Relevant bibliographies by topics / Deer (Abbey)

Academic literature on the topic 'Deer (Abbey)'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 26 July 2024
Last updated: 28 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Deer (Abbey)"

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Geddes, Jane. "The art of the Book of Deer." Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland 128 (November 30, 1999): 537–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.9750/psas.128.537.549.

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This paper explores the iconography and style of the illuminations in the 10th-century Book of Deer (Cambridge Univ Lib Ii 6.32). Although in format and general appearance the book conforms to a group of Irish pocket gospels, it is possible that the book was produced in Scotland, with Deer Abbey being the most likely location. On f4v a sword of Anglo-Saxon or Viking type is depicted. The implications of this are examined in terms of surviving artefacts and other manuscript depictions.
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Hu, Huijian, and Zhigang Jiang. "Trial release of Père David's deer Elaphurus davidianus in the Dafeng Reserve, China." Oryx 36, no. 2 (April 2002): 196–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0030605302000273.

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The Critically Endangered Père David's deer Elaphurus davidianu became extinct in the wild in China in about 1900, and the only surviving animals were held in captivity at Woburn Abbey in the UK. During 1985–1987, individuals were returned to China, and subsequent growth of the captive population in enclosures at Dafeng Reserve necessitated a trial release of a small group of deer as a prelude to further releases. Seven individuals were released into the unfenced coastal region of the Dafeng Reserve in 1998. Behaviour, daily activity rhythm, habitat selection, activity range and body condition were recorded for six months after release. The deer exhibited initial changes in behaviour, but returned to their pre-release patterns about four weeks after release, and by six weeks after release their body condition had improved compared to their previous condition in captivity. They left the Reserve and began to forage on farmland, causing conflict with local people. Further releases should be into areas with either a natural or artificial boundary in order to avoid unmanageable levels of conflict between the needs of the deer and those of farmers.
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Dixon, Piers, and John Gilbert. "Dormount Hope." Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland 150 (November 30, 2021): 201–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.9750/psas.150.1314.

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Until recently, deer hunting in medieval Scotland has been poorly researched archaeologically. In Hunting and Hunting Reserves in Medieval Scotland Gilbert identified medieval parks at Stirling and Kincardine in Perthshire that William the Lion created, but it is only in recent years that excavations by Hall and Malloy have begun to explore their archaeology. The Royal Commission on the Ancient and Historical Monuments of Scotland recorded another type of hunting feature, a deer trap at Hermitage Castle, in 1996 and then re-recorded the earthwork at Dormount Hope in 2000, originally reported as two separate monuments. Although the earthworks of parks and traps display similarities in the construction of their earthwork boundaries, the individual sites have variations in their topography that beg questions about their function. This paper establishes that the earthwork is indeed a single monument which has an open end allowing deer to be driven into the natural canyon of Dormount Hope. It goes on to discuss its dating in both archaeological and documentary terms and then its function as either a park, trap or hay (haga OE). This last possibility is raised by its apparent mention in a Melrose Abbey charter of the neighbouring estate of Raeshaw dating to the last quarter of the 12th century, made by the lords of Hownam, a family of Anglian origin. This Anglian connection leads to its interpretation as a hay – a kind of deer hunting enclosure or trap known in many parts of England prior to the Norman Conquest, for which ‘hay’ place names, such as Hawick, in the Scottish Borders provide support.
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Lydekker, R. "4. On an apparently New Deer from North China, in the Menagerie of the Duke of Bedford at Woburn Abbey." Proceedings of the Zoological Society of London 64, no. 4 (August 21, 2009): 930–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1096-3642.1896.tb03088.x.

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Currie, Dawn. "Dear Abby." Feminist Theory 2, no. 3 (December 2001): 259–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/14647000122229523.

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Mollerup, Lene. "På munkenes bord." Kuml 69, no. 69 (April 29, 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/kuml.v69i69.126094.

