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Journal articles on the topic 'Decline of Irish language'

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Published: 10 December 2022

Last updated: 28 January 2023

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1

Harris, John. "The declining role of primary schools in the revitalisation of Irish." AILA Review 21 (December 31, 2008): 49–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/aila.21.05har.

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Although the vast majority of people in Ireland have at least some knowledge of Irish, only a small minority speak it as a community language (in Gaeltacht areas in the west) or in the more widely dispersed Irish-speaking households in the large English speaking area. Primary schools have had a central role in language revitalisation since the late 19th century, by transmitting a knowledge of the language to each new generation. This paper examines how well primary schools have performed in recent decades. Results of a national comparative study over a 17 year period show that there has been a long-term decline in pupil success in learning Irish (speaking and listening) in ‘ordinary’ schools. Proficiency in Irish in all-Irish immersion schools in English-speaking areas have held up well despite rapid expansion. Reasons for the decline in ordinary schools include time pressures in the curriculum, a reduction in Irish-medium teaching, changing teacher attitudes and a lack of engagement by parents. The changing role of the Department of Education and Science in relation to Irish and the rapid evolution of new educational structures, have also have had negative effects. Implications for the revitalisation of Irish are discussed.

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2

Coakley, John. "Geographical retreat and symbolic advance?" Language Problems and Language Planning 45, no. 2 (November 24, 2021): 239–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lplp.00079.coa.

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Abstract Language policy in the Republic of Ireland has an unusual starting point: the geographical base of the Irish language is very weak and territorially dispersed, yet the constitutional status of the language is extremely strong. The article explores this paradox. It sets Irish language policy in two contexts: that of successful nationalist movements mainly in Central and Eastern Europe in the early twentieth century, and that of the struggling Celtic languages of Western Europe. It explores the evolution of the language and its weakening demographic status since the nineteenth century, noting that while its demographic weakness mirrors that of the other Celtic languages, its constitutional entrenchment resembles that of the national languages of Central and East European states. It attempts to explain this by suggesting that the language has played a marginal role in nationalist mobilisation; the language served as a symbol of a specific cultural heritage rather than as the vital lingua franca of the community. The central role of the language in nationalist ideology, however, failed to address the reality of continuing decline in the Irish-speaking districts, notwithstanding the emergence of a sizeable population of ‘new speakers’ of the language outside these districts.

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3

McCAFFERTY, KEVIN, and CAROLINA P. AMADOR-MORENO. "‘[The Irish] find much difficulty in these auxiliaries . . .puttingwillforshallwith the first person’: the decline of first-personshallin Ireland, 1760–1890." English Language and Linguistics 18, no. 3 (October 28, 2014): 407–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1360674314000100.

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Among prescriptivists, the Irish have long had a reputation for not following the rule requiring a distinction betweenshallwith first-person andwillwith other grammatical subjects. Recent shift towardswillwith all persons in North American English – now also affecting British English – has been attributed to the influence of Irish immigrants. The present study of data from theCorpus of Irish English Correspondence(CORIECOR) finds that Irish English has not always preferredwill. Rather, the present-day situation emerged in Irish English between the late eighteenth and late nineteenth centuries. This important period covers the main language shift from Irish to English, and simplification in the acquisition process may account for the Irish English use ofwill.In eighteenth-century Irish English,shallpredominated. Comparison with other colonial Englishes of the period – US English (Kytö 1991) and Canadian English (Dollinger 2008) – and with north-west British English (Dollinger 2008) shows broadly similar cross-varietal distributions of first-personshallandwill. Irish English shifted rapidly towardswillby the 1880s, but was not unusual in this respect; a similar development took place at the same time in Canadian English, which may indicate a more general trend, at least in colonial Englishes. It is thus doubtful that Irish English influence drove the change towards first-personwill.We suggest the change might be associated with increasing literacy and accompanying colloquialisation (Mair 1997; Biber 2003; Leechet al.2009: 239ff.). As Rissanen (1999: 212) observes, and Dollinger corroborates for north-west British English,willpersisted in regional Englishes after the rise of first-personshallin the standard language. Increased use ofwillmight have been an outcome of wider literacy leading to more written texts, like letters, being produced by members of lower social strata, whose more nonstandard/vernacular usage was thus recorded in writing. There are currently few regional letter corpora for testing this hypothesis more widely. However, we suggest that, in nineteenth-century Ireland, increasing literacy may have helped spread first-personwillas a change from below. The shift to first-personwillthat is apparent in CORIECOR would then result from greater lower-class literacy, and this might be a key to understanding this change in other Englishes too.

