Journal articles on the topic 'Decolonization – China'
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1
Li, Lin. "Repatriation, colonialism, and decolonization in China." ICOFOM Study Series, no. 49-2 (December 31, 2021): 147–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/iss.3818.
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Tang, James T. H. "From Empire Defence to Imperial Retreat: Britain's Postwar China Policy and the Decolonization of Hong Kong." Modern Asian Studies 28, no. 2 (May 1994): 317–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00012427.
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Attempts to examine Hong Kong as an issue in British postwar colonial policy often emphasize the unique nature of the colony, and therefore a special case in British decolonization. Hong Kong has been regarded as an unconventional colonial entity, an anachronism in the modern world. But others argue that the word colony is not an appropriate term to describe it, except in the most severely technical legal sense, because of its spectacular industrial and economic development since the end of the Second World War. Nonetheless, Hong Kong has existed as a British crown colony since 1842, and its colonial political structures have remained more or less the same until the early 1980s. Hong Kong's special relations with China is an important factor making it an oddity in post-war British decolonization. Instead of becoming independent like most other British colonialterritories, Hong Kong's political future is linked to China. This situation of ‘decolonization without independence’ has been an important theme of academic analysis on the colony's political development.
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Perdue, Peter C. "China and Other Colonial Empires." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 16, no. 1-2 (2009): 85–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187656109793645706.
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AbstractEmpire is back. Once upon a time, in the era of decolonization, empires seemed like remnants of a past that would soon disappear. No more. Now, both as a reality of modern geopolitics and as a subject of academic study, empires are flourishing as never before. Although the current global power with the greatest imperial pretensions is now facing increasing difficulties in subduing resistance in one of its remote frontiers, and the American public at home would just as soon forget about this adventure in delusion, the question of the suitability of the United States for an imperial role will not soon disappear. Furthermore, China's sustained rise to the ranks of a great world power has begun to raise questions about whether China, too, will take on an imperial role, as it needs to guarantee supplies of energy for its booming economy and engage in geopolitical competition with its rivals. Like many other empires, China has also had difficulty in gaining the allegiance of the peoples on its frontiers.
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Home, David. "The United States of America and Decolonization in the South Pacific Region Countries." International Journal of Science and Society 1, no. 2 (September 11, 2019): 27–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.54783/ijsoc.v1i2.11.
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The purpose of this study is intended to reveal the background and influence of the United States in the South Pacific countries. The method used in this study is critical history. In analyzing data, the steps taken are steps according to Kuntowijoyo, topic selection, heuristics, verification (source criticism), interpretation, historiography. The results showed that the presence of the Soviet Union and China in the south Pacific moved the United States to pay more attention to this region, by further enhancing its role in the South Pacific Region. The role of the United States in the South Pacific Region covers the fields of economics, politics, and strategy. In the economic field, the United States provides assistance and improves their standard of living. In the political and strategic fields, the United States, together with Australia and New Zealand, which was bound by the ANZUS defense pact, tried to stem the influx of communist influence from the Soviet Union and China.
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Liou, Liang-Ya. "Taiwanese Postcolonial Fiction." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 126, no. 3 (May 2011): 678–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2011.126.3.678.
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When the Japanese Nobel Laureate in literature KenzaburŌ Ōe visited Taiwan for a symposium held in his honor in December 2009, he hardly anticipated the political controversies into which he was thrown. Even before the conference, politicians accused the Academia Sinica, the organizing institution, of kowtowing to China by reducing a trilateral symposium involving Japan, Taiwan, and China to a “cross-strait event” and by replacing the Taiwanese novelist who was to act as Ōe's interlocutor with one more acceptable to China. Aside from the China factor, the underhanded politics tapped into ethnic tensions in Taiwan and the problematic national identity of Taiwan. While the original interlocutor, Li Ang, and her substitute, Zhu Tienwen, are critically acclaimed women novelists just a few years apart in age, Li is of Minnan ancestry and Zhu a second-generation Chinese mainlander whose father fled with the Chinese Nationalist or Kuomintang (KMT) government to Taiwan in 1949 after losing China to the communists. More important, Li is a postcolonial writer, whereas Zhu deploys postmodernism to resist decolonization.
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Huang, Kun. "Translated Solidarity." Journal of World Literature 7, no. 4 (December 19, 2022): 577–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24056480-00704006.
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Abstract This essay traces the translation, reception, and adaptation of African anti-colonial poetics that emerged from the Congo Crisis in the People’s Republic of China in the early 1960s. It examines the Cold War mechanisms that coded translated African poetry, the socialist literary network that facilitated and constrained textual circulation, and the Maoist discourse of world revolution underlying Chinese writers’ responses to Patrice Lumumba’s assassination and African decolonization. The article argues that the Cold War served as a powerful geopolitical and discursive structure for keeping specific anti-colonial African authors, texts, tropes, and aesthetics alive and legible across national and ideological borders, while also rendering them susceptible to mistranslations and appropriations. The material, ideological, and affective configurations of the Cold War thus profoundly mediated imaginations and articulations of Sino-African solidarity in Maoist China.
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Boyer, William W. "The United States, Taiwan and China: Any Lessons for South Korea?" International Area Review 3, no. 1 (June 2000): 3–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/223386590000300101.
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Many changes in the world have occurred during the latter years of the 20th century: the end of empires, the decolonization, the end of the Cold War, the process of democratization, the revolution in science and technology, the explosion and aging of the World's population. But in terms of security, China (Taiwan and the Mainland) and Korea (South and North) have remained relatively unchanged over the past half century and continue to pose major threats to regional and World peace and stability and remain paramount challenges to ongoing U.S. policy. This paper shows that There are some strikingly obvious similarities and dissimilarity between the Taiwan and South Korea situations and three lessons which South Korea may draw from a comparison of the two triangular relationships. In this respect, this paper contends that the seeds of these global changes are already beginning to take root in China and North Korea, and that eventually they will give increasing promise of reconciliation and peaceful reunification in East Asia.
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Donert, Celia. "Women's Rights and Global Socialism: Gendering Socialist Internationalism during the Cold War." International Review of Social History 67, S30 (March 10, 2022): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859022000050.
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AbstractThis Special Issue explores the complicated relationship between women's rights and global socialism during the Cold War. This Introduction describes how the articles deal with this relationship in three, partly overlapping, periods. The first set of articles looks at how the ethos of the Popular Front resonated among women's movements in Asia, Latin America, and Europe, and examines the connections between interwar anti-fascist and anti-imperialist feminisms and those that re-emerged after World War II. The second set of articles focuses on the role and development of the Women's International Democratic Federation (WIDF) and its model of internationalism in Eastern Europe, the Soviet Union, and China in the early Cold War. The final articles centre on the challenges faced by the WIDF from the 1960s, exploring issues such as the anti-apartheid struggles in South Africa, the Portuguese wars of decolonization, and the United Nations Decade for Women (1976–1985). Together with this process of decolonization, this Special Issue also examines how the consequences of postsocialism, in particular for women's rights (the loss of social rights, material security, and substantial challenges to reproductive freedoms), have triggered renewed debates about the history and legacies of communist women's liberation movements in the former socialist world.