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On the monks’ tableThe food and culinary heritage of the Cistercians in Medieval Denmark An investigation of the food and culinary heritage of the Cistercians in Medieval Denmark, involving a range of multidisciplinary sources, has revealed new connections and relations. These sources work together and support each other in areas where others are silent. This has made it possible to follow the food culture of a specific population group through almost 400 years. The monks in Cistercian abbeys ate two daily meals during the summer half of the year, while they only ate one meal a day in winter. At these mealtimes, each monk was served two hot dishes and half a kilo of bread. There was also the opportunity for young and hardworking monks and lay brothers to take a light breakfast of water/beer and bread. To tame their carnal desires, the monks refrained from eating the meat of four-legged animals. Their diet was primarily based around cereal and vegetable products with some fish, eggs and dairy products. Our knowledge of the food on the monks’ table comes from written sources and the archaeological record. We can see that their meals could be served on, and eaten from, locally produced pottery. The monks had their own personal tankards and jugs, and their dinner knives resembled those of the time. It is possible that the fine carving knife found at Øm Abbey, with a handle carved into the figure of a bishop, was used at the abbot’s table.Bread and porridge were made from barley, oats and rye, and buckwheat also found its way into the gruel pot. We know virtually nothing about the vegetables on the monks’ table. The archaeological record is silent on this point, but it seems likely there was a good mixture of commonly cultivated vegetables such as cabbage, onions, leeks and pulses, as revealed by foreign sources. The third course of fresh fruit and salad would consist of apples, pears, plums, bullaces, cherry plums, figs, peaches and a wealth of berries such as raspberries, blackberries, strawberries and blueberries. Elderberries were similarly known and used, as well as hazelnuts and walnuts. Fresh salads could contain young leaves of ground elder, black mustard and endive (leaves of chicory).Part of the monks’ protein-rich diet consisted of dairy products such as milk and cheese as well as eggs in the time outside Lent. Milk was a seasonal and easily perishable product that could be converted into butter and cheese to increase its keeping qualities. Cheese was made from cow’s, goat’s and sheep’s milk.At Lent, the monks were not allowed to eat animal fat, but they knew how to make plant-based “butter” and other “dairy products” with for example walnuts and probably also almonds. Perhaps they also used linseed oil. There is a 14th century cookbook from Sorø Abbey containing recipes for sauces, dressings and egg- and milk-based dishes, as well as dishes with poultry, all of which could be served at the monks’ table. The cookbook could give the monks some ideas for a little variation in their diet without the rules being broken.The monks received gifts of meals called pittances, which are mentioned in written sources from the period 1200-1400. These give us an idea about what was considered as extra provisioning in the abbey and what they were permitted to accept because it took the form of a gift. We hear about well-prepared and well-seasoned milk and fish dishes, for example using stock fish, as well as dishes with aspic and rice, spiced with pepper, and wheat bread, too. Meat from four-legged animals is not mentioned.Fish was eaten in great quantities in the monasteries, especially during Lent. Finds of fish scales and bones from Øm Abbey’s kitchen floor tell us that it was especially freshwater fish species that were consumed here.Animal bones from Øm’s kitchen midden (which is undated) bear witness to the consumption, in some form or other, of cattle, pigs, sheep, goats and horses, as well as wild boar, roe deer and red deer. When and by whom these were eaten is unclear.We can see from the written sources that the sick were permitted to eat meat and that they were served offal and other by-products from the butchering of four-legged animals, while the prohibition on meat for others was strictly maintained.Dated sources, in the form of analyses of preserved plant macro-remains and pollen and deeds of gift with detailed contents, cannot tell us when meat dishes made their entry into the Danish Cistercian abbeys. Other written sources are, however, very consistent in this respect: From 1439 onwards, Cistercians were permitted to eat meat from four-legged animals during specific periods of the year, and from 1475 they were all allowed to eat meat several times a week. These sources suggest that meat dishes apparently did not find favour on the tables of the Cistercians until late in the Middle Ages, but the archaeological record can unfortunately neither confirm nor refute this. Isotope analyses of human bones from Øm Abbey suggest, on the other hand, that the monks consumed increasing amounts of animal protein during the Middle Ages.Sources relating to the Cistercians’ food and culinary heritage indicate that the Danish Cistercians were long-term members of an international order with the same codes of practice, but in the Late Middle Ages they adapted themselves to a changing society. But what was the monks’ attitude to moderation in relation to food? Is there evidence of well-fed bons vivants? The sources suggest that the Cistercians persistently and consistently stood their ground against gluttony, luxury and meat consumption – longer than the other monastic orders. This was probably easier when the food was produced, cooked, served and eaten communally. Food and the settings for the consumption of meals became increasingly profane with time, and it appears that some enjoyment and pleasure eventually found its way to tables of the fat-averse monks, especially in the form of donated food gifts. But well-fed and hedonistic they are probably unlikely ever to have been.The Cistercians, who began as a reform order and created a unique European monastic culture, were forced to see themselves defeated by the times. The order did, however, reform itself again in the 17th century and returned to “the eternal abandonment of meat”, but then it was too late for the Danish Cistercian abbeys. They had all been abolished at the Reformation in 1536.
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"Dear Abbe." Microscopy Today 29, no. 1 (January 2021): 76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1551929520001698.