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4

O'Rourke, Bernadette, and John Walsh. "New speakers of Irish: shifting boundaries across time and space." International Journal of the Sociology of Language 2015, no. 231 (January 1, 2015): 63–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ijsl-2014-0032.

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Abstract While traditional Irish-speaking communities continue to decline, the number of second-language speakers outside of the Gaeltacht has increased. Of the more than one and half million speakers of Irish just over 66,000 now live in one of the officially designated Gaeltacht areas. While “new speakers” can be seen to play an important role in the future of the language, this role is sometimes undermined by discourses which idealise the notion of the traditional Gaeltacht speaker. Such discourses can be used to deny them “authenticity” as “real” or “legitimate” speakers, sometimes leading to struggles over language ownership. Concerns about linguistic purity are often voiced in both academic and public discourse, with the more hybridized forms of Irish developed amongst “new speakers” often criticised. This article looks at the extent to which such discourses are being internalised by new speakers of Irish and whether or not they are constructing an identity as a distinct social and linguistic group based on what it means to be an Irish speaker in the twenty first century.

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5

Conama, John Bosco. "Sense of Community: The Irish Deaf Community." TEANGA, the Journal of the Irish Association for Applied Linguistics 28 (December 9, 2021): 340–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.35903/teanga.v28i.681.

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There is a strong perception among members of the Irish deaf community that the community is in gradual decline, with dwindling traditional bases for producing Irish Sign Language (ISL) users. For instance, enrolments in residential schools for the deaf have been declining steadily, and the numbers involved in social, sports and cultural activities in the community have been falling. Technological advances, consolidation of educational policies for deaf children in mainstream education, and individualisation and increased social mobility have also had an impact on how this community operates. However, there is paltry research on how such changes have affected deaf community cohesion, especially in the Irish context. Therefore, this ongoing research entitled Sense of Community – the Irish Deaf Community, seeks to explore the notion and strength of community belonging amongst the deaf community in Ireland. This project report presents the results of one element of this research, i.e. an online survey study conducted in June 2020. Initial analysis of the results of this survey indicate that ISL is one of the primary bonds holding the Irish deaf community together and that issues that divide the community include trustworthiness, feelings of exclusion, and the notion of leadership.

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6

Mckendry, Eugene. "Irish and Polish in a New Context of Diversity in Northern Ireland’s Schools." Studia Celtica Posnaniensia 2, no. 1 (December 20, 2017): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/scp-2017-0008.

