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1
MacIntosh, Elizabeth C. "Italy : defence industries and the arms trade, 1949-1989." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/26707.
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Italy became one of the major exporters of arms by the early 1980s, behind only the United States, the Soviet Union, and France. Although its position was later overtaken, it remained one of Europe's main producers and suppliers, without the presence of pronounced military and foreign policy ambitions at the state level. The military industries grew as a result of Italy's close association with other Western and in particular the American defence establishment beginning in the late 1940s. The Italians had access to some of the most advanced military technology through co-production and licence arrangements with its senior allies. By the 1970s, the defence area became the fastest growing sector of the Italian economy when markets were exploited mainly in the Third World. Although about two-thirds of the industry was state-owned, Italian businessmen acted independently in selling arms through Italian trade networks which thrived with very little government direction or intervention. The absence of government assistance actually appeared to favour the export of Italian weapons, because the lack of interest in the sector also meant that Italy maintained perhaps the most lenient export legislation in the West. As the industry expanded, manufacturers availed themselves increasingly of representatives of the foreign trade ministry, the secret services and military attaches abroad in the promotion of Italian war equipment. And as Italy came into the circle of the world's major economic powers, its politicans attempted for a time to adopt the defence industry as a tool of international prestige. However supporters of the industry did not resolve the contradiction between the low priority Italy continued to give to defence and foreign policy, and the success of the country's industrialists in supplying arms to areas of tension. As business began to decline sharply in the late 1980s for Italy's defence firms, industrialists turned to the possibility of reconversion programs.
2
Zucco, Normand P. (Normand Philip) Carleton University Dissertation International Affairs. "Budgetary trade-offs and Canadian defence spending: a question of priorities." Ottawa, 1989.
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3
El, Taweel Khaled. "Dealing with trade defence instruments in the context of economic integration in Africa." Thesis, University of Pretoria, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/60043.
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The launching of the T-FTA in June 2015 presents an opportunity for accelerating regional integration in Africa towards the establishment of a single market through deepening COMESA-EAC-SADC integration.
This milestone can contribute positively to African development. Nevertheless, it faces different structural and technical challenges, including the risk of aggressive export strategies and unfair trade practices, which may wipe away a substantial part of the integration gains.
This could undermine African integration plans and the largely infant industries in Africa, especially since many African countries lack sufficient technical skills, institutional capacity, and the legal framework to deal efficiently and effectively with unfair trade practices and to respond to situations which may require the application of emergency tools to better adapt to economic challenges.
Apart from Egypt, Morocco, Tunisia, South Africa and Zambia national Trade Defence Instruments (TDIs) are not well developed. This could further constrain the ambitious African plans of economic integration.
The thesis concludes that, although an effective TDI system is crucial for African integration as it can provide the required protection for African infant industries and unlock the potentials of African economic integration, the current African TDI systems are not effective. This is confirmed by the limited resort to TDIs in the African continent and the general perception that an effective TDI system is not a priority on the integration agenda.
The concluded T-FTA TDI legal regime is not supportive for African integration plans in the long run. Africa should envisage how to upgrade its TDI system to make better use of the tools available under the WTO to deal with unfair trade measures, including anti-dumping to face dumped imports, countervailing measures to face subsidized imports, and safeguard measures to temporarily suspend concessions in the face of surge in imports. Africa can improve its national and regional TDIs system by learning from more developed TDI systems incorporated by other economic blocks such as the EU, NAFTA, Mercosur, and ASEAN.
This thesis submits that the EU TDIs system is the most suitable to the African integration objectives. This submission is made while recognising the different level of development on both sides. The thesis submits that the long-term objective of the T-FTA is to have a regional investigating authority. It draws several recommendations to enhance African TDI system by working on five main categories: (A) The strategic direction; (B) The institutional framework; (C) Enhancing engagements; (D) Application of TDIs; and (E) The supportive factors.<br>Thesis (LLD)--University of Pretoria, 2016.<br>Public Law<br>LLD<br>Unrestricted
4
Buckley, John Dale. "The development of RAF coastal command trade defence strategy, policy and doctrine 1919-1945." Thesis, Lancaster University, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.317333.
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Butler, Luke R. A. "Public contract law as a barrier to, and instrument for, Transatlantic defence trade liberalization." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2014. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/4993/.
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The European Union recently adopted a Defence Procurement Directive. Designed to regulate an internal market for defence material, the development is highly controversial. For many years, the U.S. has received privileged access to the national defence markets of the Member States. A lack of competition has resulted in stagnated markets with decreased increased possibilities of dependence on the U.S. In respective to the Directive, U.S. commentators have identified the possibility for its provisions to discriminate against U.S. contractors. This forces a fundamental assessment of the role of legal institutions which regulate transatlantic defence trade. This thesis aims to subject the EU and U.S. defence procurement regimes to critical description and analysis.
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Gould, Gillian, and n/a. "The expanding role of the Joint Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade : 1952 - 1993." University of Canberra. Administrative Studies, 1993. http://erl.canberra.edu.au./public/adt-AUC20060712.120351.
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This research essay examines the emergence and development of the
Joint Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade and
its attempts to influence foreign policy. Established as the Joint
Committee on Foreign Affairs in 1952, it was the first committee to
have a specific portfolio alignment. The purpose of the committee was
to ensure that a considerable number of parliamentarians could become
informed about foreign affairs issues.
The establishment of a committee for such a purpose was surprising in
that proponents of parliamentary reform at that tune were strongly
advocating that a comprehensive system of committees be created for
the purposes of financial scrutiny of government expenditure and
consideration of legislation. Against this background it is interesting
that the new committee was not given - and indeed showed no intention
of assuming - the role of scrutinising the activities of the Department
of External (and later, Foreign) Affairs.
It is also interesting that Prime Minister Robert Menzies instigated the
committee despite the fact that the government - and particularly the
Minister for External Affairs R G Casey - feared the committee might
go beyond its terms of reference and attempt to exert influence on
government policy. Consequently the government imposed severe
restrictions on the committee's activities which resulted in the
Opposition steadfastly refusing to participate in the work of the
committee for 15 years. Once some of these restrictions were removed,
the committee began to operate as a bipartisan committee in 1967 and
promptly set about attempting to influence government policy in foreign
affairs. Casey's worst fears were realised.
Over the years the brief of the committee expanded into the areas of
defence and trade. Eleven of the committee's reports address significant
defence issues and since 1987 the committee has conducted extensive
inquiries into trade matters. For the purposes of this research essay
however I have focused on the development of the committee's interest
and influence in the area of foreign affairs.
Chapter One of this essay describes the background of parliamentary
reform which resulted in the establishment of a comprehensive system
of committees within the Australian Parliament. Against this
background the emergence of the Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs
is outlined in Chapter Two. Chapter Three identifies the major trends
in the work of the committee while Chapter Four examines the
influence and some of the mechanisms through which the committee
has exerted pressure on foreign affairs policy. The conclusions of my
research are addressed in Chapter Five.
This research essay is based on an analysis of official committee
documents which address foreign affairs issues from 1967 to the
present. The major sources for the essay therefore are the reports of the
committee, government responses to those reports and parliamentary
debates. Other works consulted include academic journals and
monographs. I have also gained numerous insights into the powers and
limitations of committees through informal discussions with members
of various committees and colleagues. To these people I am indebted for
their thoughtful and provocative remarks. In particular I thank
Professor John Halligan of the University of Canberra for his assistance
and encouragement in bringing this research essay to its conclusion.
7
Erickson, Mark. "Toward a sociology of morally contestable work : a case study of the defence industry in the North East of England." Thesis, University of Sunderland, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.337285.
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Tesoro, Stephenie. "In (H)Arm's Way : A Look Into the Culture of the Defense and Security Industry." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för kulturantropologi och etnologi, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-398037.
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Through an examination of the businesses and people that support war-making, collectively known as the defense and security industry, this thesis reveals the controlling processes at work that make the business of war palatable to those who work within the industry. Three controlling processes are examined: (1) The industry’s culturally specific language; a barrier built with syntax, preventing both entry from outsiders and exit by insiders, allowing for institutionalized insanity to set in while also legitimizing the business pursuits of these companies as normal and acceptable; (2) The scientific pursuit and technology itself, supported and maintained by the exalted position the pursuit of science holds in Western society, and the assumption that technological innovation is always an intellectual and noble pursuit, which is critical to the industry’s survival; (3) The ideologies of Western liberal democracy that buttresses the industry; defined primarily by insecurity, assumed moral authority, and neoliberal capitalism/short-term self-interest. The terrorist attacks on the United States in 2001 served as a springboard for the industry to imbed itself into domestic settings, and carry-out acts of war in faraway countries without the consent of the people, thereby threatening the democratic ideals it claims to protect.
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Koutrakos, Panos. "Trade, foreign policy and defence in EU constitutional law : the legal regulation of sanctions, exports of dual-use goods and armaments /." Oxford [u.a.] : Hart, 2001. http://www.gbv.de/dms/sub-hamburg/324099142.pdf.
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Ellis, Robert Peter. "The impact of ocean acidification, increased seawater temperature and a bacterial challenge on the immune response and physiology of the blue mussel, Mytilus edulis." Thesis, University of Plymouth, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10026.1/1250.