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"Dear Abbe." Microscopy Today 29, no. 3 (May 2021): 88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1551929521000572.

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"Dear Abbe." Microscopy Today 29, no. 2 (March 2021): 76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1551929521000080.

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"Dear Abbe." Microscopy Today 30, no. 4 (July 2022): 68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s155192952200075x.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Deer (Abbey)"

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Olsson, Cecilia. "Pellet group count of roe deer ( Capreolus capreolus ) at Herrevad Abbey : How has the hunting affected the population and how will it develop?" Thesis, Högskolan i Halmstad, Sektionen för ekonomi och teknik (SET), 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hh:diva-16111.

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The land around Herrevad Abbey consists mostly of pastures with a lot of old coarse oaks, a touch of broad-leaved decidous forest andmixed deciduous and coniferous forest. In the year 2010 the Swedish Environmental Protection Agency became owner of the area around Herrevad Abbey, previously owned by the Swedish National Fortification Administration. A high pressure from hunting occurred during the Swedish National Fortification Administration ownership. This resulted in a decrease of the roe deer (Capreolus capreolus L.) population. A pellet-group count is a reliable, indirect inventory method that is used with high frequence within wildlife management since the 1930s. Pellet-group count is used in Swedish Wildlife research since the 1977 at Grimsö Research Station and today an increasing interest for this method is seen both in nature management, among hunters and  in the Swedish Association for Hunters. Through a pellet-group count of a roe deer population, an underestimated index of the total density is shown, which means that the investigated population can be larger than the survey shows. The pellet-group count in this study covered 3,20 km-2 with a total of 315 plots. The plot had a circular shape and covered 10m2, which is recommended for roe deer surveys. Each plot was investigated twice, one round clockwise and one round counter clock-wise to increase the precision of the survey. The calculation showed 10,76 roe deer per 1,00 km-2 in winter population during 2010; with a 10% set-off for winter mortality and 8,22 roe deer per 1,00 km-2 in winter population with a 30% set-off. The density with 10,76 roe deer /km-2 is low compared to experimental plots at Bogesund, Ekenäs, where the population is estimated to around 17-23 roe deer/ 1,00 km-2. A calculation for carrying capacity shows that the population will reach the density limit within four years at Herrevad Abbey.
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Silva, Julissa Lainna Ribeiro. "Experiential microscenes and semantic movements in Dear Abby." Florianópolis, SC, 2007. http://repositorio.ufsc.br/xmlui/handle/123456789/90666.

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Dissertação (Mestrado) - Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Centro de Comunicação e Expressão. Programa de Pós-Graduação em Letras/Inglês e Literatura Correspondente
Made available in DSpace on 2012-10-23T13:44:03Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 248030.pdf: 1556582 bytes, checksum: 586baa1ed56d5a09a26252c4843a520e (MD5)
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Liefer, Maureen K. "Dear Abby : a content analysis of health-related information /." Available to subscribers only, 2006. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1136095241&sid=16&Fmt=2&clientId=1509&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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Veit, Joachim. "Der Junge Carl Maria von Weber : Untersuchungen zum Einfluss Franz Danzis und Abbé Georg Joseph Voglers /." Mainz ; London ; Paris : Schott, 1990. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb35350461x.

