘zonality’, reconsider zoning as not only and not so much a natural phenomenon as a broad theoretical approach effective for comparative studies in anthropology, economic and social geography, history, economics, as well as other disciplines. The technique used in this study consists in the identification of similar features when modelling the geographical differentiation of processes of different nature. As a result, the author proposes a general conceptualisation framework for the concept ‘zonality’ as a universal phenomenon of spatially differentiated conditions for activities and the understanding of these conditions by people. The phenomenon of zonality can be observed when the geographical differentiation of any studied process is determined by a regular difference in a certain basic condition from place to place, which has a definitive effect on the development of the studied process. In the case of natural zonality, this is the distribution of solar radiation; in the case of economic zoning, cost of transportation often serves as the differentiating factor; in the case of areas of new development, the differentiating factor is the age of development.

The study of resilience has two core characteristics: it is fundamentally applied in nature, seeking to use scientific knowledge to maximize well-being among those at risk, and it draws on expertise from diverse scientific disciplines. Recent advances in biological processes have confirmed the profound deleterious effects of harsh caregiving environments, thereby underscoring the importance of early interventions. What remains to be established at this time is the degree to which insights on particular biological processes (e.g., involving specific brain regions, genes, or hormones) will be applied in the near future to achieve substantial reductions in mental health disparities. Aside from biology, resilience developmental researchers would do well to draw upon relevant evidence from other behavioral sciences as well, notably anthropology as well as family, counseling, and social psychology. Scientists working with adults and with children must remain vigilant to the advances and missteps in each others' work, always ensuring caution in conveying messages about the “innateness” of resilience or its prevalence across different subgroups. Our future research agenda must prioritize reducing abuse and neglect in close relationships; deriving the “critical ingredients” in effective interventions and going to scale with these; working collaboratively to refine theory on the construct; and responsibly, proactively disseminating what we have learned about the nature, limits, and antecedents of resilient adaptation across diverse at-risk groups.

In 1996, Graham Richards published Putting Psychology in its Place: An introduction from a critical historical perspective. Here, I seek to consider what is or should be the ‘place’ of Psychology in education, more particularly Higher Education, and not just from a historical perspective. This raises issues about several contexts in which Psychology finds itself. In the Higher Education context itself, Psychology continues to be in demand. But what is offered in first degrees is largely dictated by the requirements of the Graduate Basis for Registration of the British Psychological Society. These have been criticised both as not ideal as professional preparation, and as being unsuited to the large majority of students who will not enter the restricted psychological professions. Little attention is paid to more general educational aims. In the context of other disciplines, Psychology (with some exceptions) largely fails to draw on other sources of knowledge about human behaviour, such as History and Anthropology, although there is increasing awareness of the importance of non–Western cultures. In a personal context, standard Psychology degrees include little on personal values and beliefs, or such approaches as Community, Transpersonal, or Positive Psychology. It is suggested that Psychology could and should be of greater value to both intending professionals and others, and ideally should be a component of the education of most if not all students. This is ultimately because the major problems the human race faces are almost all matters of human behaviour, and understanding this is vital to their solution.

The publication of the first issue of Frontiers is a happy occasion. In this editorial, I take the opportunity to share my vision of it becoming the forum for clinicians to test their insights and interventions with colleagues of various theoretical views, by means of thoughtful articles and follow-up commentaries. I also share how I use the principles of the journal’s mission statement in my clinical practice and writings. Among other expectations and suggestions, that statement encourages authors to (a) demonstrate how related disciplines help us improve psychotherapy for persons with complex trauma-related disorders related disciplines; (b) report the psychological, behavioral and/or social outcomes that they use as criteria for success. Here, I share my gratification with using concepts and findings from social psychology and anthropology, how they helped me understand the interpersonal operations of power abuse. I learned about the function of intimacy in good caretaking. When a child fears reasons like selfishness or neglect for the caretaker’s failure to fulfill the child’s expectations, caretakers ordinarily relinquish their power to deceive the child. Instead, they disclose such reasons and promise to prove their intention to remedy them, as the child understands proof of that intention. I learned how untrustworthy caretakers abuse that principle of intimacy. That, in turn, helped me discern my patients’ specific fixation from such childhood experience, a flawed working model about the interpersonal operations of intimacy. I have treated it as their fundamental impairment while they suffer disorder during crises of trust in later relationships. Therefore, I measure my psychotherapy’s efficacy in degrees of correcting that impairment. I measure it in my patients’ competence to cultivate intimacy for restoration of trust in their troubled relationships.

Background/Context In the last several decades, a college education, in particular the bachelor's degree, has become the key to higher earnings, and overall, to a middle-class lifestyle in the United States. In an increasingly globalized economy, privileging information and communication technologies, it is more than likely that this emphasis on higher education in the American labor market will continue in the future. While we know much about the increasing link between a college education and social mobility, writ large, we know considerably less about who actually makes the transition to college, how this occurs, and why. Despite the strides made, large numbers of individuals are not making the transition to college. Among those who are, there are important differences in the kinds of postsecondary institutions they are attending, and in completion rates, with attendant implications for social mobility. Purpose This article has two purposes: (1) to synthesize the key facets of our knowledge base of how to expand the college pipeline and relatedly, to outline particular areas that have been under-examined across the disciplines; (2) to provide future directions that will allow us to better address this important inquiry along substantive and methodological lines. Research Design This article draws on disciplinary papers commissioned by the Social Science Research Council's Transitions to College Committee. The discussion of preparation is framed around the contributions from the fields of anthropology, and political science; access vis-à-vis history, sociology, and demography; paying for college vis-à-vis economics; and completion vis-à-vis the field of higher education. Conclusions/Recommendations The article calls for an overall integrative model, e.g., K-16 and interdisciplinary, improved coverage in large-scale datasets, and a more refined mixed methods approach to attend to notable gaps in our understandings of the transition to college. Across disciplines, a key substantive gap is variation along the lines of race, ethnicity, immigrant status, gender, and age across domains, which needs to be illuminated.