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Abstract While Modern Languages are in decline generally in the United Kingdom’s post-primary schools, including in Northern Ireland (Speak to the Future 2014), the international focus on primary languages has reawakened interest in the curricular area, even after the ending in 2015 of the Northern Ireland Primary Modern Languages Programme which promoted Spanish, Irish and Polish in primary schools. This paper will consider the situation in policy and practice of Modern Languages education, and Irish in particular, in Northern Ireland’s schools. During the years of economic growth in the 1990s Ireland, North and South, changed from being a country of net emigration to be an attractive country to immigrants, only to revert to large-scale emigration with the post-2008 economic downturn. While schools in Great Britain have had a long experience of receiving pupils from diverse ethnic and linguistic backgrounds, firstly from the British Empire and Commonwealth countries, Northern Ireland did not attract many such pupils due to its weaker economic condition and the conflict of the Northern Ireland Troubles. The influx from Poland and other Accession Countries following the expansion of the European Union in 2004 led to a sudden, significant increase in non-English speaking Newcomer pupils (DENI 2017). The discussion in Northern Ireland about a diverse democracy has hitherto concentrated on the historical religious and political divide, where Unionist antipathy led to the Irish Language being dubbed the ‘Green Litmus Test’ of Community Relations (Cultural Traditions Group 1994). Nevertheless, the increasing diversity can hopefully ‘have a leavening effect on a society that has long been frozen in its “two traditions” divide’ (OFMDFM 2005a: 10). This paper will revisit the role and potential of Irish within the curricular areas of Cultural Heritage and Citizenship. An argument will also be made for the importance of language awareness, interculturalism and transferable language learning skills in Northern Ireland’s expanded linguistic environment with a particular focus on Polish.

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7

Doyle, Aidan. "The ‘decline’ of the Irish language in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries: a new interpretation1*." Studia Hibernica 41 (January 2015): 165–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/studia.41.165.

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8

HOUSTON, R. A. "‘Lesser-used’ languages in historic Europe: models of change from the 16th to the 19th centuries." European Review 11, no. 3 (July 2003): 299–324. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798703000309.

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This article charts and tries to explain the changing use of ‘minority’ languages in Europe between the end of the Middle Ages and the 19th century. This period saw the beginnings of a decline in the use of certain dialects and separate languages, notably Irish and Scottish Gaelic, although some tongues such as Catalan and Welsh remained widely used. The article develops some models of the relationship between language and its social, economic and political context. That relationship was mediated through the availability of printed literature; the political (including military) relations between areas where different languages or dialects were spoken; the nature and relative level of economic development (including urbanization); the policy of the providers of formal education and that of the church on religious instruction and worship; and, finally, local social structures and power relationships. The focus is principally on western Europe, but material is also drawn from Scandinavia and from eastern and central Europe.

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9

Bradley, Michael. "Is It Possible to Revitalize a Dying Language? An Examination of Attempts to Halt the Decline of Irish." Open Journal of Modern Linguistics 04, no. 04 (2014): 537–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/ojml.2014.44047.

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10

McLoughlin, Petra, Eleanor Murphy, Fiona O'Sullivan, and Ciara Connellan. "331 Implementation of Community Based Comprehensive Geriatric Assessment and Intervention in a Rural Irish Setting." Age and Ageing 48, Supplement_3 (September 2019): iii17—iii65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ageing/afz103.214.

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Abstract Background The Integrated Care Team for Older People (ICTOP) in Sligo formed in 2018 to provide home based rehabilitation for acutely frail older adults to enable them to continue to live independently. It serves a predominantly rural catchment area with 14.5% aged >65 years versus the national average of 11%.1 An in-home person-centred multi-disciplinary approach is utilized based on the principles of comprehensive geriatric assessment (CGA). This observational study aims to describe the typical user of this service, interventions and outcomes to date. Methods An Excel database was compiled and analysed from CGA of consecutive referrals from June to December 2018. Results Of the 70 referrals studied, 69% resided in rural Sligo, two thirds were female and there was a mean age of 82.3 (range 68-95). The median Rockwood Clinical Frailty Scale level was 6 and the median Timed Up and Go was 28seconds. Hospital in-patients accounted for 58% of referrals with functional deterioration (74%), mobility decline (72%) and cognitive decline (28%) the most frequent referral reasons. Gait imbalance was the most prevalent co-morbidity (77%). There was an average of 4.5 home visits per person. Over 80% of referrals received combined physiotherapy and occupational therapy input, with Clinical Nurse Specialist (CNS) in Dementia involvement in 40%, speech and language therapy in 26% and social work in 15%. CGA identified additional clinical and social needs in 100%, and the team made 217 onward referrals to available community health and social supports. ICTOP referral decreased length of stay by 2.6days and only one patient required long term care. Conclusion The use of a multidisciplinary team providing domiciliary assessments decreased hospital stay, facilitated maintenance of independent living and addressed both identified and un-identified needs in a frail older person’s population. Further evaluation over time is needed to indicate impact on readmission rate.