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Pain, Marie-Laure. "L'architecture monastique sous le règne de Charlemagne." Thesis, Paris 10, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA100144/document.

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Notre sujet porte sur l’étude des complexes monastiques construits – ou du moins dont les constructions ont débuté ou qui ont fait l’objet de modifications de leurs structures ou de leurs dispositifs cultuels – pendant le règne de Charlemagne. Ces recherches privilégient ce qui a trait à la représentativité du pouvoir carolingien et à l’affirmation politico-religieuse de celui-ci à travers le medium du monumental. Il s’agit également de se focaliser sur le rôle et les impacts spirituels, politiques, économiques et sociaux de ces centres monastiques au sein des territoires sur lesquels ils sont implantés. Instruments au service de « la Renaissance carolingienne », ces derniers subirent des modifications structurelles et liturgiques (mutation des vocables, développement d’une liturgie stationnale et multiplication des autels ainsi que des édifices cultuels au sein d’un même complexe) et adoptèrent parfois des dimensions monumentales. Enfin, notre propos s’applique à mesurer l’implication de Charlemagne et de ses conseillers dans ces constructions ainsi que la part de nouveautés et d’emprunts qui constituèrent et caractérisèrent l’architecture monastique de son temps
Our subject deals with the study of the monastic complexes built – or whose construction started or has been modified – during the reign of Charlemagne. This research explores how these facilities could have been conceived as a mean to advertise and strengthen the political and religious power of the Carolingian emperor. The analysis is focused on the spiritual, political, economical and social impact of these monasteries upon the surrounding lands. As instruments of the “Carolingian Renaissance”, they have underwent some structural and liturgical modifications (renaming, development of the stational liturgy, addition of several altars and churches in one complex), and sometimes grew to monumental size. Ultimately, our intention is to assess the implication of Charlemagne and his councilors in these constructions, as well as to bring to light the architectural innovations or reuses that characterize the monastic architecture of Charlemagne’s reign
Die Dissertation behandelt die klösterlichen Gebäudekomplexe zur Zeit Karls des Großen, ob nun zu dieser Zeit erbaut oder in ihrer Struktur oder ihrem Gebrauch verändert und angepasst. Die Untersuchung betont den Repräsentationscharakter des Mediums Klosterbau für die karolingische Herrschaft und dessen politische und religiöse Umsetzung in den Bauten. Außerdem werden die Rolle und die Wirkmächtigkeit dieser monastischen Zentren in ihren jeweiligen räumlichen Kontexten auf der spirituellen, politischen, wirtschaftlichen und gesellschaftlichen Ebene untersucht. Sie dienten als Vehikel der „karolingischen Renaissance“ und erfuhren strukturelle und liturgische Veränderungen (Wechsel der Patrozinien, Entwicklung einer Stationsliturgie, Vervielfachung der Altäre und der Artefakte für den Gottesdienst innerhalb eines Baukomplexes). Mitunter erreichten sie monumentale Ausmaße. Die Arbeit möchte schließlich die Beteiligung Karls des Großen und seines Beraterkreises bei diesen Baumaßnahmen erfassen und den Anteil des Neuen und des Übernommenen ermessen, der die monastische Architektur dieser Zeit charakterisiert
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Klüter, Lothar Verfasser], Andreas [Gutachter] [Fahrmeir, and Werner [Gutachter] Plumpe. "Soziale Wohlfahrten der chemischen Industrie im 19. Jahrhundert : eine kritische Analyse und Vergleich : (Ernst Abbe, Robert Owen, Heinrich Freese und Jean Leclaire mit BASF, Bayer AG, Höchst AG, E. Merck, Schering AG und Gehe) / Lothar Klüter ; Gutachter: Andreas Fahrmeir, Werner Plumpe." Frankfurt am Main : Universitätsbibliothek Johann Christian Senckenberg, 2017. http://d-nb.info/1138276758/34.