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Anthropogenic activities are fundamentally altering the chemistry of the world’s oceans. Many of these modifications could have a significant impact on the health of marine organisms. Yet, despite being proposed as one of the most significant threats that marine ecosystems face, to date very little is known about the impact of anthropogenic climate change, and ocean acidification in particular, on host defence. The aims of this thesis are to investigate the impact of environmental stressors on the invertebrate immune response, providing empirical data on how anthropogenically induced stressors will impact the invertebrate immune system and how this will impact organism condition and subsequent physiological trade-offs. Exposure to reduced seawater pH and increased temperature significantly reduced the immune response in the blue mussel, Mytilus edulis. This reduction in immune response could indicate stress-induced immune dysfunction. However, the immune system protects an organism from infectious disease, ensuring survival, and should therefore be evaluated functionally rather than immunologically. By subsequently exposing mussels to a bacterial challenge this study demonstrated that an earlier study which measured a reduction in host defence represented a trade-off of immune system maintenance costs, with mussels maintaining a capacity to up-regulate immune defence when required. However, whilst this immune plasticity ensures mussels are able to survive a pathogen exposure, such a strategy appears to be physiologically costly. This cost is seen as a reduction in reproductive investment, an altered energy metabolism and an altered fatty acid composition in organisms exposed to low pH. Therefore the overarching picture that emerges is, without measuring physiological processes functionally, and in neglecting any physiological trade-offs, it is possible that many studies may misinterpret the complex physiological responses of marine organisms to ocean acidification.
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Neumannová, Pavla. "Strategická obchodní politika v obranném a bezpečnostním průmyslu." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2016. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-261997.
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The master thesis is devoted to a nontraditional, however, in the todays world to a very current topic, arms industry and its support. The thesis connects the theoretical concept of the strategic trade policy (defined by P. Krugman or J. Brander) to its practical interpretation and application in the defence and security industry. The first chapter explains the strategic trade policy using the Brander Spencer analysis. The topic of the second chapter is strategic industries and this chapter answers the question whether the defence and security industry is a strategic industry or not. The third chapter analyses the possibilities of the support of DSI and compares approaches of different EU member states. The last chapter is devoted to the solution of this problem. The main contribution of this thesis is a new interpretation of the strategic trade policy, analysis of the importance of the defence and security industry and its support and suggestion of practical measures for Czech companies and for the Czech Ministry of Defence.
12
Ristevski, Alexandar Aron. "Our Home Girt By Sea: Rethinking Australian Strategic Policy in the Indo-Pacific." Thesis, Department of Government and International Relations, 2022. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/27749.
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Since Federation in 1901, the Commonwealth of Australia has depended on the leading power within the region to underwrite its security and prosperity – with primacy initially enjoyed by the United Kingdom, and then following the events of World War Two, the United States of America.
While having benefitted immensely from this regional order, the geostrategic environment that Australia now finds itself in is rapidly evolving and becoming increasingly hostile amidst the emergence of great power competition between Beijing and Washington. This intensifying grand strategic rivalry coincides with the shifting balance of power which has been facilitated by China’s monumental rise and America’s relative decline. Subsequently, it is the first time in our history that we may not be able to depend upon ‘a great and powerful friend’ to safeguard our national interests.
This uncertain future has sparked debates in political, academic, and strategic communities, many of which are riddled with premature assumptions and wishful predictions, related to the Sino-American contest for supremacy and the seemingly limited options available for Australia. A ‘gap’ in the literature, then, is examining the concrete ways that Canberra can take advantage of the situation and maximise its own power within the Indo-Pacific. However, in contrast to the prevailing tendencies of previous research, this thesis does not focus on whether Australia can help the United States maintain its dominant position and successfully prevent China from assuming regional primacy, but rather, how it can strengthen itself irrespective of what regional order may come.
To that end, employing a fundamentally neorealist perspective, and combining both offensive and defensive strands, I explore the ways that Australian strategic policy within the Indo-Pacific can be recalibrated to not only navigate through the rapidly evolving and increasingly hostile geostrategic environment, but also, simultaneously contribute to a more potent, resolute, and capable Commonwealth of Australia.
13
Hargreaves, David William. "Ill fares the Land? The concept of national food self sufficiency in political discourse 1880-1939." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/5720.
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After the repeal of the Corn Laws ended the policy of protectionism
which had enabled Britain to feed herself from within her own
resources, free trade resulted in domestic food production constituting
only 30% of the British diet. This study looks at the political discourse
from 1880 to 1939 when the ¿empty countryside¿ became a symbol of
agricultural decline. Emerging radical and socialist narratives put
forward approaches for rural regeneration and increased food
production. Other narratives suggested that agricultural decline was one
manifestation of national decline whereby a self sufficient and proud
nation was being betrayed by Capitalism. Both Left and Right offered up
the prospect of different solutions predicated upon shared perceptions
of ¿Englishness.¿ The experience of Irish famine failed to inform political
action or policy making.
The study notes the importance of War upon the development of food
policy. Increasingly, the State joined forces with the NFU in a corporate
endeavour which sought to manage, rather than increase, food production and created structures which became increasingly important in the context of rearmament. Increased food production was rejected upon defence grounds in that free trade and a navy were seen as appropriate safeguards. Those countries which sought to follow self sufficiency ¿ or autarky ¿ are portrayed as warlike in their intentions; by 1939 all mainstream political parties rejected the notion of artificially increased food production.
Those who continued to press for increased food production concentrated either upon earlier pre Capitalist societies or were attracted by Fascism and strong leadership. After such searches became increasingly problematic there was emphasis upon the soil, with the adoption of an approach which was both practical and mystical.
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Zorluoglu, Habib Izzet Tezcan Fahrettin Cakir Turker. "Offset implementations for Turkey's International Defense Acquisitions." Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2008. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/MBAPR/2008/Dec/08Dec%5FZorluoglu%5FMBA.pdf.
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"Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Business Administration from the Naval Postgraduate School, December 2008."<br>Advisor(s): Franck, Raymond ; Petross, Diana. "December 2008." "MBA professional report"--Cover. Description based on title screen as viewed on January 28, 2009. Includes bibliographical references (p. 101-104). Also available in print.
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Ahmed, L. Najeeb (Latheef Najeeb). "Improving trade visibility and fidelity in defense requirements portfolio management." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/107350.
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Thesis: S.M. in Engineering and Management, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, School of Engineering, Institute for Data, Systems, and Society, System Design and Management Program, 2014.<br>Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.<br>Includes bibliographical references (pages 77-80).<br>In 2003, the Department of Defense (DoD) requirements process migrated from a bottom-up, threat-based force-planning method to a capability-based, top-down approach with the introduction of the Joint Capabilities Integration and Development System (JCIDS). The primary objective of the JCIDS process is to ensure the capabilities required by the joint warfighter are identified, assessed, validated, and prioritized in a transparent process that allows for a balanced and informed decision. Although JCIDS continues to evolve, criticisms remain: solution development and delivery are not timely; the process is complex; and it lacks mechanisms to focus the review across portfolios; to name a few. It is imperative to address these fundamental issues as the DoD is now forced to operate within a severely constrained fiscal environment - the DoD must gain better insight and visibility across its defense requirements portfolio. This thesis seeks to address these issues through the application of Systems Engineering techniques, specifically an Enterprise Strategic Analysis and Semantic Architecture review, to the JCIDS process. The Enterprise Strategic Analysis reveals the critical stakeholder interactions as well as nuances of the landscape in which JCIDS functions. This is followed by a detailed Semantic Architecture review of sample documents within the JCIDS process to inform a knowledge base. The result of these steps is a formative ontology which reveals basic relationships and patterns with the ability to assist decision makers manage the complexity inherent in the management of joint capabilities.<br>by L. Najeeb Ahmed.<br>S.M. in Engineering and Management
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Snyder, Brion Scott. "Should the Defense Fuel Supply Center trade in the futures market?" Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1993. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA277235.
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Yager, Loren. "The effect of defense spending on the trade performance of high-technology industries." Santa Monica, CA : Rand, 1992. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/25641963.html.
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Kurr, Martyn. "Trade-offs in macroalgal chemical defences : battle of the sexes, invaders and consumers." Thesis, Bangor University, 2015. https://research.bangor.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/tradeoffs-in-macroalgal-chemical-defencesbattle-of-the-sexesinvaders-and-consumers(17ed360c-7d4d-4e1a-9216-036f23ceaec4).html.
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Macroalgae are useful as model organisms because their simple physiology and modular growth allows their investments into growth, defence, and reproduction to be quantified. Ascophyllum nodosum is a dioecious perennial which responds clearly to environmental stressors, and Sargassum muticum is an invasive pseudo-annual which grows in discrete populations of known time-since-invasion. Two chapters investigate the occurrence of sexual dimorphism in A. nodosum under stress, and incorporate surveys, chemical analyses, and feeding trials to demonstrate that females invest more into sexual reproduction at sites where stressors impact juvenile mortality, and compensate by reducing investment into defence, leaving them more vulnerable to grazers. At sites where stressors impact mainly on adult mortality and performance with lower influence on juvenile mortality, limited sexual dimorphism is observed. Similar results have been demonstrated in terrestrial plants, but none have quantified responses to stress in such detail. The second two chapters test the Enemy Release Hypothesis, the Evolution of Increased Competitive Ability hypotheses, and the Biotic Resistance hypothesis using surveys, chemical analyses, and feeding trials with S. muticum and its associated grazers from populations established for different lengths of time, over 40 years. Grazers from older S. muticum were more likely to feed upon it in the laboratory, but surveys of chemical defences did not reflect any increased pressure over time in the field. Instead, S. muticum increased its defensive investment in the presence of a greater diversity of grazers, irrespective of the length of time those grazers had been exposed to it. Therefore although grazers can learn to consume S. muticum, they are still unlikely to do so in the field, such that many species must be present before at least some begin to impart top-down pressure upon it. Collectively these investigations demonstrate the high value of using macroalgae in wider ecology.