People live amidst objects, things, articles, items, artefacts, materials, substances, and stuff – described in social sciences and humanities as material culture, which denotes both natural and human-made entities, which form our physical environment. We, humans, relate to this environment by using, depicting, interacting with or thinking about various material objects or their representations. In other words, material culture is never just about things in themselves, it is also about various ideas, representations, experiences, practices and relations. In contemporary theorising about material culture, the watershed between the tangible and intangible has started to disappear as all the objects have multiple meanings. This paper theorises objects mostly in terms of contemporary socio-cultural anthropology and ethnology by first giving an overview of the development of the material culture studies and then focusing upon consumption studies, material agency, practice theory and the methods for studying material culture. Both anthropology and ethnology in the beginning of the 20th century were dealing mostly with ‘saving’; that is, collecting the ethnographical objects from various cultures for future preservation as societies modernised. The collecting of the everyday items of rural Estonians, which had begun in the 19th century during the period of national awakening, gained its full momentum after the establishment of the Estonian National Museum in 1909. During the museum’s first ten years, 20,000 objects were collected (Õunapuu 2007). First, the focus was on the identification of the historical-geographical typologies of the collected artefacts. In 1919, the first Estonian with a degree in ethnology, Helmi Reiman-Neggo (2013) stressed the need for ethnographical descriptions of the collected items and the theoretical planning of the museum collections. The resulting vast ethnographical collection of the Estonian National Museum (currently about 140,000 items) has also largely influenced ethnology and anthropology as academic disciplines in Estonia (Pärdi 1993). Even though in the first half of the 20th century the focus lay in the systematic collection and comparative analysis of everyday items and folk art, there were studies that centred on meaning already at the end of 19th century. Austrianethnologist Rudolf Meringer suggested in 1891 that a house should be studied as a cultural individual and analysed within the context of its functions and in relation to its inhabitants. Similarly, the 1920s and 1930s saw studies on the roles of artefacts that were not influenced by Anglo-American functionalism: Mathilde Hain (1936) studied how folk costumes contribute to the harmonious functioning of a ‘small community’, and Petr Bogatyrev (1971) published his study on Moravian costumes in 1937. This study, determining the three main functions – instrumental, aesthetic and symbolic – of the folk costume, and translated into English 30 years after first publication, had a substantial influence on the development of material culture studies. The 1970s saw the focus of material culture studies in Western and Northern Europe shifting mainly from the examination of (historical) rural artefacts to the topics surrounding contemporary culture, such as consumption. In Soviet Estonian ethnology, however, the focus on the 19th century ethnographic items was prevalent until the 1980s as the topic was also partially perceived as a protest against the direction of Soviet academia (see Annist and Kaaristo 2013 for a thorough overview). There were, of course, exceptions, as for instance Arved Luts’s (1962) studies on everyday life on collective farms. Meanwhile, however, the communicative and semiotic turn of the 1970s turned European ethnology’s focus to the idea of representation and objects as markers of identity as well as means of materialising the otherwise intangible and immaterial relationships and relations. The theory of cultural communication was established in Scandinavian ethnology and numerous studies on clothing, housing and everyday items as material expressions of social structures, hierarchies, values and ideologies emerged (Lönnqvist 1979, Gustavsson 1991). The Scandinavian influences on Estonia are also reflected in Ants Viires’s (1990) suggestion that ethnologists should study clothing (including contemporary clothing) in general and not just folk costumes, by using a semiotic approach. Löfgren’s (1997) clarion call to bring more ‘flesh and blood’ to the study of material culture was a certain reaction to the above focus. Researchers had for too long focused exclusively upon the meaning and, as Löfgren brought forth, they still did not have enough understanding of what exactly it was that people were actually and practically doing with their things. Ingold’s (2013) criticism on the studies focusing on symbolism, and the lack of studies on the tangible materiality of the materials and their properties, takes a similar position. In the 1990s, there was a turn toward the examination of material-cultural and those studies that were written within the framework of ‘new materialism’ (Hicks 2010, Coole and Frost 2010) started to pay attention to objects as embodied and agentive (Latour 1999, Tilley et al 2006). Nevertheless, as Olsen (2017) notes, all materialities are not created equal in contemporary academic research: while items like prostheses, Boyle’s air pumps or virtual realities enjoy increased attention, objects such as wooden houses, fireplaces, rakes and simple wooden chairs are still largely unexamined. The traditional material culture therefore needs new studying in the light of these post-humanist theories. Where does this leave Estonian ethnology? In the light of the theoretical developments discussed above, we could ask, whether and how has the material Making sense of the material culture turn affected research in Estonia? Here we must first note that for a significant part of the 20th century, Estonian ethnology (or ethnography as the discipline was called before 1990s) has mostly been centred on the material culture (see the overview of the main topics from vehicles to folk costumes in Viires and Vunder 2008). Partly because of this aspect of the discipline’s history, many researchers actually felt the need to somewhat distance themselves from these topics in the 1990s (Pärdi 1998). Compared to topics like religion, identity, memory, oral history and intangible heritage, study of material culture has largely stayed in the background. There are of course notable exceptions such as Vunder’s (1992) study on the history of style, which includes analysis of theirsymbolic aspects. It is also interesting to note that in the 1990s Estonian ethnology, the term ‘material culture’ (‘materiaalne kultuur’) – then seen as incorporating the dualism between material and immaterial – was actually replaced with the Estonian translation of German ‘Sachkultur’ (‘esemekultuur’, literally ‘artefact culture’). Nevertheless, it was soon realised that this was actually a too narrow term (with its exclusion of natural objects and phenomena as well as the intangible and social aspects of culture), slowly fell out of general usage, and was replaced with ‘material culture’ once again. Within the past three decades, studies dealing with material culture have discussed a wide variety of topics from the vernacular interior design (Kannike 2000, 2002, 2012), everyday commodities (Kõresaar 1999b) and spiritual objects (Teidearu 2019), traditional rural architecture (Pärdi 2012, Kask 2012, 2015), museum artefacts (Leete 1996), clothing, textiles and jewellery (Kõresaar 1999a; Järs 2004; Summatavet 2005; Jõeste 2012; Araste and Ventsel 2015), food culture (Piiri 2006; Bardone 2016; Kannike and Bardone 2017), to soviet consumer culture (Ruusmann 2006, Rattus 2013) and its implications in life histories (Kõresaar 1998, Jõesalu and Nugin 2017). All of these these studies deal with how people interpret, remember and use objects. The main keywords of the studies of European material culture have been home, identity and consumption (but also museology and tangible heritage, which have not been covered in this article). Material culture studies are an important part of the studies of everyday life and here social and cultural histories are still important (even though they have been criticised for focusing too much on symbols and representation). Therefore, those studies focusing on physical materials and materialites, sensory experiences, embodiment, and material agency have recently become more and more important. This article has given an overview of the three most prevalent thematic and theoretical strands of the study of material culture: objects as symbols especially in the consumer culture, material agency and practice theory as well as discussing some methodological suggestions for the material culture studies. To conclude, even though on the one hand we could argue that when it comes to the study of material culture there indeed exists a certain hierarchy of „old“ topics that relate to museums or traditional crafts and „new“ and modern materialities, such as smart phones or genetically modified organisms. However, dichotomies like this are often artificial and do not show the whole picture: contemporary children are often as proficient in playing cat’s cradle as they are with video games (Jackson 2016). Thus, studying various (everyday) material objects and entities is still topical and the various theories discussed in this article can help to build both theoretical and empirical bridge between different approaches. Therefore, there is still a lot to do in this regard and we invite researchers to study objects form all branches of material culture, be they 19th century beer mugs in the collections of the Estonian National Museum that can help us to better give meaning to our past, or the digital and virtual design solutions that can give our academic research an applied direction. Keywords: material culture, artefacts, consumption, practice, agency, research methods