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Folkerts, Kristen M., Isra Merchant, and Chenxi Yang. "A Tri-Country Analysis of the Effects of White Supremacy in Mental Health Practice and Proposed Policy Alternatives." Columbia Social Work Review 20, no. 1 (May 16, 2022): 97–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.52214/cswr.v20i1.9644.
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The goal of this paper is to take a closer look at mental health care policies in Nigeria, China, and the United States. These nations were selected for their demographic diversity as well as for the shared influence that European colonization, imperialism, and white supremacy culture have had on their equally diverse mental health policies and practices. How do historical and cultural perspectives affect different nations’ mental health policies and approaches (via a multi-nation comparison)? This analysis aims to tackle this question, discussing how cultural humility both currently and historically informs mental health treatment for non-white populations within the United State. In addition it examines imperialist and colonial mental health treatment of local populations in China and Nigeria. Finally, a global policy strategy is presented to promote the practice of cultural humility on a multinational scale.
Keywords: Cultural humility, Decolonization, white supremacy, Global policy, Global mental health
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Novakovic, Marko. "The Non-Aligned Movement in the 21st century - structure, topics and role." Medjunarodni problemi 73, no. 4 (2021): 689–707. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp2104689n.
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The Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) is in search of a new identity after the dissolution of the bipolar world and the completion of the decolonization process. In that sense, the NAM is often perceived as a balance between great powers, particularly the US and China. Therefore, the author will investigate this possibility. However, the focus of this article will be on the analysis of the administrative structure of the NAM and the possibility of transforming it into a more coherent organization. Furthermore, the analysis of the most prominent topics in the area of international law and reform of the United Nations, mainly contained within the final documents of the NAM summits, will also be conducted.
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Lumumba-Kasongo, Tukumbi. "Rethinking the Bandung conference in an Era of ‘unipolar liberal globalization’ and movements toward a ‘multipolar politics’." Bandung: Journal of the Global South 2, no. 1 (July 25, 2015): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1186/s40728-014-0012-4.
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In April 1955, a historic conference was held in Bandung, Indonesia. Political leaders from 29 Asian and African countries gathered on the initiative of the leaders from China, Indonesia, India, Pakistan, and Myanmar, to address the issues about economic co-operation, self-determination, decolonization and the peace. These ideas contributed to the creation of the non-alignment movement (NAM). However, in Africa, Nkrumah’s proposal for political unity was defeated, which led to the creation of the Organization of the African Unity as a compromise. NAM was later penetrated from within by the forces of imperialism, notably dictatorships and authoritarian regimes supported by the United States, the Soviet Union, the former colonial powers and their local cronies, weakening its functionality.
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Gikandi, Simon. "Introduction-Another Way in the World." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 131, no. 5 (October 2016): 1193–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2016.131.5.1193.
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For Abiola Irele, friend, mentor, maître.Language for me is the soul of the text. I love the Arabic language, and I adore writing in it. It is the linguistic mold that I want to fill my personal stories and culture in, distinguished from that of Arabs.—Stella GaitanoI Will Start with Two Stories About This Thing Called Literature and the world it claims to name and possess.The first takes place in Shillong, in the northeast corner of India, a place far removed from the Indian heartland, closer to Bangladesh, Burma, and China than to New Delhi. The setting is the Shillong campus of the English and Foreign Languages University, where I have come to teach a seminar to junior academics and graduate students on decolonization as a theoretical problem. My students and I will embark on a two-week systematic rereading of the philosophical claims made for decolonization in the writings of canonical postcolonial writers, from Mahatma Gandhi's writing on nonviolence to Aimé Césaire's and Léopold Sédar Senghor's on negritude to Frantz Fanon's on the pitfalls of national consciousness to Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak's and Trinh T. Minh-Ha's on the figure of woman in difference. Although my students are attentive, their relation to these texts is ambivalent: they recognize the importance of these texts to understanding the making of the modern world, yet colonialism, as a world-historical event, occurred too long ago to be part of their lived experience. Their ambivalence is compounded by the fact that the urgency with which the authors of decolonization write, the sense that they are operating at the end of time—the time of Europe—belongs to a moment that no longer resonates with people struggling to survive in a more complex, globalized world. It is hard for my students to make the connection between Senghor's negritude and his incarceration in a Nazi prison camp in Poitiers during World War II or to see that event, the imprisonment of an African fighting for France, as connected to a paradigmatic break in the discourse of empire.
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Ghosh, Arunabh, Adhira Mangalagiri, and Tansen Sen. "China and India in the Age of Decolonization: An Introduction to the Nehru Papers Project, 1947–1964." China and Asia 3, no. 2 (February 4, 2022): 177–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2589465x-030202.
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Ghosh, Arunabh, Adhira Mangalagiri, and Tansen Sen. "China and India in the Age of Decolonization: An Introduction to the Nehru Papers Project, 1947–1964." China and Asia 3, no. 2 (February 4, 2022): 177–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2589465x-030202.
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Ekbladh, David. "To Reconstruct the Medieval: Rural Reconstruction in Interwar China and the Rise of an American Style of Modernization, 1921–1961." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 9, no. 3-4 (2000): 169–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187656100793645903.
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AbstractThe concept of modernization exerted a powerful influence over international affairs in the twentieth century. It offered not only a way of understanding the profound global transformations of the period but also a means of influencing the course and pace of those changes. While the preoccupation with the causes and consequences of modernity can be traced back at least to the nineteenth century, .modernization. as a school of thought and a set of practices is usually understood to be a decidedly post–World War II phenomenon. Many scholars have interpreted the rise of modernization as a response to the imperatives of the Cold War and the great postwar wave of decolonization, and have therefore located the origins of this concept in the years after 1945.
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Chan, Selina Ching. "Memory Making, Identitity Building: The Dynamics of Economics and Politics in the New Territories of Hong Kong." China Information 17, no. 1 (March 2003): 66–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0920203x0301700103.
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Hong Kong has reunited with China and this unique decolonization process has facilitated a distinctive discourse in the remembrance of the past and the negotiation of identity. This article considers how the highest representative organization of the indigenous inhabitants in the New Territories—the Heung Yee Kuk—remembers their past. I argue that this recollection of the past is not solely for the people themselves, but also for different targeted audiences. This article demonstrates that the memory of the past is about a contestation of economic interests, as embedded in the discourse of changing land values in the process of urbanization. It is shown that social memory is framed for the sake of bargaining for economic, social, and political benefits.
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Zhiyu, Li, and Morgan Rocks. "The Sinosphere left looks at rising China: Missed dialogues and the search for an ‘Asian perspective’." China Information 32, no. 2 (April 23, 2018): 336–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0920203x18769774.
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Contemporary left-wing debate in the Sinosphere, here limited to the People’s Republic of China (PRC), Hong Kong, and Taiwan, is often fuelled by the political, economic, and social implications of the PRC’s rise as a world power. While agreeing upon basic premises of anti-imperialism and anti-capitalism, left-wing intellectuals in China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan come to loggerheads over critiquing how China’s rise influences its leftist identity. In the past few years we have witnessed a series of fractured and one-sided arguments among Sinosphere left-wing intellectuals. As part of the research dialogues on mapping the intellectual public sphere in China today, this article examines the cacophony of the Sinosphere leftist echo chamber, starting from contentious debates over the leftist nature of Hong Kong’s Umbrella Movement and Taiwan’s Sunflower Movement, and then focusing on voices that are attempting to bring together left-wing traditions from the PRC, Hong Kong, and Taiwan. Scholars such as He Zhaotian, Chen Kuan-Hsing, and Sun Ge are exploring possibilities of de-imperialization, decolonization, and de-Cold War-ization, in the hopes of creating a shared, emancipatory ‘Asian perspective’. Though few in number, these voices demonstrate a growing utopian urge within the Sinosphere left to participate in mutual dialogues on possible futures.