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Abbe, Susan [Verfasser]. "Der Weg der Sa'dīya : Studien zur Selbstdarstellung eines Sufiordens im osmanischen Damaskus / Susan Abbe." 2007. http://d-nb.info/988388006/34.

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Bergthaller, Hannes [Verfasser]. "Ökologie zwischen Wissenschaft und Weltanschauung, Untersuchungen zur LIteratur der modernen amerikanischen Umweltbewegung: Aldo Leopold, Rachel Carson, Gary Snyder und Edward Abbey / vorgelegt von Hannes Bergthaller." 2004. http://d-nb.info/973469889/34.

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Lauterbach, Marcel. "Fast STED Microscopy." Doctoral thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/11858/00-1735-0000-0006-B4AC-8.

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Books on the topic "Deer (Abbey)"

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Twigger, Robert. The extinction club: A mostly true story about two men, a deer and a writer. London: Hamish Hamilton, 2001.

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Tony, Hendra, ed. A deep and subtle joy: Life at Quarr Abbey. Leominster, Herefordshire, England: Gracewing, 2006.

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Buren, Abigail Van. Selected from the best of Dear Abby. New York: Literacy Volunteers of New York City, 1991.

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Buren, Abigail Van. Selected from The best of Dear Abby. New York: Literacy Volunteers of New York City, 1991.

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Pottker, Janice. Dear Ann, Dear Abby: The unauthorized biography of Ann Landers and Abigail Van Buren. New York: Dodd, Mead, 1987.

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1918-, Van Buren Abigail, ed. Where were you when President Kennedy was shot?: Memories and tributes to a slain president as told to Dear Abby. Kansas City, Mo: Andrews and McMeel, 1993.

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Auf dem Weg zur Verantwortungsgesellschaft: Ernst Abbe und die Carl Zeiss-Stiftung im deutschen Kaiserreich. Göttingen: Wallstein Verlag, 2014.

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Shaftesbury, Margaret. Chronicles of Deer Abbey. Monica Ferris Presents, 2017.

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The extinction club. New York: William Morrow, 2001.

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Twigger, Robert. The Extinction Club: A Tale of Deer, Lost Books, and a Rather Fine Canary Yellow Sweater. Perennial, 2003.

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Book chapters on the topic "Deer (Abbey)"

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Wittig, Joachim. "Teilhaber der Zeiss-Werkstätte." In Ernst Abbe, 89–113. Wiesbaden: Vieweg+Teubner Verlag, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-322-82224-6_7.

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Wittig, Joachim. "Förderer der Jenaer Universität." In Ernst Abbe, 127–30. Wiesbaden: Vieweg+Teubner Verlag, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-322-82224-6_9.

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Donghi, Roberto. "«La Basilica di S. Miniato al Monte sta a noi se si vuole». Il ritorno dei monaci olivetani nel 1924." In La Basilica di San Miniato al Monte di Firenze (1018-2018), 349–69. Florence: Firenze University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/978-88-5518-295-9.16.

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The paper retraces the negotiations undertaken by the Olivetan monks at the beginning of the 20th century for their return to the ancient abbey of San Miniato al Monte, which they had been forced to abandon in 1552 for the construction of the ramparts to defend the city. Given its location, other religious orders wanted to settle there, such as the Vallombrosans of Santa Trinita and the Cassinesi of the Florentine Abbey, but the Olivetans claimed their rights. So on 11th July 1924 the visiting abbot Benedetto Benedetti signed the deed of delivery to his regular family. The official entrance, disclosed by the town press, took place on Sunday 26 October 1924, and the resumption of the monastic life the following year, under the guidance of Don Gaetano Romagnoli, the first abbot of the restored Olivetan community.
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Beevers, Robert. "2. Pretensions to Permanency." In Byron and Trinity, 15–34. Cambridge, UK: Open Book Publishers, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.11647/obp.0399.02.