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Lyne, T. G. "The politics of agriculture : Le Mouvement pour la Defense de l'Exploitation Familial 1959-1982." Thesis, University of Warwick, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.377097.
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de, Somer Gregory John Humanities & Social Sciences Australian Defence Force Academy UNSW. "The Redefinition of Asia : Australian Foreign Policy and Contemporary Asian Regionalism." Awarded by:University of New South Wales - Australian Defence Force Academy. School of Humanities and Social Sciences, 2003. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/38666.
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This thesis set out to ascertain the position of recent Australian Governments on the latest instalments of Asian regionalism in the context of an assessment of whether there has been a redefinition of Asia and thus a redefinition of Australia???s engagement with Asia. It will concentrate on the broad themes of politico-strategic and economic engagement. Whilst there has been extensive research and documentation on the Asian economic crisis there has been less work on the issue of a new Asian regionalism and the implications for Australia???s complex and variable engagement with the region. This is the basis for the claim to originality of this thesis, a claim supported by its focus on the practical and policy implications of Australia???s engagement, or lack of it, with regional institutions. The process of regional integration has been extremely slow, thus supporting the conclusion that there is no evidence of a major redefinition of Asia. Efforts at Asian regionalism are meeting obstacles that pose immense challenges. Asian regionalism remains nascent and poorly defined. This reflects the diversity and enormous disparities in cultures, political systems and the levels of economic development and differences over economic philosophies within East Asia. What is discernible is that the regionalism is proceeding more rapidly on financial issues than on trade, and in the security area it is conspicuously absent. This research highlights the fact that the question of Asian engagement remains a sensitive issue in Australia and continues to grow more complex. Australia???s engagement with Asia since 1996 has been variable because of the Howard Government???s broader balance of priorities between global and regional issues, and because of the changing nature of the Asian region. The perception gleaned from sources is that, for the Australian Government, regionalism initiatives are characterised by much discussion but lack substance. Consequently, this appears to have led the Government to the position that exclusion from some manifestations of regionalism is not so important. Australia is excluded from some of the regional architectures being constructed. In its efforts to seek inclusion in ASEAN + 3 and ASEM, Australia is facing the same barriers that have stood in the way of an AFTA-CER agreement. Exclusion would be important if the performance of regional groupings was not so indifferent. Exclusion from ASEAN + 3 and ASEM, however, does not equate to Australia???s exclusion from the region.
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Mazur, Frances Susan. "For Peace and Prosperity: The Defense, Trade, and Expansion Polices of Governor Alexander Spotswood." W&M ScholarWorks, 1990. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625620.
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Soubrier, Emma. "Quelle sécurité pour les « petits Etats-Princes » du Golfe ? Politiques de défense et stratégies d’acquisitions militaires du Qatar et des Emirats arabes unis." Thesis, Université Clermont Auvergne (2017-2020), 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017CLFAD018.
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Ce travail étudie l’évolution des politiques de défense et des acquisitions militaires du Qatar et des Emirats arabes unis (EAU) depuis les années 1990. Il cherche à évaluer la prégnance du rôle des déterminants extérieurs et intérieurs dans l’élaboration des stratégies de ces deux petits Etats du Golfe et s’interroge sur la raison pour laquelle, confrontés à des défis en apparence assez similaires, ils ont adopté des stratégies différentes. Tandis que le Qatar a privilégié son rayonnement diplomatique et peu ou prou délégué sa sécurité à ses partenaires extérieurs, les EAU ont quant à eux organisé leur doctrine militaire autour de la consolidation de leurs outils de sécurité et de défense intérieurs tout en veillant à rayonner sur la scène régionale et internationale par divers canaux souvent identiques à ceux choisis par leurs voisins qataris. La thèse montre que les mutations du contexte régional doivent être articulées avec celles du contexte international pour comprendre les dynamiques communes aux politiques de défense et aux acquisitions militaires du Qatar et des EAU. Puis, elle montre que ces déterminants structurels doivent être articulés avec des variables intervenant au niveau national (territoire, démographie) et infranational (perception et réseaux du Prince) pour comprendre les contrastes entre leurs politiques. Pour finir, la thèse interroge la pérennité de l’économie et de la sociologie politique de ces « petits Etats-Princes » en les confrontant à des reconfigurations endogènes et exogènes susceptibles de les faire évoluer<br>This thesis studies the evolving defence policies and military acquisitions of Qatar and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) from the 1990s onwards. It seeks to assess the role of external and domestic incentives in shaping the survival strategies of these two small Gulf states and to understand why, while they were confronted with apparently similar challenges, they adopted different strategies. While Qatar has favoured its diplomatic influence and essentially guaranteed its security through its partnerships with external powers, the UAE have consolidated their internal security and defence tools while gaining regional and international influence through various channels which often were the same as those chosen by Qatari leaders. The thesis shows that the mutations of the regional context must be articulated with those of the international context to understand the common dynamics in Qatar’s and the UAE’s defence policies and military acquisitions. It then shows that these structural determinants must be articulated with variables at national (territory, demography) and subnational (the Prince’s perception and networks) levels to understand the contrasts between their policies. Finally, the thesis questions the sustainability of the political economy and political sociology of these “small Princes-states” by confronting them to endogenous and exogenous developments which are likely to make them evolve
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Tran, Christophe. "Les manifestations juridiques et fiscales du protectionnisme de l'Union : essai sur un mode durable de régulation du libre-échange." Thesis, Rennes 1, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019REN1G004.
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Le droit de l’Union semble fondamentalement réticent à la résurgence du pendant antagoniste du libre-échange sous le vocable générique de protectionnisme. Pourtant, les manifestations juridiques et fiscales de ce protectionnisme de l’Union existent, variées en qualité et en intensité, et interpellent le juriste quant à la finalité poursuivie par l’entité souveraine qui le met en œuvre. Volonté de protection d’un intérêt propre et supérieur à l’intérieur de ses frontières ou volonté de domination du commerce international par le truchement d’instruments de défense mis au service d’une guerre commerciale, le protectionnisme peut-il être juridiquement fondé ou économiquement et politiquement opportun ? La combinaison est-elle possible ? De manière prospective, l’exigence de développement durable intégrée dans le droit de l’Union, dont la pertinence s’affirme à la lumière de la crise écologique, exhorte le juriste à penser le protectionnisme sous un angle durable dépassant la simple dimension économique. C’est à ces hypothèses, en contrariété assumée – mais nuancée – avec les libertés de circulation irriguant le droit de l’Union, que cette recherche est consacrée<br>European Law seems quite reluctant to trigger the opposite side of liberalism under the general term of protectionism. Thus, the legal and fiscal demonstrations of this type of protectionism from the EU do exist, as various in quality as in intensity, and challenge the lawyer towards the goal achieved by the sovereign entity that implements it. Willing to protect a proper and superior interest within its boundaries or willing to dominate world trade with defence instruments supporting trade war, can protectionism be lawfully based or economically and politically valuable? Is the combination possible? In a prospective way, sustainable development requirement contained in Union law, which goes increasingly relevant with regards to ecological crisis, urges the lawyer to rethink protectionism under a sustainable way that exceeds the only economical dimension. This research is dedicated to solving these hypotheses, with assumed – but nuanced – annoyance with Union law economic freedoms of movement
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Zevenbergen, Jacquelyn M. "DOES PLASTICITY IN THE WEB BUILDING BEHAVIOR OF THE WESTERN BLACK WIDOW SPIDER, LATRODECTUS HESPERUS, AFFECT FORAGING AND DEFENSE?" University of Akron / OhioLINK, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=akron1176135528.
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Ullmann-Zeunert, Lynn [Verfasser], Ian T. [Akademischer Betreuer] Baldwin, Ralf [Akademischer Betreuer] Oelmüller, and Dam Nicole [Akademischer Betreuer] van. "Trade-offs of induced herbivore defense in Nicotiana attenuata : the role of early signaling and defense metabolite biosynthesis / Lynn Ullmann-Zeunert. Gutachter: Ian T. Baldwin ; Ralf Oelmüller ; Nicole van Dam." Jena : Thüringer Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek Jena, 2013. http://d-nb.info/1041255861/34.
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Stanton, Mariana Alves. "Respostas a herbivoria em Asclepias curassavica (Apocynaceae: Asclepiadoideae) : defender, crescer ou reproduzir." [s.n.], 2008. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/316370.