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11

Quinlan, Mark R., Stephen S. Connolly, and T. E. D. McDermott. "The decline of TURP—An Irish experience." British Journal of Medical and Surgical Urology 2, no. 5 (September 2009): 185–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.bjmsu.2009.05.003.

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12

Blake, James J. "Irish-Language Cultural Communities." Éire-Ireland 30, no. 2 (1995): 162–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/eir.1995.0046.

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13

Tummon Flynn, Paula, David Garbary, Irene Novaczek, Anthony Miller, and Pedro A. Quijón. "The unique giant Irish moss (Chondrus crispus) from Basin Head: health assessment in relation to reference sites on Prince Edward Island." Botany 96, no. 11 (November 2018): 805–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1139/cjb-2018-0081.

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Irish moss (Chondrus crispus Stackhouse) is a red alga that is common in Atlantic Canada. A unique strain of this species, the giant Irish moss, grows in a single location and is under strict protection. Unlike the common coastal form, the giant Irish moss reproduces solely by fragmentation and is found in gametophyte form. A 99.9% decline in giant Irish moss abundance (1999–2012) prompted this study to address two questions: whether the giant Irish moss remains 100% vegetative and gametophytic, and whether such decline is related to factors leading to a reduction in photosynthetic health. Six populations of the common Irish moss strain were compared with two populations of giant Irish moss, and their life history phases determined using a resorcinol method. The common Irish moss populations exhibited a 65%–86% ratio of gametophytic:tetrasporophytic fronds, while both giant strain populations were 100% gametophytic. Photosynthetic efficiency was measured with Pulse-Amplitude-Modulation (PAM) fluorometry and neither giant moss population had significantly different quantum yield values from the littoral populations. Hence, these analyses provided no evidence of giant Irish moss being exposed to particular sources of stress linked to water or habitat quality and alternative factors explaining the decline of this unique strain are proposed.

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14

Ó Duibhir, Pádraig, and Laoise Ní Thuairisg. "Young immersion learners’ language use outside the classroom in a minority language context." AILA Review 32 (December 31, 2019): 112–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/aila.00023.dui.

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Abstract There has been a long history of early Irish language learning in Ireland as a result of Government policy to promote greater use of Irish. All children learn Irish in school from age 4–18 years. The majority learn Irish as a subject, typically for 30–40 minutes per day, and the levels of competence achieved are mostly disappointing. Approximately 6.7% of primary school children learn Irish in an immersion context, however, and these children achieve a high standard of communicative competence. In this paper we examine the impact of Government policy on the transfer of linguistic competence from the classroom to wider society in the context of a minority language that is becoming increasingly marginalised. We draw on data from three studies to explore the relationship between Irish-medium school attendance and the desire and opportunity to use Irish outside of school while attending school, and later as an adult. The first study also investigated students’ attitudes towards learning and using Irish. All three studies examined parents use of Irish in the home and the influence that the language spoken in their home during childhood and the language of their schooling had on their current language practices. Overall, Irish-medium schools are very successful in educating proficient speakers of Irish who have very positive attitudes towards Irish. These positive attitudes and proficiency do not necessarily transfer to use of Irish in the home. While attendance at an Irish-medium school as a child has a positive effect on later use of Irish, when former students become parents, the effect is quite small. The perennial challenge persists in transferring competence in a minority language acquired in school to the home and community.