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Buranok, S. O. "Theoretical and Methodological Approaches of Studying the Image of China of 1931-1949 in USA Historiography." Nauchnyi dialog, no. 3 (March 30, 2020): 317–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2020-3-317-330.
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The historiography of the problem of researching the image of China in the USA is considered. A comprehensive analysis of the evolution of the historiography of the image of China in 1931-1949 in the United States is proposed through the study of the specifics of the perception by the political elite, the military, the public and the US media of the most important events of the "Chinese crisis". It is noted that this approach allows us to talk about the formation of a special phenomenon of the socio-political life of the United States, the reconstruction and explanation of which are impossible within the framework of the traditional methodology of historical research and require an interdisciplinary approach based on historical imagology. It is shown that the formation of the image of China in 1931-1949 in the historiography of the United States by the American press is represented with several thematic areas: the first - the studies of American assessments of China in general works on the history of international relations before the Second World War and during its course; the second is a study of the history of the formation of American assistance to fighting China; third, analyzing China’s assessment of the United States in the context of the history of colonialism and decolonization; fourth, examining the image of China in the context of a study of public opinion in the United States. It is pointed out that the analysis of historiography indicates that China in the crisis period of history was in the focus of attention of both journalists and the academic community.
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Jenco, Leigh K., and Jonathan Chappell. "Overlapping Histories, Co-produced Concepts: Imperialism in Chinese Eyes." Journal of Asian Studies 79, no. 3 (July 20, 2020): 685–706. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911820000066.
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Many historians of China, particularly those based in North America, insist that the Qing dynasty's territorial expansion was imperial and comparable to the imperial expansions of other global empires. Other historians, particularly but not only those based in the People's Republic of China, continue to resist this interpretation. They argue that dynastic expansion in the Ming and Qing periods was simply a form of nation-state building, akin to similar processes in Europe. Rather than rejecting their claims as a product of Chinese nationalism, we argue that the term “empire” should be (re)understood as a global co-production, emerging from multiple intersecting histories and scholarly debates about those histories. Doing so challenges influential definitions of empire that rely on a distinction between empires and nation-states, highlighting their dual presence in both Euro-American and Chinese pasts (and presents). This move demands a rejection of periodizations that suggest that empires ceased to exist following the period of decolonization from 1945 to the 1970s. This opens up new avenues of historical and normative inquiry to acknowledge the modern continuity between empires and nation-states.
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Álvarez, José Maurício. "Asia, 1945-1954: Three Wars in One." Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal 7, no. 8 (August 17, 2020): 237–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.78.8818.
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The conflicts waged in Asia between 1945 and 1954 are examined here as part of the anti-colonial struggle and national independence, giving rise to free and original Asian practices. The background is the emergence and consolidation of the bipolar powers of the superpowers involved in the cold war. The decolonization of the region was part of the Western Allies' ideals. However, the Cold Conflict's political conveniences lead the Truman Administration to tolerate and support the colonial presence. American policy on Asia-Pacific feared that independence would jeopardize regional stability. This desideratum frustrated the aspirations of the local populations and elites and the communists. After 1949 starting its huge task of national reconstruction, the People's Republic of China recovered imperial diplomatic practices. In addition to expanding his agricultural and industrial production bases, he supported the communist side in the war between the two Koreas and Vietminh, in Indochina. Exercising dominance over its allies the Maoist China, it consolidated its regional projection, suggesting to several important actors on the western side that the three conflicts were part of a single war against communism that they believed to be expanding.
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Chen, Ruida. "Healing the Past: Recovery of Chinese Cultural Objects Lost during the Colonial Era." Santander Art and Culture Law Review 8, no. 2 (December 30, 2022): 161–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/2450050xsnr.22.017.17030.
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This article focuses on the colonial context of China, which led to a monumental loss of Chinese cultural objects by three means: looting and plundering; cultural expeditions; and illicit trafficking. The loss of cultural objects caused severe deprivation to the country of origin (i.e. China) from the perspective of culture, and active decolonization could helpheal the wounds and rebuild the cultural independency of China.In order to recover cultural objects removed during the colonial era, at the present time countries of origin are faced with difficulties at two levels. In terms of provenance research, the history and ownership trajectory of the cultural objects is difficult to establish in light of the fact that significant time has elapsed. In terms of legal claims, evidence needs to be collected in order to prove the original ownership, while at the same time issues of private law create obstacles to claims. Moreover, current international conventions fail to provide a legally-binding obligation on the part of current possessors to return objects lost due to colonialism. This article proposes mutual respect for cultural sovereignty as a way to make up for the absence of cultural sovereignty during past colonizations.
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Hess, Christian. "Sino-Soviet City: Dalian between Socialist Worlds, 1945-1955." Journal of Urban History 44, no. 1 (June 14, 2017): 9–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0096144217710234.
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This article explores the building of urban socialism in the port city of Dalian from 1945 through the mid-1950s. Hailed by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in 1949 as “New China’s model metropolis,” this former Japanese colonial city was occupied by the Soviet military until 1950. Postwar geopolitics situated Dalian and its residents at the forefront of implementing Soviet-inspired reforms that led to an image of Dalian not only as a vanguard city of the People’s Republic, but one intimately connected with the larger socialist world. The article argues that Dalian’s postwar geopolitical position as a Sino-Soviet space led to a cross-pollination of attitudes, actions, and policies that differed from much of the urban scene throughout the People’s Republic of China. It sheds new light on how the complex decolonization process of the early Cold War brought a Chinese city more closely into the Second World.
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Duara, Prasenjit. "The Cold War as a historical period: an interpretive essay." Journal of Global History 6, no. 3 (October 17, 2011): 457–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022811000416.
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AbstractAs a historical period, the Cold War may be seen as a rivalry between two nuclear superpowers that threatened global destruction. The rivalry took place within a common frame of reference, in which a new historical relationship between imperialism and nationalism worked in remarkably parallel ways across the superpower divide. The new imperial–national relationship between superpowers and the client states also accommodated developments such as decolonization, multiculturalism, and new ideologies, thus producing a hegemonic configuration characterizing the period. The models of development, structures of clientage, unprecedented militarization of societies, designs of imperial enlightenment, and even many gender and racial/cultural relationships followed similar tracks within, and often between, the two camps. Finally, counter-hegemonic forces emerged in regions of the non-Western world, namely China and some Islamic societies. Did this portend the beginning of the end of a long period of Western hegemony?
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Haque, Ziaul. "Veena Kukreja. Civil-Military Relations in South Asia: Pakistan, Bangladesh and India. New Delhi: Sage Publications. 1991. 257 pp. Bibliography + Index. Price: Rs 260 (Hardbound)." Pakistan Development Review 31, no. 1 (March 1, 1992): 101–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v31i1pp.101-105.