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Orientador: Jose Roberto Trigo<br>Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Biologia<br>Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-12T18:54:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1
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Previous issue date: 2008<br>Resumo: A produção de defesas contra a herbivoria é essencial para o sucesso reprodutivo das plantas, no entanto pode ser custosa. Esses custos resultam da redução de investimento em outras partes do metabolismo, como o crescimento e a reprodução. Nesse estudo, usamos Asclepias curassavica (Apocynaceae: Asclepiadoideae) como modelo para avaliar como uma planta divide seus recursos entre crescimento, reprodução e defesas. A. curassavica é uma planta anual que possui cardenolidas como defesas. Para verificar como esta responde a herbivoria, simulamos a mesma através de dano artificial (DA) e medimos crescimento (biomassa de folhas e raízes) e reprodução (número de flores, frutos e sementes e biomassa de sementes) em um experimento em longo prazo. Em um experimento em curto prazo, medimos a produção de defesas (concentração de cardenolidas), para avaliar se estas podem estar interferindo no crescimento e reprodução desta espécie. Correlacionamos também, em uma população natural, a concentração de cardenolidas com a percentagem de herbivoria foliar. O hormônio jasmonato de metila (JM) é usado para induzir compostos do metabolismo secundário em plantas, sem o custo adicional da remoção de tecido fotossinteticamente ativo causada por dano artificial ou natural. Usamos esse composto em ambos os desenhos experimentais acima ao invés de remoção da área foliar para avaliar se havia indução de cardenolidas e seu efeito sobre o crescimento e reprodução de A. curassavica. Nossos resultados demonstraram uma redução significativa do número total de frutos, sementes e da massa final de raízes em plantas com tratamento de DA em longo prazo. O crescimento do tratamento DA não diferiu do controle, sugerindo crescimento compensatório das folhas à custa do investimento em raízes e em reprodução. Os custos reprodutivos e de crescimento de raízes detectados no experimento de longo prazo podem resultar da diminuição da capacidade fotossintética em plantas danificadas e investimento simultâneo em crescimento compensatório das folhas. No experimento de curto prazo, não houve alteração da razão de indução de cardenolidas sugerindo que o dano artificial não induz defesas nessa espécie. A ausência de correlação entre cardenolidas e porcentagem de dano natural em plantas coletadas em campo pode sugerir dois cenários excludentes: 1. a indução de cardenolidas não seria importante para a defesa de A. curassavica, ou 2. a ausência de correlação, associada a baixa percentagem de herbivoria implicaria em uma defesa constitutiva eficaz contra herbívoros. O tratamento com JM a longo prazo também mostrou uma tendência à redução do crescimento de raízes e redução significativa da biomassa e porcentagem de germinação de sementes. Nas plantas tratadas com JM a curto prazo, houve um aumento significativo de cardenolidas tardio (384 h após tratamento) sugerindo que estas podem contribuir para a redução de aptidão observada no experimento de longo prazo e que existem custos da produção das mesmas. Dano artificial leva à diminuição da aptidão, através de desvio de investimento em raízes para o crescimento compensatório das folhas. No caso do jasmonato, não houve perda de massa fotossinteticamente ativa (folhas) e a redução do crescimento de raízes pode ser resultado de um efeito direto do tratamento de JM ou indireto causado pela indução de outras partes do metabolismo (p.ex. metabolismo secundário) causada por esse fitohormônio. Experimentos futuros devem comparar os presentes resultados com dano real por um dos herbívoros especialistas para avaliar a eficácia do dano artificial em induzir cardenolidas e o papel dessa indução sobre outras partes do metabolismo da mesma<br>Abstract: Although the investment in defensive traits against herbivory is essential to the reproductive success of plants, it may be costly. These costs result from reduced investment in other metabolic functions such as growth and reproduction. In the present study, we used the milkweed Asclepias curassavica (Apocynaceae: Asclepiadoideae) as a model to study how a plant divides its resources between growth, reproduction and defense. A. curassavica is an annual weed that uses cardenolides as defenses against herbivory. To evaluate how Asclepias curassavica responds to herbivores, we simulated herbivory by artificial damage (AD) and measured growth (leaf and root biomass) and reproduction (number of flowers, fruit and seeds and seed biomass) in a long term experiment. We also measured defensive traits (cardenolide concentration) in a short term experiment to verify whether there is an investment in defense that may interfere with growth and reproduction. We also correlated cardenolide concentration in a natural population with percent leaf damage. As the plant hormone, methyl jasmonate (MJ) is commonly used to induce secondary metabolism in plants without the additional costs of tissue removal, we used this compound in the same experimental designs instead of AD. Our results from the long term AD treatment showed a significant decrease in final root biomass and in total fruit set and seed number. Plants from the AD treatment did not differ from controls in leaf growth, suggesting that there was a compensatory growth in the former at the expense of root growth. The reproductive and growth costs detected in this experiment may result from reduced photosynthetic capacity in damaged plants and concomitant compensatory leaf growth. In the short term, we found no induction of cardenolides compared to controls, suggesting that artificial damage does not induce defenses. The lack of correlation between cardenolides and percentage leaf damage in plants collected from a natural population suggest two self-excluding scenarios: 1. the induction of cardenolides is not important for the defense of A. curassavica, or 2. the lack of correlation, coupled with low herbivore damage, suggests that this plant has an efficient constitutive defense against herbivores. The long term MJ treatment showed a trend in reduced root biomass and significantly reduced seed biomass and percentage germination. In the short term MJ treatment we found a significant increase in cardenolide concentration (after 384 h) suggesting that the production of these defenses is costly and this may have contributed to observed costs in the long term experiment. Apparently, the artificial damage treatment leads to reduced fitness through reduced root growth which is a consequence of compensatory leaf growth. In the methyl jasmonate treatment, there was no removal of photosythetically active tissue (leaves) and the reduced root growth may be a direct effect of this phytohormone or an indirect effect caused by the induction of other metabolic pathways (such as secondary metabolism) caused by this hormone. Future experiments should compare the present results with natural damage by specialist herbivores to evaluate the efficiency of artificial damage in inducing cardenolides and the role of the induction of these substances on other metabolic functions<br>Mestrado<br>Mestre em Ecologia
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Poerschke, Rafael Pentiado. "A aplicação de direitos antidumping no Brasil : o caso dos calçados importados da China." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/182339.
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No longo caminho para a consolidação da abertura comercial brasileira a defesa comercial teve seu papel relegado quase sempre ao segundo plano. Ainda assim, houve o momento em que as medidas antidumping se tornaram parte fundamental da política comercial brasileira. Com o crescimento do número de medidas impostas, a exposição da política comercial exterior brasileira era inevitável. Portanto, a pesquisa procurou descrever a relação que a aplicação de medidas antidumping no Brasil mantém com seu propósito original. Mas o que faz de um país protecionista, ou melhor, quais elementos fariam do Brasil um país mais ou menos protecionista quando o tema são as medidas antidumping. Nesse sentido, a tese defendida diverge dos principais estudos e foi bem sucedida em demonstrar que apenas os números e modelos genéricos não são capazes de explicar um comportamento setorial específico. Dentro da abordagem proposta, a adição de um estudo de caso tornou possível uma fuga do método convencional de pesquisa dessa área e foi decisivo para lançar luz sobre a complexidade que envolve a aplicação do Acordo Antidumping. Conforme os resultados apontaram, percebemos que parece haver mais elementos que apontam o contrário do que os números dizem. Primeiro, o Brasil não reúne reclamações contra sua política de aplicação de direitos antidumping, uma vez que as reclamações no Sistema de Solução de Controvérsias se concentraram em condenar as políticas de crédito e fiscais, leia-se subsídios. Outro ponto de contato foi a modernização do marco que regula as investigações contra práticas desleais, com o estabelicimento de procedimentos mais detalhados que diminuiram a margem discricionária da autoridade investigadora. A criação de um Grupo de Interesse Público e a adoção do princípio do menor direito (lesser duty) como regra, caracterizam uma conduta reconhecidamente liberalizante. Uma outra hipótese protecionista foi afastada, uma vez os resultados apontaram que as importações do Brasil dependem muito pouco do câmbio. Portanto, surgiu algo como a “falácia do câmbio”, uma vez que ela é uma explicação consolidada para o fenômeno como um todo, mas sem poder de explicar um caso específico. Quando estudado à luz do caso dos calçados, o câmbio teve muito menos contribuição que a renda, sendo praticamente inexpressivo para determinar o comportamento da importação de calçados da China. Outro ponto ressaltado, foi a presença do efeito desvio de comércio na direção de outros exportadores, caracterizando uma postura de defesa mas não protecionista. Esses pontos quando reunidos ressaltam que a defesa comercial não visou as importações como um todo, mas apenas o produto objeto do dumping uma vez que o mercado deixado pelos chineses foi absorvido pelos demais exportadores. Finalmente, pela reação dos produtores e importadores domésticos, com a criação do MOVE enquanto movimento de resistência, entendemos que a concorrência dos calçados esportivos foi a fonte do problema.<br>In the long way towards the Brazilian trade opening consolidation, the role of trade defense has been frequently put aside. Even though, there has been a moment in which anti-dumping measures have become a fundamental aspect of the Brazilian trade policy. Given the growing number of measures imposed, the exposure of the Brazilian foreign trade policy was inevitable. Hence, the research has looked for describing the relationship that the application of anti-dumping measures in Brazil maintains with its original purpose. However, what does make a country protectionist; or even better, which elements would turn Brazil into a more or less protectionist country when anti-dumping measures are the subject. In this sense, the thesis diverges from the main studies, and it has succeeded in showing that just numbers and generic models are not able to explain a specific sectoral behavior. Within the proposed approach, the addition of a case study has conveyed to an escape from this area's conventional research method, and it was decisive in order to enlighten the complexity that surrounds the Anti-dumping Agreement application. As the results have shown, it was perceived that more elements seem to exist, showing the opposite from the numbers. Firstly, Brazil does not collect complaints against its anti-dumping rights application, once the complaints in the Dispute Settlement Understanding have focused on condemning credit and fiscal policies; meaning subsides. The modernization of the mark that rules investigations against unfair practices has been another point of contact, through the establishment of more detailed procedures, which have reduced the discretionary margin of the investigative authority. Both the creation of a Group of Public Interest and the adoption of the lesser duty principle as a rule, characterize a conduct recognized as liberalizing. Another protectionist hypothesis was pushed away, once the results have shown that Chinese importations by Brazil depend very little on the exchange rate or the industry cycle. Therefore, something like “exchange fallacy” has arisen, what is a consolidated explanation to the phenomenon as a whole; however it cannot explain a specific case. When analyzed under the footwear scope, exchange has had a much lower contribution than income, been nearly irrelevant in determining the behavior of shoe importation from China. Another highlighted aspect has been the trade deviation effect towards other exporters, characterizing a non protectionist defense position. When reunited, these points emphasize that trade defense did not aimed importations as a whole, but only the product that is an object of dumping, once the market left by the Chinese has been absorbed by other exporters. Finally, given the producers and domestic importers reaction, through the creation of MOVE as a resistance movement, it is this research understanding that the imported competition on sports footwear was the core of it all.