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15

O'Rourke, Bernadette. "Language Revitalisation Models in Minority Language Contexts." Anthropological Journal of European Cultures 24, no. 1 (March 1, 2015): 63–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ajec.2015.240105.

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This article looks at the historicisation of the native speaker and ideologies of authenticity and anonymity in Europe's language revitalisation movements. It focuses specifically on the case of Irish in the Republic of Ireland and examines how the native speaker ideology and the opposing ideological constructs of authenticity and anonymity filter down to the belief systems and are discursively produced by social actors on the ground. For this I draw on data from ongoing fieldwork in the Republic of Ireland, drawing on interviews with a group of Irish language enthusiasts located outside the officially designated Irish-speaking Gaeltacht.

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16

Hickey, Raymond. "Possible Phonological Parallels Between Irish and Irish English." English World-Wide 7, no. 1 (January 1, 1986): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/eww.7.1.02hic.

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17

Huber, Werner, and Loreto Todd. "The Language of Irish Literature." Modern Language Review 87, no. 1 (January 1992): 157. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3732333.

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18

WALSHE, SHANE. "The language of Irish films." World Englishes 36, no. 2 (June 2017): 283–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/weng.12259.

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19

Ní Ríordáin, Clíona. "Translating Contemporary Irish Language Poetry." Wasafiri 25, no. 2 (June 2010): 20–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02690051003651662.

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20

Geaney, Declan. "Metaphor and the Irish language." Irish Studies Review 4, no. 13 (December 1995): 30–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09670889508455514.

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21

Blake, James J. "Present-day Irish Language Fiction." New Hibernia Review 5, no. 3 (2001): 128–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/nhr.2001.0042.

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22

Fritz, Clemens. "Lonergan. Dymphna (2004): Sounds Irish: The Irish Language in Australia." Zeitschrift für Australienstudien / Australian Studies Journal 20 (2006): 108–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.35515/zfa/asj.20/2006.14.

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23

Conchubhair, Brian Ó. "Capturing the Trenches of Language: World War One, the Irish Language and the Gaelic League." Modernist Cultures 13, no. 3 (August 2018): 382–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/mod.2018.0218.

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While the dominant narrative of Irish nationalism occludes Irish-speakers’ participation in the First World War, the war is a key component of the story of the Irish language in the early twentieth century and is the critical element in understanding Conradh na Gaeilge/the Gaelic League's politicization, radicalization and ultimate demise as one of the most powerful forces in Irish cultural politics. Controversies concerning recruitment and conscription played critical roles in shaping public attitudes within Irish-language discourse. The war not only created the conditions for the League's radicalization but also triggered Douglas Hyde's departure as president in 1915. The Great War politicized the Gaelic League and the British reaction to the Rising helped to establish the relationship between physical force nationalism and the Irish language that has become a familiar feature of the cultural memory of the revolutionary era in early twentieth-century Irish history.

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24

Moriarty, Máiréad. "The effects of language planning initiatives on the language attitudes and language practices of university students." Language Problems and Language Planning 34, no. 2 (June 21, 2010): 141–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lplp.34.2.03mor.

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This paper seeks to gauge the success of language planning initiatives in reversing language shift in Ireland and the Basque Autonomous Community (BAC) amongst Irish and Basque university students who are not first-language speakers of either minority language. By examining data elicited through questionnaires on the students’ language attitudes and practices, the paper aims to uncover the attitudinal support the students exhibit to Irish and Basque respectively and the extent to which these levels of attitudinal support are transferred to actual language use. The resulting data suggest a favourable attitudinal perspective based largely on relevance to ethnic identity. While the data indicate less favourable results with respect to language practices, there are some positive conclusions to be made particularly in terms of the domains in which Irish and Basque language use occurs and the interlocutors involved. For example, the Irish and Basque languages may not form part of the students’ active linguistic repertoire, but there are examples of code-switching in domains from which these languages were traditionally absent.

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25

Stenson, Nancy. "Irish autonomous impersonals." Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 7, no. 3 (August 1989): 379–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf00208102.