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A quite large number of developing countries in Asia, Africa, and Latin America, which are today characterised by chronic underdevelopment, general social retardation, slow social mobility, and political instability became highly prone to military interventions in politics in their initial phases of decolonization soon after World War II. These military interventions in the fragile civil polities and stagnant economies, termed by some scholars as the coup zone, are justified and legitimised on various pretexts of modernisation, democratisation, and reform; which means that the military seeks to fill the institutional vacuum when the overall civil administration of the country breaks down as a consequence of the rivalry for pelf and power between various ruling classes. Thus, the military has emerged as the most powerful institution in these countries. Some social revolutions of modern times, in China in 1949, for example, and in Cuba in 1959, were caused by endemic military interventions in the civil society.
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Hu, Zhuqing (Lester) S. "Chinese Ears, Delicate or Dull? Toward a Decolonial Comparativism." Journal of the American Musicological Society 74, no. 3 (2021): 501–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jams.2021.74.3.501.
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Abstract This article compares extractivist ideologies of voice and listening in late eighteenth-century Europe and China to envision a decolonial comparativism. Inspired by Dylan Robinson’s “apposite methodology,” the article “writes with” the French Jesuit Jean-Joseph-Marie Amiot, who compared European and Chinese ears several times during his career in Beijing to ascertain why the Chinese abhorred European harmony. Through his correspondence with the Republic of Letters, Amiot’s comparisons resonated with the “sharp-eared Chinese” trope in European discourse. The dialectics of this trope, laid bare in Johann Gottfried Herder’s surprisingly similar denigrations of China and of deafness, reflected an extractivist phonocentrism by which recognition of one’s subjectivity required opening oneself up to society’s extractive listening. Hegel and post-Thermidorian French elites even posited such extraction as the foundation for pluralism and progress. Though specifically othered by European phonocentrism, the Qing Empire then ruling China articulated similar ideologies. While Amiot compared the qupai stock melodies of Kunqu theater to the vaudeville songs of opéra-comique, eighteenth-century Qing court adaptations of Kunqu departed from the pervasive use of qupai to achieve a transcendent positionality of listening. Qing-imperial ethnographies of languages and songs further revealed such transcendent listening as undergirding the multiethnic empire, where subjecthood depended on proffering a voice to the imperial ear via an extractive phonography (“voice-writing”). The article concludes by situating this phonocentrism shared between Europe and China within current academic discourses on decolonization and deimperialization. It argues that comparativism can create spaces that facilitate “turning away” from the extraction of voices, which continues to sustain imperial hegemonies as uniquely transcendent ears.
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Absi, Pascale, Laurent Bazin, and Monique Selim. "The Knotted Web of Dominations. Epistemological Investment in the Anthropology of Work." World Journal of Social Science Research 3, no. 3 (August 3, 2016): 396. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/wjssr.v3n3p396.
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<p><em>In the globalized world, work presents itself as a nub of actualization of intermixed relations of domination. How does the ethnological analysis study such intermixed relations? To answer the question the first part of the paper compares the anthropological approaches that Pierre Bourdieu and Gérard Althabe designed in the key period of decolonization. They both broke with colonial ethnography through the analysis of relations of colonial domination in the field of work. Bourdieu’s approach is structuralist and he combines ethnography and sociological analysis to display the symbolic structure of the social positions. Althabe’s ethnologic approach is constructivist and tries to show the production of social relations by the power of imagination. </em></p><p><em>In the second part of the paper three researches are briefly presented: prostitution in the brothels of Potosi in Bolivia, the job of the highly qualified women of University of Canton in China, work in the building industry in Oran in Algeria by way of a return to the Bourdieu’s work. In these very different situations, the analysis lays stress on the means by which the social agents build their social relations.</em><em></em></p>
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Nickel, James W. "What Future for Human Rights?" Ethics & International Affairs 28, no. 2 (2014): 213–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0892679414000203.
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Like people born shortly after World War II, the international human rights movement recently had its sixty-fifth birthday. This could mean that retirement is at hand and that death will come in a few decades. After all, the formulations of human rights that activists, lawyers, and politicians use today mostly derive from the UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and the world in 1948 was very different from our world today: the cold war was about to break out, communism was a strong and optimistic political force in an expansionist phase, and Western Europe was still recovering from the war. The struggle against entrenched racism and sexism had only just begun, decolonization was in its early stages, and Asia was still poor (Japan was under military reconstruction, and Mao's heavy-handed revolution in China was still in the future). Labor unions were strong in the industrialized world, and the movement of women into work outside the home and farm was in its early stages. Farming was less technological and usually on a smaller scale, the environmental movement had not yet flowered, and human-caused climate change was present but unrecognized. Personal computers and social networking were decades away, and Earth's human population was well under three billion.
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Filijovic, Marko, and Danilo Babic. "INDIAN EDUCATIONAL COOPERATION WITH AFRICA: SWOT ANALYSIS OF SOFT POWER APPROACH." Politička revija 71, no. 1/2022 (April 1, 2022): 111–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.22182/pr.7112022.6.
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The introduction of this paper presents a historical overview of India’s relations with African countries. Joseph Nye’s theory of soft power is presented as a theoretical background, its role in the theory of international relations as well as the possibility of education becoming an instrument of soft power. In the provided overview of India-Africa educational cooperation, it can be seen that India is implementing a very concrete, well-organized, and smart strategy in the field of educational cooperation on the African continent, especially its ITEC and SCAAP programs. To analyze the Indian soft power approach we use SWOT analysis. As for strengths, the paper emphasizes India’s approach to African countries in the field of education which is based on mutual respect, a common attitude towards decolonization, historical and trade ties. More importantly, the cooperation is free of any conditioning. The greatest hidden asset of India are ITC technologies, if used adequately, it can give India an advantage over the competition in other sectors as well, not just education. The African education market has great potential for cooperation. The main opportunity for further development of this cooperation are favorable conditions for Indian students when compared to Western destinations or China. Online education also has great potential. Weaknesses and threats are related to racial discrimination and competition from other actors.
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Therborn, Göran. "Into the Hottest Century and into Epochal Change." Revista de Estudios Globales. Análisis Histórico y Cambio Social 1, no. 1 (October 28, 2021): 72–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.6018/reg.497761.