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In Chapter 2, ‘Pretensions to Permanency: Thorvaldsen’s Bust and Statue of Byron’ (1995), Robert Beevers focuses on Lord Byron’s connection with the world of art, particularly with the Danish sculptor Bertel Thorvaldsen. The chapter explores the background to John Cam Hobhouse’s commissioning of Byron’s bust, revealing Hobhouse’s personal attachment and anticipation of a potential separation from Byron. The choice of Thorvaldsen, a prominent Neo-Classical sculptor, is discussed in the context of Hobhouse’s enthusiasm for classical antiquity. Byron’s relationship with the fine arts is explored, acknowledging his occasional indifference to but deep appreciation of painting and sculpture. The sculptor’s admiration for Byron is highlighted, suggesting a recognition of the poet’s spirit that transcends artistic conventions. Beevers’s narrative describes the journey of the Byron memorial monument, from its creation to a prolonged storage period caused by religious objections to its location in Westminster Abbey. Trinity College emerges as a solution and the chapter concludes with Hobhouse’s reluctant acceptance of the monument’s placement in the Wren Library, considering it a form of exile for Byron in effigy. The pamphlet written by Hobhouse to argue his case is mentioned, emphasizing his deep appreciation for Byron and the symbolic rejection felt in the statue's relocation.
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Lüdeke, Roger. "The Sublime Character of Gothic Fiction (1764-1847)." In Therapie der Dinge?, 249–74. Bielefeld, Germany: transcript Verlag, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.14361/9783839464762-014.

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This essay argues that the Gothic novel enacts the material precariousness of its fictional worlds through the psychological disposition, equally precarious, of its characters. In Gothic fiction, the precariousness of characters manifests in psychological phenomena based on dubious information, seductive fantasies, and overpowering affects and emotions. Following a psychoanalytic theory of sublimation, I show that these mental states indicate a physiological-material excess within the subject, and I examine how the character-subjects of Gothic fiction develop in relation to this bodily and material dimension of their being. At the same time, this approach is concerned with the measure of autonomy and self-conduct that characters of Gothic fiction are enabled to maintain in response to precisely this corpo-reality. I will put this materialist approach to the test by examining three of the classics: The Castle of Otranto (1764) by Horace Walpole, Emily Brontë's Wuthering Heights (1847), and Northanger Abbey (1817) by Jane Austen. I hope to show that the Gothic novel forms a test case for us to rethink the ontology of literary characters in both literary and ethical terms, while enabling ways of exploration that may as well apply to other, non-Gothic styles of fictional world-making.
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Groll, Stefanie, and Susanne Diehr. "Who the f*** is Abby? – Die Berichterstattung zur Fußballweltmeisterschaft der Frauen 2011 und ihr Schweigen." In Spielen Frauen ein anderes Spiel?, 123–38. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-531-19133-1_7.

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Austen, Jane. "Lady Susan." In Northanger Abbey, Lady Susan, The Watsons, Sanditon. Oxford University Press, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/owc/9780199535545.003.0036.

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Letter 1 Lady Susan Vernon to Mr. Vernon. langford, December My dear Brother I can no longer refuse myself the pleasure of profiting by your kind invitation when we last parted, of spending some weeks with you at Churchill, and therefore if quite convenient...
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Austen, Jane. "Chapter XII." In Northanger Abbey, Lady Susan, The Watsons, Sanditon. Oxford University Press, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/owc/9780199535545.003.0015.

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‘Mrs. Allen,’ said Catherine the next morning, ‘will there be any harm in my calling on Miss Tilney to-day? I shall not be easy till I have explained every thing.’ ‘Go by all means, my dear; only put on a white gown; Miss Tilney always...
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"Teil 2 A – Rievaulx Abbey." In Infirmarien - Kranken- und Sterbehäuser der Mönche, 87–95. Wilhelm Fink Verlag, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/9783846747292_008.

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"Teil 2 B – Fountains Abbey." In Infirmarien - Kranken- und Sterbehäuser der Mönche, 155–66. Wilhelm Fink Verlag, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/9783846747292_014.

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