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Bhaduri, Debayan. "Tools and Techniques for Evaluating Reliability Trade-offs for Nano-Architectures." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/9918.
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It is expected that nano-scale devices and interconnections will introduce unprecedented level of defects in the substrates, and architectural designs need to accommodate the uncertainty inherent at such scales. This consideration motivates the search for new architectural paradigms based on redundancy based defect-tolerant designs. However, redundancy is not always a solution to the reliability problem, and often too much or too little redundancy may cause degradation in reliability. The key challenge is in determining the granularity at which defect tolerance is designed, and the level of redundancy to achieve a specific level of reliability. Analytical probabilistic models to evaluate such reliability-redundancy trade-offs are error prone and cumbersome, and do not scalewell for complex networks of gates. In this thesiswe develop different tools and techniques that can evaluate the reliability measures of combinational circuits, and can be used to analyze reliability-redundancy trade-offs for different defect-tolerant architectural configurations. In particular, we have developed two tools, one of which is based on probabilistic model checking and is named NANOPRISM, and another MATLAB based tool called NANOLAB. We also illustrate the effectiveness of our reliability analysis tools by pointing out certain anomalies which are counter-intuitive but can be easily discovered by these tools, thereby providing better insight into defecttolerant design decisions. We believe that these tools will help furthering research and pedagogical interests in this area, expedite the reliability analysis process and enhance the accuracy of establishing reliability-redundancy trade-off points.<br>Master of Science
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Huang, Jianbei [Verfasser], Nicole M. van Gutachter] Dam, Anna [Gutachter] Sala, and Henrik [Gutachter] [Hartmann. "Trade-offs between growth, storage and defense in plants under carbon limitation / Jianbei Huang ; Gutachter: Nicole M. van Dam, Anna Sala, Henrik Hartmann." Jena : Friedrich-Schiller-Universität Jena, 2019. http://d-nb.info/1177386496/34.
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Puentes, Adriana. "Plant-Herbivore Interactions and Evolutionary Potential of Natural Arabidopsis lyrata Populations." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Växtekologi och evolution, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-183433.
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In this thesis, I combined field, greenhouse and common-garden experiments to examine the ecological and evolutionary consequences of plant-herbivore interactions and the genetic architecture of fitness-related traits in the insect-pollinated, self-incompatible, perennial herb Arabidopsis lyrata. More specifically, I examined (1) whether damage to leaves and inflorescences affects plant fitness non-additively, (2) whether trichome production is associated with a cost in terms of reduced tolerance to leaf and inflorescence damage, (3) whether young plant resistance to a specialist insect herbivore varies among populations, and (4) whether the evolution of flowering time, floral display and rosette size is constrained by lack of genetic variation or by genetic correlations among traits. A two-year field experiment in a Swedish population showed that damage to rosette leaves and to inflorescences can affect both current and future plant performance of A. lyrata, and that effects on some fitness components are non-additive. A two-year field experiment in another Swedish population indicated that trichome-producing plants are not less tolerant than glabrous plants to leaf and inflorescence damage. In a greenhouse experiment, acceptability of young plants (5-6 weeks old) to ovipositing females and damage received by Plutella xylostella larvae varied considerably among twelve A. lyrata populations. Both oviposition and leaf damage were positively correlated with rosette size, but trichome density in the trichome-producing morph was apparently too low at this developmental stage to influence resistance to P. xylostella. In a common-garden experiment, flowering time, floral display and rosette size varied among four Scandinavian A. lyrata populations, and displayed significant additive genetic variation in some populations. Yet, strong genetic correlations between flowering start and number of flowers, and between petal length and petal width suggest that these traits may not evolve independently. Taken together, the results indicate the need to consider possible long-term and non-additive effects of herbivore damage to different plant parts, that there is no trade-off between trichome production and tolerance to herbivory, that the importance of morphological defenses against herbivory may change through plant ontogeny, and that considerable genetic variation for traits such as flowering time and floral display can be maintained in natural plant populations.
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Chorbadjian, Rodrigo A. "Phenotypic variation in host quality of pines for the European pine sawfly (Neodiprion sertifer)." The Ohio State University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1230736665.
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Carmo, Elieser Francisco Severiano do. "O controle concorrencial dos atos de concentração como instrumento de implementação de política pública estatal /." Franca : [s.n.], 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/89861.
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Orientador: Jete Jane Fiorati<br>Banca: Carla Aparecida Arena Ventura<br>Banca: José Carlos Garcia de Freitas<br>Resumo: Nas últimas décadas, notadamente a partir da década de 80, a globalização mundial e a liberalização da economia, aliadas aos avanços tecnológicos e às profundas modificações das economias nacionais, alteraram significativamente os padrões de concorrência nos mercados. Nesse ambiente de competição extrema, o acúmulo do poder econômico assumiu um novo significado para os agentes econômicos e tornou-se verdadeira garantia de sobrevivência comercial. As concentrações econômicas, portanto, apresentaram-se como meio eficaz para combater os obstáculos impostos por este novo e desconhecido mercado, de modo que sua utilização foi até mesmo incentivada por vários Estados, como instrumento de fortalecimento das economias nacionais. Porém, muito embora as concentrações econômicas possam trazer aumento de tecnologia, diminuição dos preços ao consumidor, melhoria na qualidade dos produtos e serviços, entre outros benefícios; podem também representar um grande risco à manutenção da higidez dos mercados, decorrente do uso irrazoável do poder econômico por parte desses agentes em detrimento ao bem-estar dos consumidores e da economia. Nesse contexto, um conceito passa a adquirir importante relevância na ordenação dos mercados: a defesa da concorrência. A defesa da concorrência é hoje atuada pelos Estados não mais como um instrumento para a correção de distorções tópicas, mas sim como um verdadeiro instrumento de políticas públicas, que buscam garantir a manutenção de mercado saudável e competitivo, tutelando os consumidores e a economia como um todo, através da efetivação dos princípios da livre iniciativa, livre concorrência e da repressão ao abuso do poder econômico. No que diz respeito às concentrações econômicas, a solução para equilibrar o conflito de valores por elas... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo)<br>Abstract: Over the last decades, remarkably since the 80's, the world-wide globalization and economy liberalism along with technology breakthroughs as well as deep domestic economies changes have all significantly altered the markets trade competition standards. Amid such a highly competitive scenario, the economic power control has both acquired a novel meaning for the economy players and become a commercial survival true guarantee. Thus economical concentrations have shown to be effective in overcoming the pitfalls posed by this unknown new market. Therefore, several States have been encouraging such a model even as a tool to strengthen domestic economies. Yet, although economical concentrations might bring about a technological boom, lower prices to the final consumer, and an improved products and services quality, they may also represent a high risk to robust markets maintenance due to this economical power mismanagement which tends to neglect both the consumers' and the economy's well-being. Thus, a major concept has been playing a crucial role in ordering markets: the trade competition defense. Nowadays, States have no longer been defending trade competition as a mere tool to fix topical misplacements, but as a true public policies instrument aimed at assuring a sustained healthy competitive market on which consumers and economy are protected as a whole by means of effective liberal principles, free trade competition, and by fighting economical power abuse. As to the economical concentrations, a solution to balance the emerging values conflict lies on the trade competition control, once allowing the use of abusive economical power and other hazardous trading practices has shown to be as damaging as not enjoying the advantages provided by the economical concentrations.<br>Mestre
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Zhao, Yan [Verfasser], Daguang [Akademischer Betreuer] Cai, and Joseph-Alexander [Gutachter] Verreet. "Functional characterization of AtGLP5 and AtSUC7, and their role in plant defense and development trade-offs in Arabidopsis thaliana / Yan Zhao ; Gutachter: Joseph-Alexander Verreet ; Betreuer: Daguang Cai." Kiel : Universitätsbibliothek Kiel, 2021. http://d-nb.info/1229917004/34.
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Chabot, Cecil. "Cannibal Wihtiko: Finding Native-Newcomer Common Ground." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/33452.
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Two prominent historians, David Cannadine and Brad Gregory, have recently contended that history is distorted by overemphasis on human difference and division across time and space. This problem has been acute in studies of Native-Newcomer relations, where exaggeration of Native pre-contact stability and post-contact change further emphasized Native-Newcomer difference. Although questioned in economic, social and political spheres, emphasis on cultural difference persists.