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El siglo XXI será el siglo más caluroso en miles de años, y el paisaje social del mundo es volcánico. La política global y las relaciones sociales estarán dominadas por dos temas:la crisis climática y la rivalidad entre Estados Unidos y China.Este artículo analiza los efectos dela «pandemia de desigualdad»de Covid-19; efectos que han debilitadoalgunas fuerzas y han fortalecidootras. También profundizaenlos contextos y perspecti-vas de la crisis climática y en el conflicto entre las dos superpotencias.Lasrespuestasgubernamentalesa la pandemia pusieron fin al régimen global del neoliberalismo y la globalización de mercado sin fisuras, acontecimientossucedidos por el conflicto geopolítico y la movilización interna de las grandes potencias.Es probable que las pro-fundas transformaciones tecnológicas y sociales necesarias para hacer frente a la crisis climática sigan en manos de la política,como de costumbre, con resultados confusospero difícilmente apocalípticos.El contexto histórico del conflicto entre Estados Unidos y China suponeel principio del fin de medio milenio de dominación del mundo Occidental, por una dinastía de estados desde Portugal hasta Estados Unidos.El ascenso de China como superpotencia económica y tecnológica abre una tercera fase del declive del imperio Occidental, después dela descolonización y el retroceso de los intentos fallidos de occi-dentalizar el mundo no Occidental tras la victoria de la Guerra Fría.El fin del imperio Occidental probablemente llegará en este siglo, salvo que unaguerra nuclearmodifique el curso de los acontecimientos de forma abrupta; en cualquier caso, las previsiones de futuro constituyen siempreuna pregunta abierta. The 21st century will be the hottest century in thousands of years, and the world’s social landscape is volcanic. Global politics and social relations will be dominated by two issues, the climate crisis and the US-China rivalry. This paper analyses their passage through the «inequality pandemic» of Covid-19, weakening some pertinent forces and strengthened others, and further the contexts and prospects of the climate crisis and the US-China conflict. Governmental response to the pandemic terminated the global regime of neoliberalism and untrammelled market globalization, which have been succeeded by geopolitical conflict and great power domestic mobilization. The profound technological and social transformations needed to meet the climate crisis are likely to remain in the hands of politics as usual, with messy but hardly apocalyptic results. The historical context of the US-China conflict is the half millennium of Western world domination, by a dynasty of states from Portugal to USA. The rise of China as an economic and technological superpower opens a third phase of the decline of the Western empire, after decolonization and the blowback from the failed attempts to westernize the non-Western world after the Cold War victory. The end of the Western empire will probably come in this century –short of nuclear war–, but what will succeed it is an open question.
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Degterev, D. "Non-Western Theories of Development in the Global Capitalism Era." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 4 (2021): 113–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-4-113-122.
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Received 31.08.2020. This article is devoted to the evolution of non-Western theories of development in the epoch of global capitalism, i. e. after 1990. It describes in detail what is meant by this concept – models of socio-economic development, alternative to the Western neoliberal paradigm and associated with the modernization of non-Western countries, primarily in the “Global South”. Periodization of these approaches is given in connection with the process of decolonization (early 1960s), the end of the bipolar world, and the strengthening of China (since 2010s). Two main directions of such theories – neo-Marxian tradition, as well as post-colonial and anti-colonial studies – are shown. The author concludes that the “non-Westernness” of post-colonial studies is conditional, while anti-colonial and neo-Marxian studies are very much intertwined. The article shows the role of such organizations as CODESRIA and Third World Network in shaping the intellectual development agenda of the Global South. It traces the evolution of neo-Marxist approaches to development of the poorest countries, which originated in Latin American structuralism, American neo-Marxism, the works of J. Galtung and W. Rodney. By the early 1980s, the world-systemic approach was already dominant, its representatives were relatively capable to explain the collapse of the socialist system, and also made attempts to describe the growing influence of China. Nevertheless, the theory of the transnational capitalist class that emerged in the 1990s and 2000s was more successful from this point of view. The article investigates the phenomenon of an emerging confrontation between China and the United States in the ideological field – for the influence on leftist intellectuals around the world, and shows the main resources of both sides in this conflict. Special attention is paid to Postdevelopmentalism that developed in the 1990–2000s in line with postmodernist approaches; both strengths and weaknesses of this concept are presented. In conclusion, the author summarizes that neo-Marxist approaches play a key role as the major alternative to neoliberal capitalist development in the countries of the “Global South” while national modernization theories are lacking in the non-Western countries. Acknowledgements. The article has been prepared at RUDN University and supported by a grant of the Russian Foundation for Basic Research (RFBR). Project no. 19-111-50655 (Expansion) “Non-Western Theories of Development in the Age of Global Capitalism”. The author also expresses his sincere gratitude to P. Bond (University of the Western Cape, South Africa), T.M. Gavristova (YarSU), E.N. Grachikov (RUDN University), Li Yan (CASS, China) and V. G. Shubin (Institute for African Studies, RAS) for their valuable comments.
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Rupiya, Martin. "South Africa-US Contest over Africa Policy Dominance: A Study with Emphasis on AFRICOM, BRICS and Libyan Issues." Journal of US-Africa Studies International Journal of US and African Studies 1, no. 1 (2019): 48–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.21747/21846251/joura2.
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Foreign policy is embodied in the pursuit of national interests by States in their interaction with other countries. The attainment of Nelson Mandela’s African National Congress (ANC) led majority rule statehood and its relationship with the midwife, the United States, provides us with one of the most complex case study examined between the late 1980s until the present. At the end of the Cold War, a period which coincided with the decolonisation of several countries in Southern Africa including Namibia and South Africa, following mediation by the US, Assistant Secretary of State for Africa Affairs, Chester Crocker United States, predicted on its new found relationship with the then United Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) and its presence in Angola, informed the decolonization of the sub-regional in which the US targeted South Africa’s apartheid regime towards abandoning its military destabilisation activities and providing security guarantees to the white minority community under the new African majority regime.The result was the withdrawal of Cuban forces in Angola, Namibia independence and finally, the ANC led by the long imprisoned Nelson Mandela at the head of the first coalition government. Consequently, this immediate post-independence arrangement constrained the freedom of action of the ANC during its first term in power. In the subsequent era, the evidence reveals tension and clashes of interests between Washington and Pretoria manifest in at least three areas: creating an African coalition during 2006 against US policy preferences such as the deployment of Africa Command (AFRICOM) on the continent; the 2010 entering into an international political economy of BRICS against Washington’s global dominance and finally, the 2011 coalition attempts under the auspices of the African Union (AU) challenge towards Western intervention in Libya and the deposition of Colonel Muammar Gaddafi on 23 October 2011.Based on secondary sources, newspaper, academic thesis and other official reports this article examines the tensions that developed between Washington and Tshwane/Pretoria over their intentions over Africa. This assesses three areas of foreign policy relationships depicting: contestation, belligerence and finally belated confrontation.These phases begin with the 2006 US intention to locate AFRICOM in Africa, a development openly opposed by President Thabo Mbeki through the AU. This is followed by South Africa joining the global economic competitors made up of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa (BRICS) at the invitation by China. This competitive relationship not only challenged the existing World Bank and IMF dominance but created an entry point for China in Africa. Finally, the article examines the US policy on Libya of Colonel Muammar Gaddafi in 2011 after adopting UN Resolution 1973 in a subsequent development that went against the AU and South Africa, culminating in the capture and assassination of Gaddaffi on 23 October 2011. Conclusively, the US-South Africa relationship over Africa has been characterised by phases of belligerence, collegial neutrality and uncooperative behaviour.
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Jędrzejko, Paweł. "Translocality/Methodology. The Americas, or Experiencing the World." Review of International American Studies 13, no. 2 (December 31, 2020): 5–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/rias.10013.