Francis Cress Welsing, a Black psychiatrist and medical school professor, advanced one of the most notable and controversial theories about the perpetuation of global White supremacy. The cress theory of color confrontation (CTCC) seeks to etiologically explain the varying degrees of White supremacist patterns of behavior that shape White interaction with Black people in particular and “non-White” people in general. White supremacy has been under-theorized in Africana Studies save for a few key scholars. The present investigation seeks to locate the CTCC within Africana Studies in terms of Christian’s, McDougal’s, Karenga’s, and Banks’s epistemological models, and to estimate the analytical value it adds to knowledge production in the discipline. This analysis concludes that CTCC both enhances and challenges Africana Studies. It offers a systematic scientific examination of White supremacist behaviors and psychology to equip Africana communities for the continuing needs of the freedom struggle. CTCC also challenges Africana Studies in that in order to move beyond a reactive posture toward racism, it is necessary to direct systematic attention, resources, and research toward studying White thought, in order to understand, anticipate, and defeat its efforts to oppress people of African descent.

AbstractIn 1992 Sheffield Academic Press will publish a selection of the papers given at this Conference, which was held in Newcastle in July 1991. The Conference was organized by the Department of Religious Studies at Newcastle University. The Head of the Department at the time was Professor John Sawyer. The publication will be edited by the new Head of the Department, Jon Davies, and by Isabel Wollaston, currently a British Academy Post Doctoral Fellow at Oxford. Two of our students-Carol Charlton and Michael Burke-worked extra hours to make sure the organisation functioned. Our thanks are due to them and to all participants. This article is in part a summary of the Conference and of those papers which will appear in the book. It is also a contribution in its own right to an understanding of the relationships between the social sciences [sociology and anthropology] and theology. Several cross-cutting social, personal and professional loyalties can, and often do create degrees of distance, dispute and misunderstanding between the two disciplines. As it happens, this Conference managed to find a respectable acreage of common ground; but it is perhaps useful to mention some of the possible areas of controversy, if only because any future conference will probably have to deal with them more directly than we chose to! Readers will of course realise that the book is still being prepared and that the papers discussed here may well be altered or added to. The premise of this article is that all "TEXTS", be they sacred or secular, ancient or modem, canonical or provisional, are the products of human social transactions, a human context, with all that this means for the processes of text-creation and the business of conscious, purposeful, fallible, writing and editing. Texts and contexts change together; and change each other.

In order to understand and resolve internal armed conflicts one must comprehend why and how people revolt, and under what conditions they brutalise i.e. increasingly resort to terrorism, banditry, brigandry, “gangsterism” and other forms of violence that violate contemporary local and/or present‑day international norms that I believe are, in the final analysis, all based on the principles of conscience, empathy and honour. Contemporary “global” or regional norms distinct from those of the rebelling community, and the norms of the regime community and/or colonial power, are also considered. My pessimistically formulated and thereby quite testable brutalisation theory combines theorising elements of disciplines ranging from cultural anthropology to military psychology, so as to better explain rebellions or any armed conflicts and their morally corrosive effects. The theory’s main variables are: violence‑values (my composite term) on proper and improper violence; conflict‑inducing motivations, in particular grievances, avarices, interests and ideologies, that bring about i.e. cause or trigger the conflict; combat‑stresses like fear, fatigue and rage resulting from or leading to traumas (and hypothetically to brutalities as well); and conflict‑induced motivations, in particular grievances, avarices, interest and ideologies, that happen by, through and during the conflict. The present paper is an exploratory introduction to an ambitious research project, succinctly titled “Brutalisation in Anti‑Imperial Revolts”, with advice and support from Professor Tomasz Polanski. The paper addresses the project’s relevance and its epistemological and methodological challenges. The project seeks to explain rebellion, banditry and other forms of violence that may or may not be inherently brutal. It seeks to ascertain the causes and degrees of any brutalisations i.e. increasing violations of norms during rebellions by peripheral, marginalised ethnic (indigenous) communities against their overlords in classical, medieval and “modern” (industrial) times. It introduces seven selected cases of “peripheral‑ethnic revolts” by indigenous communities – as (semi‑) state actors, non‑state actors or both (yet possessing at least residual ruling capabilities) – against Imperial powers across the ages, with a special focus on banditry, “brigandry” (brigandage), guerrilla and other forms of irregular warfare. The first stage of the research will analyse and compare the causes i.e. motivations and involved norms, sorts of violence and degrees of brutalisation in these seven cases.