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26

Harris, Mary N. "Beleaguered but Determined: Irish Women Writers in Irish." Feminist Review 51, no. 1 (November 1995): 26–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/fr.1995.31.

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A growing number of Irish women have chosen to write in Irish for reasons varying from a desire to promote and preserve the Irish language to a belief that a marginalized language is an appropriate vehicle of expression for marginalized women. Their work explores aspects of womanhood relating to sexuality, relationships, motherhood and religion. Some feel hampered by the lack of female models. Until recent years there were few attempts on the part of women to explore the reality of women's lives through literature in Irish. The largely subordinate role played by women in literary matters as teachers, translators, and writers of children's literature reflected the position of women in Irish society since the achievement of independence in the 1920s. The work of earlier women poets has, for the most part, lain buried in manuscripts and is only recently being excavated by scholars. The problems of writing for a limited audience have been partially overcome in recent years by increased production of dual-language books. The increase in translation has sparked off an intense controversy among the Irish language community, some of whom are concerned that both the style and content of writing in Irish are adversely influenced by the knowledge that the literature will be read largely in translation. Nevertheless, translation also has positive implications. Interest in women's literature is helping to break down the traditional barriers between Irish literature in Irish and in English. The isolation of Irish literature in Irish is further broken down by the fact that women writers in Irish and their critics operate in a wider international context of women's literature.

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27

Gruenais, Max-Peter. "Irish-English." Language Problems and Language Planning 10, no. 3 (January 1, 1986): 272–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lplp.10.3.03gru.

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RESUME L'Anglais-irlandais: Aucun modèle; Un cas La conception répandue selon laquelle une langue en chasserait une autre au cours, et au-delà, d'un processus de colonisation se voit opposer le cas de l'Irlande où se développe, à côté de l'opposition anglais-irlandais, une langue propre, et commune à la communauté au sens le plus large, l'Irish-English. Mais l'existence de cette langue ne saurait constituer un contre-modèle, meme si on peut en decrire les caracteristiques, parce qu'elle est liée à une histoire singulière, ou plutôt à une lecture très orientée du discours de cette histoire. Pour parodier Joyce, l'Irish-English est bien "le miroir fêlé du maître," mais en des sens multiples. RESUMO Irlanda angla: neniu modelo; unu kazo La iom kutima modelo de lingvo kontraǔ lingvo en kolonia situacio, en kiu la lingvo de la kolonianto dominas aǔ anstataǔas la lingvon de la koloniato, sajne ne validas ce Irlando. Kvankam la ekzisto de specifa koloniata lingvo, kiun la aǔtoro nomis irlanda angla, kaj kiu estas nek gaela nek angluja angla, konsistigas nesufican bazon por kon-traǔmodelo, oni povas analizi kaj priskribi irlandan anglan detale, kaj tiu priskribo helpas difini irlandecon profunde lokitan en la historio, aǔ, pli precize, ties forte ideo-logian reprezentiĝon. La irlanda angla ja estas, kelkrilate, "la fendita spegulo de la mastro."

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28

Mathúna, Liam Mac, and Gabrielle Maguire. "Our Own Language - An Irish Initiative." Comhar 50, no. 10 (1991): 15. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25571594.

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29

Mianáin, Pádraig Ó. "Irish: Whose Language Is It Anyway?" Dictionaries: Journal of the Dictionary Society of North America 40, no. 2 (2019): 155–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/dic.2019.0018.

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30

Odlin, Terence. "Irish English Idioms and Language Transfer." English World-Wide 12, no. 2 (January 1, 1991): 175–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/eww.12.2.02odl.

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31

LeMaster, Barbara. "Language Contraction, Revitalization, and Irish Women." Journal of Linguistic Anthropology 16, no. 2 (December 2006): 211–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jlin.2006.16.2.211.