To investigate the problem, this study examined the Algonquian wihtiko (windigo), an apparent exemplar of Native-Newcomer difference and division. With a focus on the James Bay Cree, this study first probed the wihtiko phenomenon’s Native origins and meanings. It then examined post-1635 Newcomer encounters with this phenomenon: from the bush to public opinion and law, especially between 1815 and 1914, and in post-1820 academia. Diverse archives, ethnographies, oral traditions, and academic texts were consulted.
The cannibal wihtiko evolved from Algonquian attempts to understand and control rare but extreme mental and moral failures in famine contexts. It attained mythical proportions, but fears of wihtiko possession, transformation and violence remained real enough to provoke pre-emptive killings even of family members. Wihtiko beliefs also influenced Algonquian manifestations and interpretations of generic mental and moral failures. Consciously or not, others used it to scapegoat, manipulate, or kill.
Newcomers threatened by moral and mental failures attributed to the wihtiko often took Algonquian beliefs and practices seriously, even espousing them. Yet Algonquian wihtiko behaviours, beliefs and practices sometimes presented Newcomers with another layer of questions about mental and moral incompetence. Collisions arose when they discounted, misconstrued or asserted control over Algonquian beliefs and practices. For post-colonial critics, this has raised a third layer of questions about intellectual and moral incompetence. Yet some critics have also misconstrued earlier attempts to understand and control the wihtiko, or attributed an apparent lack of scholarly consensus to Western cultural incompetence or inability to grasp the wihtiko.
In contrast, this study of wihtiko phenomena reveals deeper commonalities and continuities. They are obscured by the complex evolution of Natives’ and Newcomers’ struggles to understand and control the wihtiko. Yet hidden in these very struggles and the wihtiko itself is a persistent shared conviction that reducing others to objects of power signals mental and moral failure. The wihtiko reveals cultural differences, changes and divisions, but exemplifies more fundamental commonalities and continuities.
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Knahr, Christina. "Participation of non-state actors in the dispute settlement system of the WTO: benefit or burden? /." Frankfurt am Main [u.a.] : Lang, 2007. http://www.gbv.de/dms/spk/sbb/recht/toc/525118349.pdf.
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Hérault, Paul. "L'internationalisation des chaînes de valeur dans l'industrie de défense : le cas du naval." Thesis, Paris Sciences et Lettres (ComUE), 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PSLED005.
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L’internationalisation des chaînes de valeur fait l’objet de nombreuses recherches macroéconomiques ou ciblées sur des secteurs majoritairement civils. En se concentrant sur l’industrie de défense, cette thèse évalue comment ce processus de fragmentation fonctionnelle et géographique peut s’appliquer à un secteur hautement régulé par les Etats et dont les échanges internationaux sont très strictement encadrés.Cette recherche apporte plusieurs estimations du niveau d’internationalisation de l’industrie navale de défense française, à partir de données originales de Naval Group. Si les programmes relatifs à la dissuasion nucléaire sont très peu internationalisés, de nombreux facteurs concourent à l’internationalisation de la filière : exigences de contenu local et transferts de technologie des clients étrangers, intégration de technologies civiles ou duales, stratégies d’internationalisation. Enfin, le recours au concept de modularité permet de montrer que l’évolution du processus productif s’accompagne souvent d’une évolution de l’architecture des produits<br>Many research works have already been dedicated to the internationalization of value chains. Whereas this research is often performed through macroeconomics or focused on civilian sectors, this thesis examines how the process of functional and geographic unbundling can apply to such a regulated sector as the defense industry, where exports are strictly controlled by states.Based on original data provided by Naval Group, this dissertation set out several estimates of the internationalization level of French navy programs. Although programs related to nuclear deterrence remain almost exclusively « made in France », many factors contribute to the internationalization of value chains in the naval industry: transfer of technology, local content requirements, integration of commercial or dual-use technologies, internationalization corporate strategies. Referring to the concept of modularity, this thesis reveals that changes in production process can foster innovation in product architecture
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Carmo, Elieser Francisco Severiano do [UNESP]. "O controle concorrencial dos atos de concentração como instrumento de implementação de política pública estatal." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/89861.
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Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:24:13Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0
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carmo_efs_me_fran.pdf: 901110 bytes, checksum: 69be430935103a0a33ed6613c46c986d (MD5)<br>Nas últimas décadas, notadamente a partir da década de 80, a globalização mundial e a liberalização da economia, aliadas aos avanços tecnológicos e às profundas modificações das economias nacionais, alteraram significativamente os padrões de concorrência nos mercados. Nesse ambiente de competição extrema, o acúmulo do poder econômico assumiu um novo significado para os agentes econômicos e tornou-se verdadeira garantia de sobrevivência comercial. As concentrações econômicas, portanto, apresentaram-se como meio eficaz para combater os obstáculos impostos por este novo e desconhecido mercado, de modo que sua utilização foi até mesmo incentivada por vários Estados, como instrumento de fortalecimento das economias nacionais. Porém, muito embora as concentrações econômicas possam trazer aumento de tecnologia, diminuição dos preços ao consumidor, melhoria na qualidade dos produtos e serviços, entre outros benefícios; podem também representar um grande risco à manutenção da higidez dos mercados, decorrente do uso irrazoável do poder econômico por parte desses agentes em detrimento ao bem-estar dos consumidores e da economia. Nesse contexto, um conceito passa a adquirir importante relevância na ordenação dos mercados: a defesa da concorrência. A defesa da concorrência é hoje atuada pelos Estados não mais como um instrumento para a correção de distorções tópicas, mas sim como um verdadeiro instrumento de políticas públicas, que buscam garantir a manutenção de mercado saudável e competitivo, tutelando os consumidores e a economia como um todo, através da efetivação dos princípios da livre iniciativa, livre concorrência e da repressão ao abuso do poder econômico. No que diz respeito às concentrações econômicas, a solução para equilibrar o conflito de valores por elas...<br>Over the last decades, remarkably since the 80’s, the world-wide globalization and economy liberalism along with technology breakthroughs as well as deep domestic economies changes have all significantly altered the markets trade competition standards. Amid such a highly competitive scenario, the economic power control has both acquired a novel meaning for the economy players and become a commercial survival true guarantee. Thus economical concentrations have shown to be effective in overcoming the pitfalls posed by this unknown new market. Therefore, several States have been encouraging such a model even as a tool to strengthen domestic economies. Yet, although economical concentrations might bring about a technological boom, lower prices to the final consumer, and an improved products and services quality, they may also represent a high risk to robust markets maintenance due to this economical power mismanagement which tends to neglect both the consumers’ and the economy’s well-being. Thus, a major concept has been playing a crucial role in ordering markets: the trade competition defense. Nowadays, States have no longer been defending trade competition as a mere tool to fix topical misplacements, but as a true public policies instrument aimed at assuring a sustained healthy competitive market on which consumers and economy are protected as a whole by means of effective liberal principles, free trade competition, and by fighting economical power abuse. As to the economical concentrations, a solution to balance the emerging values conflict lies on the trade competition control, once allowing the use of abusive economical power and other hazardous trading practices has shown to be as damaging as not enjoying the advantages provided by the economical concentrations.
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Schreiber, Till. "Das argentinische Gesetz 25.156 zum Schutz des Wettbewerbs : eine rechtsvergleichende Darstellung unter besonderer Berücksichtigung des Protokolls zum Schutz des Wettbewerbs im MERCOSUR und der Rechtsprechung der Comisión Nacional de Defensa de la Competencia /." Frankfurt am Main [u.a.] : Lang, 2003. http://www.gbv.de/dms/spk/sbb/recht/toc/37255413X.pdf.
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Homegnon, Noukpo. "Libéralisation commerciale et réaction de l'offre des huiles alimentaires dans les pays de l'Union Economique et Monétaire Ouest Afrique (UEMOA)." Thesis, Orléans, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018ORLE0501/document.
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La production locale des huiles alimentaires ne constitue plus une ligne de défense crédible face aux importations dans les pays de l’UEMOA. Cette réalité contraste avec les objectifs de la politique agricole et du tarif extérieur commun (TEC) de l’UEMOA censés protéger la production communautaire. Ainsi, sous l’éclairage de la littérature économique et en se basant sur des données empiriques, nous avons utilisé les équations simultanées par pays de l’UEMOA, les équations des données de panel et les équations gravitationnelles en données de panel pour déterminer l’impact de la libéralisation commerciale sur l’offre des huiles alimentaires dans les pays de l’UEMOA.Les résultats obtenus convergent vers une même conclusion : la confrontation des objectifs de protection de la production communautaire et d’ouverture commerciale aux tests de cohérence révèle des incohérences et des contradictions. Les politiques de libéralisation commerciale ont plutôt favorisé une déstructuration du tissu productif et une désorganisation de l’architecture commerciale. De facto, l’offre des huiles alimentaires affiche deux réactions contradictoires au regard de la libéralisation commerciale au sein des pays de l’UEMOA : une réaction dépressive affichée par la production qui plombe et une réaction explosive affichée par les importations qui flambent et qui sont attirées par des rentes de réexportation. Cependant, ces rentes constituent des mirages qui réservent des implications économiques aux conséquences destructrices avec l’adoption du TEC-CEDEAO<br>Local production of edible oils in the WAEMU’s countries is no longer a credible defense line against imports. This reality contrasts with the objectives of agriculture policy and WAEMU’s Common External Tariff (CET) which are supposed to protect Community production. Thus, under the light of the economic literature and based on empirical data, we used simultaneous equations for each country of WAEMU, panel data and gravity equations with panel data to determine the impact of trade liberalization on supply of edible oils in WAEMU’s countries.The results obtained converge towards the same conclusion: the confrontation of objectives of protecting local production and trade openness policy with the coherence’s tests reveals some inconsistencies and contradictions. Thus, WAEMU fails to reconcile the Union's trade openness objectives with the protection objectives of edible oils producers. Trade liberalization policies have tended to favor a disintegration of the productive structure and disruption of trade architecture. Thus, the supply of edible oils shows two contradictory reactions with regard to the trade liberalization within the WAEMU’s countries: a depressive reaction displayed by the production and an explosive reaction displayed by the imports which are attracted by re-export rents. However, these rents are mirages that reserve destructive economic implications with the adoption of ECOWAS’CET
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van, der Horst Frank A. "South African automotive industry: Globalisation, re-structuring and world-class manufacture." University of the Western Cape, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/7901.