This paper examines the meanings attached to sexuality and femininity by Minangkabau teenage girls in schools in West Sumatra, Indonesia. Schools in West Sumatra communicate a hegemonic, normative understanding of womanhood, and a moral consciousness of the female sexual body, to students. Different types of schools – academic, vocational and Islamic senior high schools – have a different ‘curriculum of the body’ (Lesko 1988) and differently discipline bodies and shape sexuality. School girls articulate their understanding of and practise their sexuality in ways that are characteristic of their class, gender and religiosity, mediated by their schools. The schools articulate a religiously-ordained and gendered social order, and impose social control. The different types of school render girls chaste and virtuous to varying degrees. Through everyday practices, this curriculum effects girls’ embodied experience of sexuality. Minangkabau teenage girls have a highly developed sense of their own sexuality, but, far from experiencing a sexual revolution as a result of globalization, most have developed a sexual awareness that is weighted with cultural and religious burdens. Minang female adolescent sexuality is a moral sexuality based on Islam and adat.

The academic history of Islam in China. It not only refers to the academic history of Chinese scholars' research on Chinese Islam, but also includes the carding of various researches and achievements of Chinese scholars on foreign Islam and Muslims. This includes the study of Islamic classics such as Koran and Hadith, History, Pedagogy, Philosophy, Politics, Society and Culture. Islam and Muslims in different regions of foreign countries also have different characteristics, and the research methods also respect this aspect of attention. On the origin of academic history: according to the author's own and previous research results, it can be concluded that academic research with contemporary significance began at the beginning of the 20th century. Under the background of the introduction of Western learning to the East, modern academic research methods also affected the research field of Islam in China. There are four imams with high academic level, such as Ha Decheng, Wang Jingzhai, Da Pusheng and Ma Songtin. There is also Chen Hanzhang, Chen Yuan and Chuan Tongxian non-Muslim scholars joining the ranks of Islamic researchers. There was little research before the 20th century. The year 2000 can be regarded as the dividing line in the evolution of modern Islamic academic history. The period from the beginning of the 20th century to the founding of new China can be regarded as the beginning period. The period from the founding of new China to the reform and development can be regarded as the initial period. During this period, due to various political movements and other reasons, China's Islamic academic history and many other fields suffered setbacks such as stagnation to varying degrees. The period from reform and development to 2000 can be regarded as the prosperous period of Islamic academic research in contemporary China. During the period from 2001 to now, the subject consciousness is clear and the research methods are diversified. Many industries and scholars have actively participated in this research field, that is, using the theories and methods of religion, ethnology, anthropology, sociology, history, philosophy, linguistics, culture, politics and other disciplines to systematically study the historical, political, economic, cultural and other phenomena of Islam and Muslims, so as to lay a foundation for the further development of China's Islamic research.

Introduction. Apart from classical academic musicology, sociology, social anthropology and related disciplines such as sociolinguistics, philology, and cultural studies contributed to the development of research of music and its role in social, interpersonal relations, and individual experiences. The aim of this research is to investigate musical and singing traditions within the context of social relations, historical challenges, and sub-cultures by sociological and social anthropological approaches. In the last decades these research is of relevance for scholars interested in creativity and creative individuals whose impact effect is ambient in current social and political processes. The main tradition can be approached as a socio-cultural phenomenon emerging in the form of sub-culture.Methodology and sources. Methodological b ackground o f t his r esearch i s o f s tructuralfunctional character. Within this framework art and creativity can be approached by various sets of research techniques. Culture of music can be studies both as an object and as a text; hence, textual and contextual approaches are of significance. In result, we can discover reasons motivating people to influence social relations and preconceptions within certain groups and societies. This approach allows the analysis the connections between individual and collective perceptions of people regarding their identities and place in a society. Finally, not only music shapes the context of sociolultural phenomena, but it is the context itself per se. For this paper I used texts and bibliographic data of singers such as follows: Son House, Robert Johnson, Skip James, William Samuel McTell, Edward W. Clayborn.Results and discussion. The analysis of social history of blues in the end of the nineteenth and in the beginning of the twentieth centuries as well as biographies of bluesmen along with the texts of their songs clearly demonstrates poetic motifs, individual and social reflections of different communities. The images such as love and flirt, manqué love, rest from hard work, roads, railways, trains, abandoned home with simultaneous lack of home, prison, illness, death and cemetery as well as the demonstration of all the listed images by socially oriented creativity in music, represents deep forms of marginality of those who sing it out in front of respected citizens living normal lives.Conclusion. The material scrutinized in this paper clearly shoes that blues as a genre of music along with bluesmen who are representatives of a certain sub-culture, constitute a coherent social system which can be characterized a s a c ounter-culture. This social and cultural phenomenon in a way we encounter it derived from marginal status of its representatives. This marginal status becomes visible in blues as emotion and soulreflection to a large degree contradictory to the idea of respectable citizens and so-called “right way of life”.