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32

Todd, Loreto. "The death of the Irish language." Journal of Pragmatics 17, no. 3 (March 1992): 280–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0378-2166(92)90008-y.

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33

Ciosáin, Séamus Ó. "Language planning and Irish: 1965–74." Language, Culture and Curriculum 1, no. 3 (January 1988): 263–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07908318809525045.

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34

McMonagle, Sarah. "Finding the Irish Language in Canada." New Hibernia Review 16, no. 1 (2012): 134–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/nhr.2012.0001.

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35

Obler, Loraine K., and Martin L. Albert. "Language Decline in Aging." Dimensions of Language Attrition 83-84 (January 1, 1989): 63–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/itl.83-84.06obl.

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36

Benson, Phillip. "A language in decline?" English Today 6, no. 4 (October 1990): 19–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266078400005083.

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37

Ó Raghallaigh, Brian, Michal Boleslav Měchura, Aengus Ó Fionnagáin, and Sophie Osborne. "Developing the Gaois Linguistic Database of Irish-language Surnames." Names 69, no. 1 (February 15, 2021): 10–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/names.2021.2251.

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It is now commonplace to see surnames written in the Irish language in Ireland, yet there is no online resource for checking the standard spelling and grammar of Irish-language surnames. We propose a data structure for handling Irish-language surnames which comprises bilingual (Irish–English) clusters of surname forms. We present the first open, data-driven linguistic database of common Irish-language surnames, containing 664 surname clusters, and a method for deriving Irish-language inflected forms. Unlike other Irish surname dictionaries, our aim is not to list variants or explain origins, but rather to provide standard Irish-language surname forms via the web for use in the educational, cultural, and public spheres, as well as in the library and information sciences. The database can be queried via a web application, and the dataset is available to download under an open licence. The web application uses a comprehensive list of surname forms for query expansion. We envisage the database being applied to name authority control in Irish libraries to provide for bilingual access points.

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38

Ní Riain, Isobel. "Drama in the Language Lab – Goffman to the Rescue." Scenario: A Journal of Performative Teaching, Learning, Research VIII, no. 2 (July 1, 2014): 115–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.33178/scenario.8.2.11.

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Between 2011 and summer 2014 I taught Irish in the Modern Irish Department of University College Cork (UCC). I spent one hour a week with each of my two second year groups in the language lab throughout the academic year. Ostensibly, my task was to teach the students to pronounce Irish according to Munster Irish dialects. It was decided to use Relan Teacher software for this purpose. My main objective was to teach traditional Irish pronunciation and thus to struggle against the tide of the overbearing influence of English language pronunciation which is becoming an increasing threat to traditional spoken Irish. Achieving good pronunciation of Irish language sounds, where there is strong interference from English, is not easy. For many students there is no difference between an English /r/ and an Irish /r/. Irish has a broad and slender /r/ depending on the nearest vowel. Many students do not even acknowledge that Irish has to be pronounced differently and this is a tendency that seems to be gathering momentum. The question I asked at the beginning of my research was how could I cultivate a communication context in which students would start to use sounds they had been rehearsing in ...

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Pecnikova, J., and A. Slatinska. "Language Maintenance and Language Death: The Case of the Irish Language." Russian Journal of Linguistics 23, no. 1 (2019): 40–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-9182-2019-23-1-40-61.

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Brennan, Sara, and Bernadette O'Rourke. "Commercialising thecúpla focal: New speakers, language ownership, and the promotion of Irish as a business resource." Language in Society 48, no. 1 (October 16, 2018): 125–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047404518001148.