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Magister Commercii - MCom<br>Political and economic sanctions between 1970 and 1994 isolated the inward-oriented economy of South Africa from global trends. A variety of factors, such as a challenging new global competitive environment, production overcapacity, falling protectionist tariff barriers in a period of liberalisation, world-class manufacture and globalisation, are contributing to the reform of the economy and the automotive industry. The South African automotive industry therefore faces a major reform in trade policy. The South African government introduced the Motor Industry Development Plan (MIDP) in 1995, to create the necessary levels of competitiveness, promote worldclass manufacture practices, increase levels of investments and exports that would consequently lead to the successful reconstruction and development of this sector of
the South African economy. Subsequent research has shown that the successful adoption of world-class manufacture (or lean production) processes in the South African automotive industry is necessary not only for survival, but also for increased competitiveness of the
industry and the improved economic performance of automotive firms. However, complicated links exist between the adoption of world-class manufacture for improved levels of operational competitiveness. for firm-level success, on the one hand, and long-term sustainability of the industry, on the other hand. Combined firm level economic success and long-term sustainability of the industry depend on factors
such as international trends, connectivity to global value chains, modern technological capabilities, lean production and enterprise systems, substantial investments, increased exports, world-wide quality standards, as well as customer satisfaction, human resource development, advanced education, skills development, worker participation, government policy and institutional support. This is borne out by a recent study of the auto component sector, utilising a lean , production 'market driver' toolkit. The study found that although component
manufacturers significantly improved their operational competitiveness, they have not necessarily experienced improved economic performance levels. More important is connectedness and integration into global value chains, via intermediaries, mergers and acquisitions. The changing political economy of automotive value chains is also important in shaping fum-level operational success and industry sustainability.
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Hagström, Christoffer. "Anledningar till staters anskaffande och behållande av kärnvapen och faktorer som påverkar staters kärnvapenpolitik." Thesis, Örebro University, Department of Social and Political Sciences, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-4831.
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<p>The purpose of this thesis is to explain why states obtain nuclear weapons and the role various</p><p>actors and interests play in the making of states´ nuclear policies. The main questions are as</p><p>follows: (1) What big theories exist concerning states obtaining nuclear weapon and nuclear</p><p>armament in International Relations and what relevance do they have of the post cold-war period?,</p><p>(2) What is the meaning of the perspective of the Military-Industrial Complex (MIC)?, and (3)Are</p><p>there empirical studies which supports the existence of a MIC in the United States?</p><p>The focus lies on actors and driving forces that are internal to states and it is also important to</p><p>investigate if the theories have relevance for the post 9/11-era. The study uses the method of</p><p>qualitative literature-study with some quantitative segments. It is claimed that states might be</p><p>interested in justifying their behaviour in a morally appealing way and that real reasons may be</p><p>hidden. There are many reasons for states to obtain and keep nuclear weapons and related</p><p>technology (which includes many of the most lucrative elements of the arms industry´s sales).</p><p>Among this reasons are that arms and related technology may be used to influence other states and</p><p>nuclear weapons-construction and modernisation might be used to protect the state from external</p><p>threats, stop unwanted interference from other actors, secure job and gain recognition and prestige</p><p>in world politics. For security reasons states might hold onto their own nuclear weapons and try to</p><p>hinder other actors from getting access to them. The internal actors and driving forces we look at</p><p>are bureaucratic, economical and political, and the MIC-perspective. The military can be said to</p><p>have interests in as much resources and capabilities as possible, which includes advanced</p><p>weaponary such as nuclear weapons and related technologies, at its disposal because of the goal to</p><p>defend the state from all possible threats and for officers career reasons. Much of its influence is</p><p>said to come from its expert knowledge and position and it is said to be especially influential in</p><p>matters of foreign policy, military spending and foreign policy. The major economical actors</p><p>mentioned are big corporations involved in military spending and these have interests in</p><p>maximizing profits. Nuclear weapons making and maintenance and the related areas of missile</p><p>defense and delivering methods for nuclear weapons seem to be areas with high changes of being</p><p>profitable for the involved major companies. The actors wield influence for example through</p><p>lobbying and campaign contributions. An economic driving force claim is that state spending is</p><p>necessary for stimulating the economy and defense spending is easily justified in other ways.</p><p>Political actors and driving forces concerns politicians interest in promoting the interests of</p><p>supporting groups, there are indications that the weapon industry is such a group. Research have</p><p>shown various results about the extent politicians tend to further the interests of supporting groups.</p><p>The MIC-perspective talks about groups with interest in high levels of military spending. Most</p><p>researchers seem to agree that the complex exists but there are different opinions about what actors</p><p>belongs to it and its power on various issues. There is some mention of the core of the complex</p><p>consisting of such internal actors as mentioned above. MIC-related empirical research has been</p><p>conducted and this author finds that the MIC is a relevant analytical tool for the post cold war – and</p><p>9/11 era.</p>
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Esno, Tyler P. "Trading with the Enemy: U.S. Economic Policies and the End of the Cold War." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1486807359479029.
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Gomis, François. "Les nouveaux défis et enjeux de la politique étrangère de la France en Afrique francophone subsaharienne." Thesis, Paris 5, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA05D020.
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Des années 1960 jusqu’à la fin de la guerre froide, voire au-delà, l’influence voire la prépondérance de la France sur les territoires francophones d’Afrique noire est presque totale. Cependant, en ce XXIème siècle naissant, la compétition mondiale dans la recherche de nouveaux débouchés et de la sécurisation de l’approvisionnement énergétique amène inexorablement les grandes puissances à entrer en ‘‘conflit d’intérêts’’ par la pénétration réciproque des « arrière-cours ». Ceci est particulièrement vrai pour la France qui voit des pays tels que les Etats-Unis, la Chine, l’Inde, le Brésil, la Turquie, les pays du Golfe, etc., faire une entrée fracassante dans une région géographique qu’elle considère depuis longtemps comme sa « chasse gardée » compte tenu des liens historique, linguistique et politique. Ces nouveaux défis et enjeux pour la politique africaine de la France se mesurent désormais, à l’aune des transformations à l’œuvre sur la scène internationale avec la mondialisation et l’émergence de nouvelles puissances du Sud. Les défis et les enjeux sont importants pour l’action extérieure de la France et sa place dans le monde, compte tenu de la concurrence féroce des nouveaux acteurs et des changements des sociétés africaines en cours. Néanmoins elle possède encore des atouts économiques, diplomatiques et stratégiques susceptibles de lui permettre d’élaborer, grâce à l’espace culturel francophone, un projet original, ambitieux et porteur d’espoir. Pour ce faire, il faudra répondre aux deux interrogations suivantes : Comment réformer cette politique traditionnelle basée sur des relations étroites et privilégiées avec les dirigeants africains sans toutefois compromettre les avantages comparatifs de la France sur place? Quelle stratégie politique mettre en œuvre pour identifier les véritables intérêts communs des Français et des Africains francophones, en tenant compte des opportunités et des menaces, et les développer dans un partenariat mutuellement bénéfique ?<br>From 1960s to the end of the cold war, even beyond, the influence even the supremacy of France in the French-speaking territories in Sub-Saharan Africa is almost total. However, in this 21st century, the world competition in the research of new markets and the security of the energy supply leads inexorably the great powers to enter in “conflict of interests” by the mutual penetration of the “back-yards”. This is particularly true for France which has countries such as the United States, China, India, Brazil, Turkey, the Gulf Arab States, etc., to make a dramatic entrance in a geographical area where she judged it for a long time as her “exclusive domain” considering the historical, linguistic and political links. These new challenges and issues for the African policy of France are measured from now on, in the light of the transformations at work in the world with the globalization and the emergence of new powers of the South. The challenges and the issues are important for the external action of France and its place in the World, considering the fierce competition between new stakeholders and the ongoing African society changes. Nevertheless it still has economic, diplomatic and strategic assets which enable him to elaborate, thanks to the francophone cultural center, an original project, ambitious and promising. With this aim in mind, it will be necessary to answer to the two following questions: How to reform this traditional policy based on close and privileged relationships with African leaders without compromising, however, the comparative advantages of France on the spot? Which political strategy has to be implemented in order to identify the real common interests of the French and the French-speaking Africans, by taking into account the opportunities and threats, and to develop them in a mutually beneficial partnership?