The author of the article refers to one of the intellectual aspects of the genesis of English penitentiary reforms of the 18th century. The progressive increase in crime rate, which English society faced in the 18th century, became a popular trend in social discourse, being left off “board” of historical penology that developed till the middle of the 20th century in the line of the normativism approach. Historiographic schools traditionally treated the evolution of English criminal justice system of the 18th century as the history of sanctions and led complicated social processes to forming severe “vertical of subordination”. The dislocation of the vector of historical researches to interdisciplinary anthropological field led to the emergence of new methods of reconstructions of historical world. The author applied theoretical aspects and tools of “cultural-intellectual and new social history” and it helped to consider imperious relationships in the epoch of the reforming of criminal justice system in the mirror of representation in historical narratives in social-cultural context and reality of Great Britain in the 18th century. The aim of the following research is to analyze criminal biographies from the Newgate Calendar for comprehension of the psychology of a crime both in the point of view of its direct subjects and through the prism of literary and personal interpretation. To reach the goal the author solves the following tasks: - considers the phenomenon of crime from the point of view of their subjects, on the one hand, and the public in the search for universal forms of neutralization of criminal aggression and ways of realization of the punishment in the stated period, on the other; - analyzes the criminals’ psychological state and emotional reactions taking into account classical studies in criminal psychology; - shows the specifics of the manifestation and perception of violence and “crime and retribution” interpretation in the social and spiritual-intellectual contexts of the period In the framework of the study, the author resorts to both special historical and source study methods (biographical, historical synthesis, discursive analysis, interpretation of texts and sources), as well as to the tools of related humanitarian disciplines such as psychological anthropology (reconstruction of a criminal biography involving fundamental works of Z. Freud, E. Fromm, Yu.M. Antonyan). We conclude the following: First of all, Newgate histories performed the edifying function, reminding us of the inevitability of punishment and compulsory repentance of a criminal. Moralistic component helped the “Calendar” to create the reputation of reading, elevating the spirit and it frequently held pride of place on the bookshelves near the Bible. Secondly, The Newgate Calendar made the attitude to the essence of violence in human nature as a part of public discourse. It was a successful commercial project of replication of the examples of antisocial behavior: violence, fraud, adultery, sexual inversions were boldly included into the sphere of public representation. In fact, the combination of didactic discourses and narrative passages created compositional structure of every biography in proportion, fitting such criteria as provocativeness of the material, eccentricity of a criminal’s personality and the degree of his discrepancy to conventional social norms.