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AbstractThis article draws on ethnographic fieldwork in two Irish towns to examine the mobilisation of the Irish language as a resource for business by new speakers of Irish. We examine how local community-level Irish language advocacy organisations have implemented initiatives to specifically promote the use of Irish in business, primarily as visual commercial engagement with the language paired with the use of thecúpla focal. The article explores how new speakers of Irish understand what might be perceived as the tokenistic mobilisation of Irish and what value they invest in their efforts to use thecúpla focal. We explore tensions over language ownership that emerge as more fluent proprietors of ‘bilingual businesses’ position themselves in relation to the ‘newness’ of these speakers. (Irish, commodification, language ownership, language advocacy, language policy, commercialisation, language in business, new speakers)*

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Mhathúna, Máire Mhic. "Early Steps in Bilingualism: Learning Irish in Irish Language Immersion Pre‐Schools." Early Years 19, no. 2 (March 1999): 38–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0957514990190205.

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McLaughlin, M. Christine. "Indexing Irish grammars." Indexer: The International Journal of Indexing: Volume 19, Issue 2 19, no. 2 (October 1, 1994): 93–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/indexer.1994.19.2.4.

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Seven texts used by approximately 20 adults and teenagers in an informal Irish language class were indexed by a class member with intermediate-level proficiency in the language. One cumulative back-of-book index was chosen as the best format to provide access to information in each text while also gathering information on specific subjects scattered throughout the seven books. The special needs of the user group, as well as idiosyncrasies in the texts themselves, were considered. Both qualitative and quantitative methods were used to evaluate the final product.

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Stenson, Nancy, and Maire Owens. "The Acquisition of Irish." Modern Language Journal 77, no. 3 (1993): 391. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/329131.

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Goldstein, David M. "The Old Irish Article." Journal of Celtic Linguistics 23, no. 1 (January 1, 2022): 1–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.16922/jcl.23.2.

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Although the Old Irish article in is standardly described as a marker of definiteness, it also co-occurs with indefinite nouns. This phenomenon has long been known in the literature, but thus far even an adequate descriptive account of it has proven elusive. This article advances two claims about the distribution of in. First, indefinite referents introduced by in become the focal centre of the discourse. Second, in co-occurs with both definite and indefinite noun phrases because it is a signal to the addressee to retrieve or establish a mental representation of the referent. Although the distribution of in is unusual within Indo-European, it is actually predicted by the reference hierarchy of Dryer (2014). The Old Irish article is thus of particular importance for our understanding of the typology of article systems and referential marking.

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MAKI, HIDEKI, and DÓNALL P. Ó BAOILL. "EMBEDDED TOPICALIZATION IN IRISH." ENGLISH LINGUISTICS 31, no. 1 (2014): 130–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.9793/elsj.31.1_130.

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MAKI, HIDEKI, and DÓNALL P. Ó BAOILL. "CLAUSAL ARGUMENTS IN IRISH." ENGLISH LINGUISTICS 31, no. 2 (2014): 545–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.9793/elsj.31.2_545.

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Carnie, Andrew. "Mixed categories in Irish." Lingua 121, no. 7 (May 2011): 1207–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.lingua.2011.01.013.

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Duffield, Nigel. "Configuring Mutation in Irish." Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 42, no. 1-2 (June 1997): 75–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008413100016832.

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This article offers a unified syntactic treatment of initial mutation in Modern Irish, one of the best-known characteristics of that language. Both types of consonant mutation, as well as the less-studied mutations affecting vowels, are discussed. It is proposed that the appearance of initial mutation is a function of particular structural configurations: mutation is triggered by lexicalized functional heads. It is shown how this analysis applies in three syntactic contexts: before clausal predicates; within noun phrases; and following prepositions. Special attention is given to the problem raised by exceptional forms, and, in particular, to the problem of variable constraints on “spreading” (whereby mutation spreads to following modifiers only in certain instances).

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McCloskey, James. "Irish Existentials in Context." Syntax 17, no. 4 (November 11, 2014): 343–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/synt.12020.

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Jasanoff, Jay H. "OLD IRISH TA1R ‘COME!’." Transactions of the Philological Society 84, no. 1 (November 1986): 132–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-968x.1986.tb01050.x.

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