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Mazúch, Tomáš. "Mezinárodní obchod s vojenským materiálem z pohledu českého práva." Master's thesis, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-338560.
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1 Resume in English International trade in military materials from the perspective of Czech law The goal of this thesis is, mainly, to introduce laws and legal mechanisms governing this part of international trade with focus on export from Czech republic, mainly outside European Union. Thesis consists from 3 major logical parts divided to 8 chapters, that goes from theory of laws of private international law, thru description of current legislation, both Czech and European, to public procurement according to European directives and latest cases of European Court of Justice. First major part deals, apart from theory of international private law, with description of defence equipment excluded from trade, also describes defence equipment as it is defined by current Czech legislation, and briefly shows history of Czech law of international trade with defence equipment. Under the definition of defence equipment is also brief notice about possibility that some firearms can be in one moment seen as defence, or military, equipment, and in the second moment as a firearms intended for civilan use. First major part ends with short propsal of solution to problems of export companies that comes from European countries without access to sea. Second major part describes process of issuing trade permission to companies and...
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Cuffe, Honae. "The search for an integrated policy: challenges to Australian national interest in the Asia-Pacific, 1921–57." Thesis, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/1959.13/1411231.
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Research Doctorate - Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)<br>This dissertation examines the development of a distinct Australian foreign policy over the years 1921–57. The period under study was one of immense upheaval for Australia as the nation navigated economic crises, the threat of aggressive Japanese expansion and the sifting power distributions underway in the Asia-Pacific region as the world transitioned from British leadership to that of United States of America. Successive Australian governments carefully observed these global and regional forces, searching for a policy in response. This dissertation argues that the policy that developed was an integrated one—that is, one that sought to balance Australia’s particular geopolitical circumstances with great powers relations and, in assessing the value of these relationships, ensure that the nation’s trade, defence and diplomatic interests were served. This dissertation identifies a marked continuity in how Australia’s political elite approached foreign policy over the years 1921–57. In the midst of the economic and strategic uncertainty of the interwar years, policymakers determined the need to reorient policymaking to Australia’s immediate region and acknowledged that neither the policies of Britain nor the US completely served the national interest. The government accordingly sought to intervene in the policies of the great powers to ensure the national interest was safeguarded. This thesis traces how this geopolitically informed, interventionist approach to foreign policy went on to inform policymaking throughout the 1940s and 1950s. In doing so, this thesis identifies a comprehensive and explicitly pragmatic approach in Australia’s foreign policy tradition that has not been previously acknowledged.
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Krüger, Louis Lodewyk. "The creation of a general duty to bargain in view of the SANDF judgements / Louis Lodewyk Krüger." Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10394/15923.
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Section 23(5) of the Constitution entrenches trade unions, employer's organisations and employers' right to engage in collective bargaining. For employees, collective bargaining is the key which opens the door to better wages, improved working conditions and an overall better standard of living to name but a few. The Labour Relations Act was promulgated to give effect to section 23 of the Constitution. However, in section 2 of the Labour Relations Act, members of the South African National Defence Force were excluded from the ambit of the Labour Relations Act (LRA). After the Constitutional Court regarded members of the South African National Defence Force (SANDF) to be "workers", they also had the right to engage in collective bargaining. However, because of the special duty that the members of the SANDF have to fulfil namely to ensure the safety of the republic and its citizens, they are not awarded the right to strike. The question therefor is: How do the members of the SANDF compel the SANDF to bargain with them?
The aim of this study is to establish if a duty to bargain was implemented by Chapter XX of the General Regulations of the South African National Defence Force and the Reserve. Firstly, the new dispensation of voluntarism under the new LRA is examined to understand how collective bargaining would work in a normal situation and not that of the members of the SANDF. Freedom of association is also discussed. The reason for this was because members of the SANDF also have to right to associate with a trade union of their choice by sections 18 and 23(2) of the Constitution. Under the new LRA, organisational rights also play a major role in the bargaining process and afford trade unions more bargaining power.
The voluntarist approach followed by the new LRA effectively removed the duty to bargain from collective bargaining. As explained above, the special situation applicable to the SANDF and its members are not governed by the LRA and therefor a duty to bargain might still exist in this specific system of collective bargaining managed by the regulations. The duty to bargain is based on representativeness and good faith which are also examined in this study.
To establish if a duty to bargain was created by the courts, an examination of the judgements of the High Court, the Supreme Court of Appeal and the Constitutional Court. The Constitutional Court reiterated that there is no legally enforceable duty to bargain between the SANDF and the South African National Defence Union (SANDU).
If Chapter XX of the regulations is scrutinised, it can however be seen that there is an initial duty on the SANDF to bargain with a registered military trade union over matter set out in regulation 36 which include most if not all matters of mutual interest. Therefor it would seem that a duty to bargain is created by Chapter XX.<br>LLM (Labour Law), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2014
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Hung, I.-Chun, and 洪宜君. "Competition and Cooperation in Cultural Trade: Monopoly, Conflict and Defense." Thesis, 2015. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/r3daq9.
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碩士<br>國立交通大學<br>人文社會學系族群與文化碩士班<br>103<br>On globalization, capitalism and free trade influence each other’s outcome and the hegemonic cultural goods of international cultural trade circulate around the world in an aggressive manner. The present research’s point of departure is that cultural identity crisis could arise from the cultural products we consume in our lives. By observing the cultural hegemony of international trade that facilitates the circulation of cultural goods in the market in the context of the expansion of capitalism we can start to understand the plight of relatively weak countries in it.
According to some economic theories of cultural trade, for these underpowered countries confronting large-scale capital operations (like Disney or the Hollywood film industry), cultural trade does indeed affect the culture (for example, the way of life and values) and cultural industry development. As a result, there are often controversies related to protectionism or liberalism in international cultural trade strategy. For instance, the United States supports free trade but France and Canada are protectionists and they enter conflict with the former. In recent years, UNESCO released the Convention on Protection and Promotion of Diversity of Cultural Expressions, which favored protectionists in the international trade negotiations and through example made more countries think and consider guard tactics in international trade agreement.
This research points out that if we insist on the safe guard of cultural trade in a suitable way, it would help us in the conservation of cultural identity. So the present document, apart from using economic and sociological theory to analyze market competition, also tries to discuss the protectionist stance in cultural safe guard and reviews Taiwan’s cultural environment. Preceding this path, the document will be separated into four sections to discuss the following: the concept of globalization and cultural trade, an analysis of the monopoly of cultural trade, the mechanism of international defense and a review of Taiwan’s current situation.
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Perruci, Gamaliel. "The paradox of national insecurity Brazil as a middle power in the international arms trade system /." 1991. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/27855824.html.
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Lovric, Daniel. "Deference to the legislature in WTO : challenges to legislation." Phd thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/151387.
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Yu-LinGuo and 郭昱伶. "A Study of Failing Firm Defense under the Merger Control of the Fair Trade Act." Thesis, 2013. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/84474248996490582418.
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碩士<br>國立成功大學<br>法律學系<br>101<br>Under our legal system, the overall economic benefits and disadvantages resulted from competition restraint of the merger shall be measured in accordance with Article 12 of the Fair Trade Act, and the Fair Trade Commission will make the decision whether the proposed merger should be prohibited or not. One factor to consider in assessment of the overall economic benefits is one of the merging parties is a failing firm. Acquisitions of failing firms, through rearranging of funds, equipments and staff, not only increase the productivity and improve the competitiveness of combined utilities, but also resolve the waste of resources. From standpoint of efficiency, acquisitions of failing firms are good for economic development, so we should recognize mergers generate the economic benefits enough to offset disadvantages resulted from competition restraint. Thus, acquisitions would be allowed to proceed.
However, acquisitions of failing firms are allowed to proceed not due to efficiency. Pursuant to paragraph 13.2 of the Guidelines on Handling Merger Filings, a failing firm is defined as follows: (1) It is unable to reimburse its debts within a short period; (2) It is unable to continue to operate in a less restrictive way of competition on the relevant market except through the merger; (3) In the absence of a merger, It will inevitably exit from the market. These elements show that acquisitions of failing firms would not give rise to the deterioration of the market structure because the competitive structure of the market would deteriorate to at least the same or worse extent in the absence of the merger. In this case, there is obviously no causation between proposed mergers and the anticipated harms to competition, so the goverment and court have no authority to forbid the proposed mergers under the United States’ and European Union’s competition law. There are some related cases in this thesis which can prove above situation, such as the U.S. Supreme Court’s decision in International Shoe Co. v. FTC(1930), the U.S. Department of Justice’s decision in Hercules Offshore Inc. / Seahawk Drilling Inc. case(2011), the EU Commission’s decision in BASF / Eurodiol / Pantochim(2002) and JCI / VB / FIAMM(2009) case, etc..
Under our legal system, the Fair Trade Commission makes decisions resting on the measurement of overall economic benefits and disadvantages resulted from competition restraint. In that situation, acquistions of failing firms will possibly be prohibited because overall economic benefits do not certainly outweigh the disadvantages. This diverges from the development of failing firm defense theory. Besides, through case studies, acquistions of failing firms have no special position under our legal system. In order to put our legal system back on track, the following suggestions sould be considered: (1) Cases which conform to rules of acquiring failing firm can be identied that its overall economic benefits are greater than disadvantages of restricting competition should be appended; (2) In the absence of the merger, assets of failing firms will inevitably exit from the market” should also be appended; (3) The Fair Trade Commission should follow the international trend to speed up the examination.