Christianity was the religion of spirit (and freedom), and critiqued Islam as a religion of flesh (and slavery); later, Christianity was the religion of reason, and critiqued Islam as the religion of fideism; later still, Christianity was the religion of the critique of religion, and critiqued Islam as the most atavistic of religions. Even now, when the West has critiqued its own Chris- tianity enough to be properly secular (because free, rational, and critical), it continues to critique Islam for being not secular enough. In contrast to Christianity or post-Christian secularism, then, and despite their best ef- forts, Islam does not know (has not learned from) critique. This sentiment is articulated at multiple registers, academic and popular and governmen- tal: Muslims are fanatical about their repressive law; they interpret things too literally; Muslims do not read their own revelation critically, let alone literature or cartoons; their sartorial practices are unreasonable; the gates of ijtihād closed in 900CE; Ghazali killed free inquiry in Islam… Such claims are ubiquitous enough to be unremarkable, and have political traction among liberals and conservatives alike. “The equation of Islam with the ab- sence of critique has a longer genealogy in Western thought,” Irfan Ahmad writes in this book, “which runs almost concurrently with Europe’s colonial expansion” (8). Luther and Renan figure in that history, as more recently do Huntington and Gellner and Rushdie and Manji.Meanwhile in the last decade an interdisciplinary conversation about the stakes, limits, complicities, and possibilities of critique has developed in the anglophone academy, a conversation of which touchstones include the polemical exchange between Saba Mahmood and Stathis Gourgouris (2008); the co-authored volume Is Critique Secular? (2009), by Talal Asad, Wendy Brown, Judith Butler, and Mahmood; journal special issues dedi- cated to the question (e.g. boundary 2 40, no. 1 [2013]); and Gourgouris’s Lessons in Secular Criticism (2013), among others. At the same time, the discipline of religious studies remains trapped in an argument over the lim- its of normative analysis and the possibility of critical knowledge.Religion as Critique: Islamic Critical Thinking from Mecca to the Mar- ketplace seeks to turn these debates on their head. Is critique secular? Decidedly not—but understanding why that is, for Ahmad, requires revising our understanding of critique itself. Instead of the object of critique, reli- gion here emerges as an agent of critique. By this account, God himself is the source of critique, and the prophets and their heirs are “critics par ex- cellence” (xiv). The book is divided into two parts bookended by a prologue and epilogue. “Formulation” comprises three chapters levying the shape of the argument. “Illustration” comprises three chapters taking up the case study of the South Asian reformer Abul-A‘la Maududi and his critics (es- pecially regarding his views on the state and on women) as well as a fourth chapter that seeks to locate critique in the space of the everyday. There are four theses to Ahmad’s argument, none of them radically original on their own but newly assembled. As spelled out in the first chap- ter (“Introduction”), the first thesis holds that the Enlightenment reconfig- uration of Christianity was in fact an ethnic project by which “Europe/the West constituted its identity in the name of reason and universalism against a series of others,” among them Islam (14). The second thesis is that no crit- ic judges by reason alone. Rather, critique is always situated, directed, and formed: it requires presuppositions and a given mode to be effective (17). The third thesis is that the Islamic tradition of critique stipulates the com- plementarity of intellect (‘aql, dimāgh) and heart (qalb, dil); this is a holistic anthropology, not a dualistic one. The fourth thesis is that critique should not be understood as the exclusive purview of intellectuals (especially when arguing about literature) or as simply a theoretical exercise. Instead, cri- tique should be approached as part of life, practiced by the literate and the illiterate alike (18).The second chapter, “Critique: Western and/or Islamic,” focuses on the first of these theses. The Enlightenment immunized the West from critique while subjecting the Rest to critique. An “anthropology of philosophy” approach can treat Kant’s transcendental idealism as a social practice and in doing so discover that philosophy is “not entirely independent” from ethnicity (37). The certainty offered by the Enlightenment project can thus be read as “a project of security with boundaries.” Ahmad briefly consid- ers the place of Islam across certain of Kant’s writings and the work of the French philosophes; he reads their efforts to “secure knowledge of humani- ty” to foreclose the possibility of “knowledge from humanity” (42), namely Europe’s others. Meanwhile, ethnographic approaches to Muslim debates shy away from according them the status of critique, but in so doing they only maintain the opposition between Western reason and Islamic unrea- son. In contrast to this view (from Kant through Foucault), Ahmad would rather locate the point of critical rupture with the past in the axial age (800-200BCE), which would include the line of prophets who reformed (critiqued) their societies for having fallen into corruption and paganism. This alternative account demonstrates that “critical inquiry presupposes a tradition,” that is, that effective critique is always immanent (58). The third chapter, “The Modes: Another Genealogy of Critique,” con- tests the reigning historiography of “critique” (tanqīd/naqd) in South Asia that restricts it to secular literary criticism. Critique (like philosophy and democracy) was not simply founded in Grecian antiquity and inherited by Europe: Ahmad “liberates” critique from its Western pedigree and so allows for his alternative genealogy, as constructed for instance through readings of Ghalib. The remainder of the chapter draws on the work of Maududi and his critics to present the mission of the prophets as critiquing to reform (iṣlāḥ) their societies. This mandate remains effective today, and Maududi and his critics articulate a typology of acceptable (tanqīd) and unacceptable (ta‘īb, tanqīṣ, tazhīk, takfīr, etc.) critiques in which the style of critique must be considered alongside its object and telos. Religion as Critique oscillates between sweeping literature reviews and close readings. Readers may find the former dizzying, especially when they lose in depth what they gain in breadth (for example, ten pages at hand from chapter 2 cite 44 different authors, some of whom are summarizing or contesting the work of a dozen other figures named but not cited di- rectly). Likewise there are moments when Ahmad’s own dogged critiques may read as tendentious. The political purchase of this book should not be understated, though the fact that Muslims criticize themselves and others should come as no surprise. Yet it is chapters 4–6 (on Maududi and his critics) which substantiate the analytic ambition of the book. They are the most developed chapters of the book and detail a set of emerging debates with a fine-grained approach sometimes found wanting elsewhere (espe- cially in the final chapter). They show how Islam as a discursive tradition is constituted through critique, and perhaps always has been: for against the disciplinary proclivities of anthropologists (who tend to emphasize discon- tinuity and rupture, allowing them to discover the modern invention of traditions), Ahmad insists on an epistemic connection among precolonial and postcolonial Islam. This connection is evident in how the theme of rupture/continuity is itself a historical topos of “Islamic critical thinking.” Chapter 4 (“The Message: A Critical Enterprise”) approaches Maududi (d. 1979) as a substantial political thinker, not simply the fundamentalist ideologue he is often considered to be. Reading across Maududi’s oeuvre, Ahmad gleans a political-economic critique of colonial-capitalist exploita- tion (95), a keen awareness of the limits of majoritarian democracy, and a warning about the dispossessive effects of minoritization. Maududi’s Isla- mism (“theodemocracy”), then, has to be understood within his broader project of the revival of religion to which tanqīd (“critique”), tajdīd (“re- newal”), and ijtihād (“understanding Islam’s universal principles to de- termine change”) were central (103). He found partial historical models for such renewal in ‘Umar b. ‘Abd al-‘Aziz, Ghazali, Ibn Taymiyya, Ahmad Sirhindi, and Shah Wali Ullah. A key element of this critique is that it does not aim to usher in a different future. Instead it inhabits a more complicated temporality: it clarifies what is already the case, as rooted in the primordial nature of humans (fiṭra), and in so doing aligns the human with the order of creation. This project entails the critique and rejection of false gods, in- cluding communism, fascism, national socialism, and capitalism (117). Chapter 5 (“The State: (In)dispensible, Desirable, Revisable?”) weaves together ethnographic and textual accounts of Maududi’s critics and de- fenders on the question of the state (the famous argument for “divine sov- ereignty”). In doing so the chapter demonstrates how the work of critique is undertaken in this Islamic tradition, where, Ahmad writes, “critique is connected to a form of life the full meaning of which is inseparable from death” (122). (This also means that at stake in critique is also the style and principles of critique.) The critics surveyed in this chapter include Manzur Nomani, Vahiduddin Khan, Abul Hasan Ali Nadvi, Amir Usmani, Sadrud- din Islahi, Akram Zurti, Rahmat Bedar, Naqi Rahman, Ijaz Akbar, and others, figures of varying renown but all of whom closely engaged, defend- ed, and contested Maududi’s work and legacy in the state politics of his Jamaat-e Islami. Chapter 6 (“The Difference: Women and In/equality”) shows how Maududi’s followers critique the “neopatriarchate” he proposes. Through such critique, Ahmad also seeks to affirm the legitimacy of a “nonpatri- archal reading of Islam” (156). If Maududi himself regarded the ḥarem as “the mightiest fortress of Islamic culture” (159)—a position which Ahmad notes is “enmeshed in the logic of colonial hegemony”—he also desired that women “form their own associations and unbiasedly critique the govern- ment” (163). Maududi’s work and legacy is thus both “disabling” and “en- abling” for women at the same time, as is borne out by tracing the critiques it subsequently faced (including by those sympathetic to his broader proj- ect). The (male) critics surveyed here include Akram Zurti, Sultan Ahmad Islahi, Abdurrahman Alkaf, and Mohammad Akram Nadwi, who seriously engaged the Quran and hadith to question Maududi’s “neopatriarchate.” They critiqued his views (e.g. that women were naturally inferior to men, or that they were unfit for political office) through alternative readings of Islamic history and theology. Chapter 7 (“The Mundane: Critique as Social-Cultural Practice”) seeks to locate critique at “the center of life for everyone, including ordinary sub- jects with no educational degrees” (179). Ahmad writes at length about Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan (d. 1988), the anticolonial activist who led a massive movement against colonial domination, and whose following faced British brutality with nonviolence. The Khudai Khidmatgār movement he built was “a movement of critique” (195), Ahmad writes, composed of or- dinary men and women, peasants and the unlettered. The brief remainder of the chapter suggests that the proverbs which punctuate everyday life (for example, in the trope of the greedy mullah) also act as critiques. By the end of Religion as Critique it is difficult not to see critique na- scent in every declaration or action. This deflates the analytic power of the term—but perhaps that is one unstated aim of the project, to reveal critique as simply a part of life. Certainly the book displaces the exceptional West- ern claim to critique. Yet this trope of exposure—anthropology as cultural critique, the ethnographer’s gaze turned inward—also raises questions of its own. In this case, the paradigmatic account of critique (Western, sec- ular) has been exposed as actually being provincial. But the means of this exposure have not come from the alternative tradition of critique Ahmad elaborates. That is, Ahmad is not himself articulating an Islamic critique of Western critique. (Maududi serves as an “illustration” of Ahmad’s ar- gument; Maududi does not provide the argument itself.) In the first chap- ters (“Formulation”) he cites a wide literature that practices historicism, genealogy, archeology, and deconstruction in order to temper the universal claims of Western supremacists. The status of these latter critical practices however is not explored, as to whether they are in themselves sufficient to provincialize or at least de-weaponize Western critique. Put more directly: is there is a third language (of political anthropology, for example) by which Ahmad analytically mediates the encounter between rival traditions of cri- tique? And if there is such a language, and if it is historically, structurally, and institutionally related to one of the critical traditions it is mediating, then what is the status of the non-Western “illustration”? The aim of this revision of critique, Ahmad writes, is “genuinely dem- ocratic dialogue with different traditions” (xii). As much is signalled in its citational practices, which (for example) reference Talal Asad and Viveiros de Castro together in calling for “robust comparison” (14) between West- ern and Islamic notions of critique, and reference Maududi and Koselleck together in interpreting critique to be about judgment (203). No matter that Asad and de Castro or Maududi and Koselleck mean different things when using the same words; these citations express Ahmad’s commitment to a dialogic (rather than dialectical) mode in engaging differences. Yet because Ahmad does not himself explore what is variously entailed by “comparison” or “judgment” in these moments, such citations remain as- sertions gesturing to a dialogue to come. In this sense Religion as Critique is a thoroughly optimistic book. Whether such optimism is warranted might call for a third part to follow “Formulation” and “Illustration”: “Reckoning.” Basit Kareem IqbalPhD candidate, Department of Anthropologyand Program in Critical TheoryUniversity of California, Berkeley