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The Americas offer a peculiar stage for translocal methodologies. If we agree that the products of Chinese American culture—which, in the course of the last 170 years of interaction, has evolved into a unique, American, phenomenon—can not be labeled as “Made in China,” then contemporary Chinese medicine in the Americas cannot legitimately be perceived solely as an ‘import.’ Beyond doubt, phenomena such as the emergence of the American College of Traditional Chinese Medicine at the California Institute of Integral Studies testify to the fact that the once ‘exotic’ forms of therapy are now being granted a status parallel to those developed throughout the history of Western medicine. Increasingly, as translocal, they are becoming recognized as non-foreign elements of the glocal culture. Similarly, the exploration of the physical world, which, to an experienced dancer of Bharatanatyam, Odissi, or any other of the dominant forms of the classical Indian dance is an obvious function of his or her own experience of the ‘body-in-the-world,’ has, translocally, opened up an altogether new space of profound understanding of ourselves in our environment. It is not about the fashionable, politically correct, ‘openness to other cultures’; it is about the opening up to a parallel meditative experience of the “bodymind,” which neither excludes nor isolates the sphere of emotions from the reality of what-is-being-experienced. Or, to express it in terms more easily comprehensible to a Western reader, dance may prove to be a methodology (not just a method) serving the purpose of a more profound understanding of the complexity and unity of the universe, and a language to express this understanding. Making the most of available traditions might produce much greater benefits than remaining locked within just one, Western, Anglonormative, library of concepts. In the context of the ongoing debate on transnational American Studies, the article offers an insight into how the worldwide studies of the Americas and translocality intersect, and how such a perspective may contribute to the multifaceted process of the decolonization, understood both literally and intellectually.
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Jędrzejko, Paweł. "Translocality/Methodology. The Americas, or Experiencing the World." Review of International American Studies 13, no. 2 (December 31, 2020): 5–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/rias.10013.
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The Americas offer a peculiar stage for translocal methodologies. If we agree that the products of Chinese American culture—which, in the course of the last 170 years of interaction, has evolved into a unique, American, phenomenon—can not be labeled as “Made in China,” then contemporary Chinese medicine in the Americas cannot legitimately be perceived solely as an ‘import.’ Beyond doubt, phenomena such as the emergence of the American College of Traditional Chinese Medicine at the California Institute of Integral Studies testify to the fact that the once ‘exotic’ forms of therapy are now being granted a status parallel to those developed throughout the history of Western medicine. Increasingly, as translocal, they are becoming recognized as non-foreign elements of the glocal culture. Similarly, the exploration of the physical world, which, to an experienced dancer of Bharatanatyam, Odissi, or any other of the dominant forms of the classical Indian dance is an obvious function of his or her own experience of the ‘body-in-the-world,’ has, translocally, opened up an altogether new space of profound understanding of ourselves in our environment. It is not about the fashionable, politically correct, ‘openness to other cultures’; it is about the opening up to a parallel meditative experience of the “bodymind,” which neither excludes nor isolates the sphere of emotions from the reality of what-is-being-experienced. Or, to express it in terms more easily comprehensible to a Western reader, dance may prove to be a methodology (not just a method) serving the purpose of a more profound understanding of the complexity and unity of the universe, and a language to express this understanding. Making the most of available traditions might produce much greater benefits than remaining locked within just one, Western, Anglonormative, library of concepts. In the context of the ongoing debate on transnational American Studies, the article offers an insight into how the worldwide studies of the Americas and translocality intersect, and how such a perspective may contribute to the multifaceted process of the decolonization, understood both literally and intellectually.
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Degterev, D. A., and V. I. Yurtaev. "Africa: «The Rainbow Period» and Unfulfilled Hopes. Interview with Apollon Davidson, Academician of RAS." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 20, no. 1 (December 15, 2020): 218–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2020-20-1-218-225.
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Academician Apollon B. Davidson is an outstanding Soviet and Russian expert in African history, British Studies, also known as a specialist in Russian Silver Age literature. He is an author of more than 500 scientific papers, including 11 monographs, most of which are devoted to the new and recent history of the countries of Tropical and South Africa. Graduate of Leningrad State University (1953), Professor (1973), Doctor of Historical Sciences (1971), Academician of the Russian Academy of Sciences (2011). Under his leadership, at the Institute of World History of the Russian Academy of Sciences a scientific school of African history based on archival documents was created. He prepared more than 30 candidates and doctors of sciences, among famous students - A. Balezin, S. Mazov, I. Filatova, G. Derlugyan. In 2001-2002 two volumes of documents “Russia and Africa” [Davidson 1999] were published under his editorship; the book “USSR and Africa” [Davidson, Mazov, Tsypkin 2002], in 2003 - the volume of documents “Comintern and Africa” [Davidson 2003]. In 2003, a two-volume edition of the documents “South Africa and the Communist International” [Davidson, Filatova, Gorodnov, Johns 2003] was published in London in English, and in 2005-2006 - the fundamental three-volume “History of Africa in Documents” [Davidson 2005-2006]. In 1988, he participated in the South African program at Yale University. In 1991, he lectured for several months at universities in South Africa and worked in the archives of this country. In 1992-1993 he worked at the Rhodes University, in 1994-1998 organized and chaired the Center for Russian Studies at the University of Cape Town. In 1981-1991 he visited Ethiopia, Angola, Lesotho, Botswana and several times - Mozambique, Zambia, Zimbabwe and South Africa. From 1977 to 1991 he participated in the Soviet-American Dartmouth conferences as an expert on Africa. In his interview he talks about the outcome of decolonization for southern Africa, the actual problems of the modern development of the continent, the role of China in Africa, and the Afro-Asianization of the world. Special attention is paid to the problems and prospects of the development of Soviet and Russian African studies and Russian-African relations.
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Arnold, David. "Commentary on Thomas S. Mullaney, “Controlling the Kanjisphere,” and Antonia Finnane, “Cold War Sewing Machines”." Journal of Asian Studies 75, no. 3 (August 2016): 789–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002191181600053x.
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As studies of technology in modern Asia move from production to consumption, and from big machines to small, so they confront increasingly complex and nuanced issues about the relationship between the local, the regional, and the global; between political economy and culture; and, perhaps most crucially, between technology and modernity. From a South Asian perspective (and perhaps from a Southeast Asian one as well), many of these issues are inescapably bound up with the Western colonial presence, decolonization, and the post-independence quest for national self-sufficiency and economic autarky. In East Asia, as the articles by Antonia Finnane and Thomas Mullaney demonstrate, the issues play out somewhat differently, not least because of the pivotal role of Japan as a major regional force, an industrial nation, and an imperial power. In South Asia in the period covered by these essays, Japan was a far more marginal presence, with only some industrial goods—such as textiles, bicycles, or umbrella fittings—finding a market there by the mid-1930s. At their height in 1933–34, some 17,000 Japanese bicycles were imported into India (out of nearly 90,000 overall), and in 1934–35, barely 1,400 sewing machines (out of 83,000); within three years this had fallen to less than 700. However, as Nira Wickramasinghe has recently demonstrated with respect to Ceylon (colonial Sri Lanka), Japan had a significance that ranged well beyond its limited commercial impact: it inspired admiration for the speed of its industrialization, for its scientific and technological prowess, and as the foremost exemplar of an “Asian modern” (Wickramasinghe 2014, chap. 5). One other way in which Japan figured in postwar regional history was through demands for compensation made in 1946 for sewing machines destroyed by Japanese bombing (or the looting that accompanied it) and the occupation of the Andaman Islands. And yet, relatively remote though Japan and China might be from South Asia's consumer history, across much of the Asian continent there was a common chronology to this unfolding techno-history, beginning in the 1880s and 1890s and dictated less evidently by the politics of war and peace than by the influx of small machines, of which sewing machines and typewriters were but two conspicuous examples.