Abstract SYNTHESIS OF THE FIRST INTERNATIONAL SYMPOSIUM FOR RESEARCH IN COMPARATIVE CRIMINOLOGY Introduction At the beginning of the development of the social sciences there was a considerable vogue for comparative research. A long period of empirical studies and almost total preoccupation with methodological problems followed. Once again, however, psychology, political science, sociology, and above all anthropology, have taken up the thread of this tradition, and the bibliography in these fields is becoming ever more abundant. The study of deviance, of various manifestations of criminality, and of social reaction against crime are, however, noticeably missing in the picture, even though there is nothing in the nature of criminology which precludes the development of comparative research. To many research workers in criminology, the time seemed ripe to take up the comparative tradition once again. Two imperatives were considered : the generalization of norms of deviance which are tied to the standard of living set by industrial civilization, thus putting the problem of criminality in a global light ; and, second, the development and standardization of methods of studying these phenomena, drawing on the experience of allied disciplines. The response of the participants in this Symposium and the results of their discussions were not unexpected. A consensus was arrived as to the problems it was thought important to study, and agreement was reached about the strategies of research to be undertaken. Priorities, however, were not established since too much depends on the availability of research teams, funds, etc. But the broad, overall look at the main problems in comparative criminology will, hopefully, open a new chapter in the history of crimino-logical research and in our continuing search for knowledge of man and society. The brief resume which follows should give the reader an idea of the extent of the problems tackled. The detailed proceedings of the Symposium will be published at a later date, in mimeographed form. Sectors of research proposed In a sense, this Symposium was prepared by all the participants. The organizers had requested that each person invited prepare a memorandum setting out the problems in comparative criminology which he considered to be most important. The compilation of their replies, reported to the plenary session at the opening of the Symposium, produced the following results : Summary of suggestions for research activities Note : In all that follows, it should be understood that all of these topics should be studied in a cross-cultural or international context. 1) Definitions and concepts : a) Social vs legal concept of deviance ; b) Distinction between political and criminal crimes ; c) The law : a moral imperative or a simple norm ; d) The concepts used in penal law : how adequate ? e.g. personality of criminal ; e) Who are the sinners in different cultures and at different times. 2) Procedures : a) Working concepts of criminal law and procedure ; b) Differentiating between factors relating to the liability-finding process and the sentencing process ; c) Behavioural manifestations of the administration of criminal justice ; d) Judicial decisions as related to the personality of the judges and of the accused ; e) Sentencing in the cross-national context (2 proposals) ; f) In developing countries, the gap between development of the legal apparatus and social behaviour ; g) Determination of liability ; h) The problem of definition and handling of dangerous offenders ; i) Decision-making by the sentencing judges, etc. (2 proposals) ; ;) Medical vs penal committals ; k) Law-enforcement, policing. 3) Personnel : a) Professionalization in career patterns ; b) Criteria for personnel selection ; c) Greater use of female personnel. 4) Causation. Situations related to criminality : a) How international relations and other external factors affect crime ; 6) Hierarchy of causes of crime ; c) Migrants. Minorities in general ; d) Relation to socio-economic development in different countries ; e) A biological approach to criminal subcultures, constitutional types, twin studies, etc. ; f) Cultural and social approach : norms of moral judgment, ideals presented to the young, etc. ; g) Effect of social change : crime in developing countries, etc. (6 proposals) ; h) Effects of mass media, rapid dissemination of patterns of deviant behaviour (2 proposals). 5) Varieties of crime and criminals : a) Traffic in drugs ; b) Prison riots ; c) Violence particularly in youth (7 proposals) ; d) Dangerousness ; e) Relation to the rights of man (including rights of deviants); f) Female crime (2 proposals) ; g) Prostitution ; i) The mentally ill offender ; ;) Cultural variations in types of crime ; k) Organized crime ; /) Use of firearms ; m) Gambling ; n) Victims and victimology. 6) Treatment : evaluation : a) Social re-adaptation of offenders ; b) Statistical research on corrections, with possible computerization of data ; c) Comparisons between prisons and other closed environments ; d) Extra-legal consequences of deprivation of liberty ; e) Rehabilitation in developing countries ; f ) Criteria for evaluation of programs of correction ; g) Biochemical treatment (2 proposals) ; i) Differential treatment of different types of offense. Evaluation ; /) Prisons as agencies of treatment ; k) Effects of different degrees of restriction of liberty ; /) Environments of correctional institutions ; m) Study of prison societies ; n) Crime as related to the total social system. 7) Research methodology : a) Publication of what is known regarding methodology ; b) Methods of research ; c) Culturally-comparable vs culturally-contrasting situations ; d) Development of a new clearer terminology to facilitate communication ; e) Actual social validity of the penal law. 8) Statistics : epidemiology : a) Need for comparable international statistics ; standardized criteria (3 proposals) ; b) Difficulties. Criminologists must collect the data themselves. 9) Training of research workers : Recruiting and training of « com-paratists ». 10) Machinery : Committee of co-ordination. Discussions The discussions at the Symposium were based on these suggestions, the main concentration falling on problems of manifestations of violence in the world today, the phenomenon of student contestation, and on human rights and the corresponding responsibilities attached thereto. Although the participants did not come to definite conclusions as to the respective merits of the problems submitted for consideration, they did discuss the conditions under which comparative studies of these problems should be approached, the techniques appropriate to obtaining valid results, and the limitations on this type or work. Four workshops were established and studied the various problems. The first tackled the problems of the definition of the criteria of « danger » represented by different type of criminals ; the problem of discovering whether the value system which underlies the Human Rights Declaration corresponds to the value system of today's youth; the problem of the treatment of criminals ; of female criminality ; and, finally, of violence in the form of individual and group manifestations. The second workshop devoted its main consideration to the revolt of youth and to organized crime, also proposing that an international instrument bank of documentation and information be established. The third workshop considered problems of theory : how the police and the public view the criminal ; the opportunity of making trans-cultural comparisons on such subjects as arrest, prison, etc. ; and the role of the media of information in the construction of value systems. The fourth workshop blazed a trail in the matter of methodology appropriate to research in comparative criminology. The period of discussions which followed the report of the four workshops gave rise to a confrontation between two schools of thought within the group of specialists. The question arose as to whether the problem of student contestation falls within the scope of the science of criminology. Several experts expressed the opinion that criminologists ought not to concern themselves with a question which really belongs in the realm of political science. On the other hand, the majority of the participants appeared to feel that the phenomenon of student contestation did indeed belong in the framework of criminological research. One of the experts in particular took it upon himself to be the spokesman of this school of thought. There are those, he said, who feel that criminology should confine itself and its research to known criminality, to hold-ups, rape, etc. However, one should not forget that penal law rests on political foundations, the legality of power, a certain moral consensus of the population. Today, it is exactly this « legitimate » authority that is being contested. Is it not to be expected, therefore, that criminology should show interest in all sociological phenomena which have legal and criminal implications ? Contestation and violence have consequences for the political foundations of penal law, and therefore are fit subjects for the research of the criminologist. International Centre {or Comparative Criminology The First International Symposium for Research in Comparative Criminology situated itself and its discussions within the framework and in the perspectives opened by the founding of the International Centre for Comparative Criminology. The Centre is sponsored jointly by the University of Montreal and the International Society for Criminology, with headquarters at the University of Montreal. As one of the participants emphasized, criminologists need a place to retreat from the daily struggle, to meditate, to seek out and propose instruments of research valid for the study of problems common to several societies. Viewing the facts as scientists, we are looking for operational concepts. Theoreticians and research workers will rough out the material and, hopefully, this will inspire conferences and symposiums of practitioners, jurists, sociologists, penologists, and other specialists. Above all, it will give common access to international experience, something which is lacking at present both at the level of documentation and of action. A bank of instruments of method- ology in the field of comparative criminology does not exist at the present time. The Centre will undertake to compile and analyse research methods used in scientific surveys, and it will establish such an instrument bank. It will also gather and analyse information pertaining to legislative reforms now in progress or being contemplated in the field of criminal justice. Through the use of computers, the Centre will be able to put these two projects into effect and make the results easily accessible to research workers, and to all those concerned in this field. The participants at the Symposium were given a view of the extent of the problems envisaged for research by the future Centre. It is hoped that this initiative will be of concrete use to research workers, private organizations, public services and governments at many levels, and in many countries.

AbstractThis paper examines the 70-year history of Chinese anthropology from domestic and international perspectives since the founding of the People’s Republic of China in 1949. The policy of reform and opening-up in 1978 was a turning point in Chinese anthropology. Within the 30 years before the reform and opening-up, Chinese anthropology was more or less at a 10-year standstill that was then followed by a boom influenced by the former Soviet Union. The continued development of Chinese anthropology in the 40 years after reform and opening-up can be divided into five stages based on “major events” and “internationalization.” The first stage (1978–1995) can be described as a discipline reconstruction period; the second stage (1995–1999) witnessed the fast development and internationalization of Chinese anthropology; in the third stage (2000–2008), Chinese anthropology became an important discipline at home with improving international integration. The fourth stage (2009–2012) exhibited the initial formation of the discipline system and frequent international exchanges; and the fifth stage saw deepening domestic anthropology research and increasing overseas studies (from 2013 to present). In the past 70 years, and especially in the 40 years of reform and opening-up, Chinese anthropology has developed greatly in many aspects, including institution building, degree awarding, talent training, research communities establishing, conferences held at home and abroad, engagement with hotly-debated issues, and has existed with both advantages and disadvantages. All these demonstrate the characteristics of Chinese anthropology that are different from the discipline as practiced in the West.

The article highlights the practical experience of creating an electronic training course on the elective discipline “Physical Culture and Sport” as a modern means of teaching in higher educational institutions. The practical significance of the introduction of modern innovative teaching methods, the need to supplement traditional teaching methods with the latest developments using informatization and computerization tools is indicated. We have proved that the use of electronic training courses on the elective discipline “Physical Culture and Sport” allows to ensure the continuity of the educational process for correspondence education students and increase the degree of assimilation of educational material