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Lenssen, Anneka. "The Two-Fold Global Turn." ARTMargins 7, no. 1 (February 2018): 83–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/artm_r_00201.
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This essay is a review of art historian Chika Okeke-Agulu's Postcolonial Modernism: Art and Decolonization in Twentieth-Century Nigeria (Duke University Press, 2015). The book offers a chronicle of artistic theories, practices, and institutions during Nigeria's independence years (1957–67) amid the historical frames of Third World liberation, African decolonization, and Cold War realpolitik. The essay explores in particular how Postcolonial Modernism revisits and explores the thematic of “national culture”—the concept presented by Frantz Fanon in 1959, with long-lasting impact on theories of postcolonial arts—in the (decentralized) Nigerian art world, with a focus on the synthetic studio practices of members of the Zaria Art Society. Fanon's “two-fold becoming” model of national culture, which implies catalyzing links to international liberation movements, impacts not only Okeke-Agulu's narrative of a generational opposition to the preceding cultural paradigms of Negritude, but also—the essay argues—the writing of global modernist history at-large.
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Visonà, Monica Blackmun. "Chika Okeke-Agulu, Postcolonial Modernism: Art and Decolonization in Twentieth-Century Nigeria." Art Bulletin 98, no. 2 (April 2, 2016): 272–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00043079.2016.1155906.
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Hunter, Dick. "The Oxford dictionary of family names in Britain and Ireland; The Cambridge Social History of Modern Ireland; Out of China: How the Chinese Ended the Era of Western Domination; Letters of the Catholic Poor: Poverty in Independent Ireland; A Distant Heartbeat: A War, a Disappearance, and a Family’s Secrets; Europe after Empire: Decolonization, Society, and Culture." Family & Community History 21, no. 1 (January 2, 2018): 51–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14631180.2018.1469868.
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Miller, Elizabeth. "Worldly Affiliations: Artistic Practice, National Identity, and Modernism in India, 1930–1990 by Sonal Khullar, and: Postcolonial Modernism: Art and Decolonization in Twentieth-Century Nigeria by Chika Okeke-Agulu." Comparatist 40, no. 1 (2016): 338–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/com.2016.0019.
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Akapng, Clement. "Contemporary Discourse and the Oblique Narrative of Avant-gardism in Twentieth-Century Nigerian Art." International Journal of Culture and Art Studies 4, no. 1 (April 28, 2020): 9–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.32734/ijcas.v4i1.3671.
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The history of Twentieth Century Nigerian art is characterized by ambiguities that impede understanding of the underlying modernist philosophies that inspired modern art from the 1900s. In the past five decades, scholars have framed the discourse of Contemporary Nigerian Art to analyze art created during that period in Africa starting with Nigeria in order to differentiate it from that of Europe and America. However, this quest for differentiation has led to a mono-narrative which only partially analyze modernist tendencies in modern Nigerian art, thus, reducing its impact locally and globally. Adopting Content Analysis and Modernism as methodologies, this research subjected literature on Twentieth Century Nigerian art to critical analysis to reveal its grey areas, as well as draw upon recent theories by Chika Okeke-Agulu, Sylvester Ogbechie, Olu Oguibe and Okwui Enwezor to articulate the occurrence of a unique Nigerian avant-gardism blurred by the widely acclaimed discourse of contemporary Nigerian art. Findings reveal that the current discourse unwittingly frames Twentieth Century Nigerian art as a time-lag reactionary mimesis of Euro-American modernism. This research contends that such narrative blocks strong evidences of avant-garde tendencies identified in the works of Aina Onabolu, Ben Enwonwu, Uche Okeke and others, which exhibited intellectual use of the subversive powers of art for institutional/societal interrogation. Drawing upon modernist theories as a compass for analyzing the works of the aforementioned, this paper concludes that rather than being a mundane product of contemporaneity, Twentieth Century Nigerian art was inspired by decolonization politics and constituted a culture-specific avant-gardism in which art was used to enforce change. Thus, a new modern art discourse is proposed that will reconstruct Twentieth Century Nigerian art as an expression of modernism parallel to Euro-American modernism.
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von Hesse, Hermann. "Chika Okeke-Agulu. Postcolonial Modernism: Art and Decolonization in Twentieth-Century Nigeria. Durham: Duke University Press, 2015. xix + 357 pp. Illustrations/Paintings. Notes. Bibliography. Index. $29.46. Paper. ISBN: 978-0822357469." African Studies Review 60, no. 2 (July 13, 2017): 264–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2017.67.
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Khan, Sharlene. "Postcolonial Modernism: Art and Decolonization in Twentieth-Century Nigeria, Chika Okeke-Agulu, Durham, Duke University Press, 2015, 376 pp., US$109.95 (cloth), ISBN 978-0-8223-5732-2; US$29.95 (paperback), ISBN 978-0-8223-5746-9." Eastern African Literary and Cultural Studies 4, no. 1 (April 4, 2018): 76–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23277408.2018.1443622.
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Taunton, Matthew. "Cold War Decolonization." Cambridge Journal of Postcolonial Literary Inquiry, January 4, 2023, 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/pli.2022.29.
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Literary culture after 1945 took shape in a context where a handful of colonial empires were replaced by (at present count) nearly two hundred sovereign nation-states whose domestic politics, foreign policy, and cultural life were profoundly shaped by their relationship to the Cold War superpowers. One of the striking features of the historiography of this post-1945 world is that its two most salient themes—the Cold War, and decolonization—have so often been treated in isolation from each other. Postcolonialism and Cold War studies have, as Monica Popescu tells us, followed “separate, largely non-intersecting paths” (6). Yet even a superficial summary of the key geopolitical developments of the postwar period suggests that the Cold War and decolonization are not just interconnected, but mutually determining. When you take into account the decolonizing world, in some places afflicted by devastating proxy wars in this period, it must be said (it has often been said) that the Cold War was cruelly misnamed. This dual history has shaped our political language. A term like the West, as it is used in academic debates as well as in political, journalistic, and policymaking fields, developed its particular set of associations by contrast with the communist Eastern bloc on the one hand and with the (post)colonial global south on the other. Yet these two versions of the non-Western don’t always line up: although anticolonial movements often sought to align themselves with the international communist movement, many proudly independent postcolonial nation-states were explicitly anti-communist (like the neoliberal regimes in Singapore and South Korea). Other postcolonies grappled with the Soviet Union or the People’s Republic of China as a colonial power.
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Guo, Yinjuan, Linling Xu, Bingjie Wang, Lulin Rao, Yanlei Xu, Xinyi Wang, Huilin Zhao, Jingyi Yu, Ying Zhou, and Fangyou Yu. "Dissemination of Methicillin-Resistant Staphylococcus aureus Sequence Type 764 Isolates with Mupirocin Resistance in China." Microbiology Spectrum, January 9, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1128/spectrum.03794-22.
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Mupirocin, a topical antibiotic that is commonly used for the nasal decolonization of MRSA and methicillin-sensitive Staphylococcus aureus in hospital settings and nursing homes, was introduced as a highly effective antibiotic against MRSA. Mupirocin acts by competitively binding isoleucyl-tRNA synthetase, thereby disrupting protein synthesis.
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Nasser, Yasser Ali. "Returning to “Asia”: Japanese embraces of Sino–Indian friendship, 1953–1962." International Journal of Asian Studies, June 29, 2021, 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479591421000310.
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Abstract As the Cold War prompted anxieties throughout Asia about the status of postcolonial state-building and decolonization, the possibility of friendship and cooperation between China and India despite their differing political and economic systems inspired hope and political repercussions far beyond their borders. This paper reveals how Japanese commenters, in their analysis of Sino–Indian friendship and both countries' respective political trajectories, saw the two countries as providing a rubric for a new type of politics. Utilizing an array of published, unpublished, and archival sources, I will study how diverse individuals, from the historian Uehara Senroku to burakumin activist Jiichirō Matsumoto, believed that Sino–Indian friendship, unlike the failed project of Japanese imperialism, could unite “Asia” in its struggle against imperialism amid the Cold War and accelerating decolonization. In following this model, they also believed that Japan could escape American hegemony and become “Asian” again. Japanese analyses of “China–India” as offering an “Asian” recipe for overcoming imperialism and navigating bloc politics help showcase how ideas of Asia continued to serve as a space for contemplating political possibilities during the early Cold War, transforming Japan from the region's former tutor to its pupil.
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Shivani, R. "GROWING TENSIONS ON INDIA-CHINA BORDER: VIEW FROM INDIA." Русская политология – Russian Political Science, no. 2(15) (September 1, 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.51180/rps.2020.15.2.009.
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On June 15, 2020, China and India had a border clash in Galwan Valley. Galwan Valley is a disputed territory in the high mountain area of the Himalayas. Although no fi rearms were used and most fi ghting was carried out by using stones and sticks, the clash resulted in human casualties for the fi rst time since 1975. Both countries accused each other’s border patrolling military of transgressing the line of actual control (LAC). The line of actual control, 4057 km long, is the name of the de facto border between India and China: there was in fact never any offi cial legal border between the two countries because “international borders” is not a concept that either Indian or Chinese civilizations developed but rather a result of Western colonization and decolonization of the area.
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Ting, Rachel Sing-Kiat, Louise Sundararajan, Yuanshan Luo, Junyi Wang, and Kejia Zhang. "Resilience revisited: AIDS and resilience among a Yi ethnic minority in Southwest China." Theory & Psychology, April 15, 2021, 095935432110011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/09593543211001114.
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This study attempts to widen the conceptual space of resilience in (Western) psychology in order to better capture the resilience landscape of an ethnic minority group ravaged by the HIV/AIDS pandemic—the Nuosu-Yi in Southwest China. Without decolonizing the construct of resilience, non-Western versions of coping with adversities cannot be properly understood. Our process of decolonization of resilience involved two steps: First, we conducted semistructured interviews with the target population ( N = 21) to take inventory of their Indigenous notions of resilience. Second, for conceptual comparison, we mapped the themes and categories, derived from thematic analysis, of the interview data onto the conceptual space of the Resilience Scale for Adults (RSA), which we used as proxy for mainstream conceptualizations of resilience. This mapping revealed multiple lacunae in the theoretical framework of RSA, and unique properties in the Indigenous approach to adversities in contrast. Far reaching theoretical and practical implications of this investigation are discussed.
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Zhan, Yang. "China in and out of World Anthropologies: Epistemic Politics Amidst Historical Ironies and Contemporary Realities." American Behavioral Scientist, November 29, 2022, 000276422211348. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00027642221134846.
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Since the early 2000s, scholars have proposed the notion of “world anthropologies” to expose the pluralistic nature of anthropology, and to counter the colonial legacy embedded in knowledge production. This paper discusses how anthropological knowledge in and of China contributes to, is distant from, and challenges, such intellectual movement at both intellectual and institutional levels. First, unlike Western anthropology which shifts from colonialism to liberalism and then to postcolonialism, anthropology in China began with a progressive agenda of anti-colonialism, and then leaned toward liberalism. In the context of China’s rise, “China” has been further embroiled in a puzzle of imperialism. This reversed ideological tendency contributes to the disorientation of the critical energy in anthropology focused on China. Second, just as China has taken an active role in the competition for education and research in a globalized, yet uneven academia through discipline construction, anthropology in the West, particularly the United States, has become fff in terms of its intellectual agendas. Many of the younger generation of Chinese anthropologists have become stuck in the disjuncture, struggling to channel their critical energy through engaged scholarship, both within and beyond academic institutions. The epistemic politics in and of China, at both the intellectual and institutional levels, reveals that the post-socialist condition deserves to be reference points in world anthropologies. If decolonization posits treating plural standpoints as equal, then being counted in the decolonizing efforts necessitates subscribing to the dominant framework. Thus, more attention to the post-socialist condition, and ultimately the pluralization of the reference points of political potency, should truly pluralize, and ultimately decolonize, anthropology.
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Kim, Ann H., Elizabeth Buckner, and Jean Michel Montsion. "Introduction to Special Issue." Comparative and International Education 51, no. 1 (November 11, 2022). http://dx.doi.org/10.5206/cieeci.v51i1.15481.
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internationale critically examines where international students from Asia fit within broader initiatives of internationalization, Indigenization and decolonization, and equity, diversity, and inclusion in Canada’s colleges and universities. The goal is to contextualize some of the challenges they face, to understand how they fit within institutional priorities, and to examine knowledges, strategies, structures, and spaces from critical perspectives. The seven papers in this issue, as described in the next section, were selected for their examination and exposition of the connections and disconnections between actors in the domain of international education and for provoking questions about the lack of coherence among internationalization, Indigenization, and equity priorities within institutions. In this section, we offer a justification for the focus on students from Asia, namely India and China, and argue for situating their experiences of recruitment, exclusion, and marginalization within a decolonizing and equity, diversity, and inclusion framework.
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Dian, Matteo. "The rise of China between Global IR and area studies: an agenda for cooperation." Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica, August 16, 2021, 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ipo.2021.31.
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Abstract East Asia is increasingly at the centre of debates among International Relations (IR) scholars. China's political, economic, and military ascendency is increasingly considered as a crucial test case for main approaches to IR. Despite this renewed attention, mainstream theories employed to analyse contemporary Asia are still remarkably Euro-centric. A wave of studies has argued in favour of a broad ‘decolonization’ of theoretical concepts used to analyse East Asia as well as other regions. These efforts have produced several distinct research agendas. Firstly, critical and post-colonial theorists have worked on the par destruens, highlighting the inherent Euro-centrism of many IR concepts and theories. Secondly, scholars such as Buzan and Acharya have promoted the idea of Global IR, seeking to advance a ‘non-Western’ and non-Euro-centric research agenda. This agenda has found fertile ground especially in China, where several scholars have tried to promote a Chinese School of IR. This article has three main purposes. Firstly, it briefly explores the issue of Eurocentrism in IR studies dedicated to East Asia. Secondly, it maps the theoretical debates aimed at overcoming it, looking in particular at the ‘Global IR’ research programme and the so-called Chinese School. Finally, it sketches a few other possible avenues of research for a very much needed cooperation between Global IR and area studies.