Academic literature on the topic 'Decentralization in government – European Union countries'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the lists of relevant articles, books, theses, conference reports, and other scholarly sources on the topic 'Decentralization in government – European Union countries.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Journal articles on the topic "Decentralization in government – European Union countries"
1
Slavinskaite, Neringa. "Fiscal decentralization in Central and Eastern Europe." Global Journal of Business, Economics and Management: Current Issues 7, no. 1 (April 12, 2017): 69–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.18844/gjbem.v7i1.1236.
Full textAbstract:
The paper analyses the level of fiscal decentralization (FD) in selected countries of European Union for 2014 year. The empirical analysis was based on the method of multicriteria decision-making. Method of Simple Additive Weighting (SAW) was used as framework for the analysis. In order to evaluate the different level of fiscal decentralization, the same analysis was applied to subsets of countries categorized into two groups - Central and Eastern Countries. The empirical results show that developed countries of European Union has higher degree of fiscal decentralization than countries of Eastern andCentral Europe. These results show that local government of developed countries (such like Sweden or Denmark) has more power for financial solutions then developing countries (Estonia o rPoland). Fiscal decentralization index in Lithuaniais the lowest among 14 countries of European Union. Originality of this article that was used new fiscal decentralization index, which consists of 26 indicators.
2
Halásková, Martina, and Renata Halásková. "Evaluation Structure of Local Public Expenditures in the European Union Countries." Acta Universitatis Agriculturae et Silviculturae Mendelianae Brunensis 66, no. 3 (2018): 755–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.11118/actaun201866030755.
Full textAbstract:
The public sector plays a significant role in securing public needs in a number of countries. The paper aims to evaluate the local public sector by the structure of local public expenditures, emphasizing similarities and differences in EU countries. Attention is paid to the evaluation of local public expenditures by eight functions (general public services, public order and safety, economic affairs, housing and community amenities, recreation and culture, social protection, health, education) in years 2005 and 2015. Local public expenditures by function in the EU are evaluated in connection to lower government levels and fiscal decentralization of expenditures. The evaluation shows that no countries demonstrate similarity of local public expenditures by function, which is associated also with an identical size of fiscal decentralization of expenditures and the number of lower government levels. By contrast, both similarities and differences were proved with respect to the evaluated local public expenditures by the application of multidimensional scaling and cluster analysis. The results have shown that Scandinavian countries represent the most marked differences in the structure of local public expenditures, in comparison to Malta and Cyprus in terms of local public expenditures on social protection, health and education.
3
Sofianou, Eleni, Dimitrios Goulas, Georgia Kontogeorga, and Kassiani Droulia. "Evaluation of the first outcomes of decentralization reform with “kallikratis plan” in greece: The case of Ilida’s municipality." Journal of Governance and Regulation 3, no. 2 (2014): 7–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.22495/jgr_v3_i2_p1.
Full textAbstract:
Many countries, not only in the European Union but also throughout the world, are adopting decentralization reforms in order to empower local communities. Decentralization is the process of transferring authority, responsibility and accountability from central to local governments. To accomplish this, Greek government applied the Law 3852/10 «Kallikratis plan», reforming the local self administration and its duties. The purpose of this paper is to present the results of the conceptual framework analysis of the relation between decentralization and democratic local governance in Greece, to explore opportunities and propose ways to establish or further strengthen democracy at the local level.
4
Babarykina, Nadiia, Oleksandra Demianenko, and Yevhen Mahda. "Decentralization as a global trend of democracy development." Cuestiones Políticas 40, no. 73 (July 29, 2022): 454–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.46398/cuestpol.4073.24.
Full textAbstract:
This research examines the process of decentralization of power as a global trend of democratization. The concept of decentralization of power is revealed and the process of implementation of the reform of decentralization of power in some European countries is highlighted. The relationship between the course of decentralization reform and the index of democracy in countries has been studied. The aim of the research is to identify and analyze the essence, features and experience of decentralization as a global trend of democratization. The realization of the goal requires the solution of the next task - to analyze the experience of decentralization in the context of the development of democracy in the European Union. The solution of research problems became possible due to the use of a complex of general scientific and special research methods. This analytical essay is based on documentary sources. Аnalyzing the principles and results of decentralization of power in European countries in the study we see the growth of democracy. Decentralization causes a global shift in power, as the distance between citizens and government institutions is reduced.
5
Goulas, Dimitrios, and Georgia Kontogeorga. "How the economic crisis in Greece affected the steps in applying e-government at the first degree self government of Greece." Journal of Governance and Regulation 2, no. 4 (2013): 7–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.22495/jgr_v2_i4_p1.
Full textAbstract:
Greece, in the frame of appliance of e-Government, the last years has made significant steps which have changed the way its public services work and especially the local self government, which is represented by municipalities. Many countries, not only in the European Union but also throughout the world, are adopting decentralization reforms in order to empower local communities. In Greece specially, the economic crisis that started from 2009, gave one extra motivation to use decentralization to make local self government more efficient. Decentralization is the process of transferring authority, responsibility and accountability from central to local governments. To accomplish this, Greek government applied the Law 3852 «Kallikratis plan», instituted in 2010, reforming the local self administration and its duties. The purpose of this paper is to present the consequences of this change to the e-government steps that were done before «Kallikratis plan».
6
Benčina, Jože, and Anja Mrđa Kovačič. "The Factor Model of Decentralization and Quality of Governance in European Union." Central European Public Administration Review 11, no. 3-4 (May 9, 2014): 57–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.17573/ipar.2013.3-4.a03.
Full textAbstract:
This paper presents a selection of 43 variables collected from various sources, which are used to describe the concepts of decentralization and quality of governance in the EU countries. Decentralization is analyzed from two aspects, fiscal and political, while the quality of governance is, along with certain real indicators, measured in particular with the opinions of citizens. The aim of the research was to determine the factor structure of selected variables and provide guidelines for using best practices in exploratory factor analysis. The exploratory factor analysis classified the selected variables into three factors of fiscal decentralization (Fiscal decentralization, Fiscal centralization and Government expenditure), three factors of political decentralization (Centripetalism, Regional governance, Federalism) and three factors of quality of governance (Quality of European institutions, Quality of national institutions and Enforcement of EU law). Despite the small population observed, the factors showed quite good characteristics and provided a good starting point for further research. In this manner, it was shown that despite a small population, it is possible to develop factor models of suitable quality by using exploratory factor analysis in the sense of best practices.
7
Tolkmitt, Volker, Iryna Volokhova, and Ruslana Ignatenko. "FINANCIAL DECENTRALIZATION IN UKRAINE IN THE CONTEXT OF EUROPEAN TRENDS." Financial and credit activity problems of theory and practice 4, no. 45 (September 5, 2022): 36–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.55643/fcaptp.4.45.2022.3839.
Full textAbstract:
Decentralization is considered one of the most successful reforms in Ukraine. It has become a decisive factor in the social and economic development of the country. As a result of the reform, a significant amount of powers and sources of financial resources were transferred from the state authorities as close as possible to the people – to territorial communities in the form of local self-government bodies. Decentralization processes are dominant in the developed countries of the world and involve strengthening the financial autonomy of municipalities. However, in contrast to European countries, Ukraine remains a state in which extensive methods of economic development are preserved.The article is devoted to the study of the process of financial decentralization in Ukraine, which was carried out in the context of European trends. It is justified that powers between the levels of power and management should be demarcated according to the principle of subsidiarity. The article analyzes the degree of decentralization of revenues of local budgets of Ukraine and the countries of the European Union. The current system of local taxation in Ukraine has been studied. According to the results of the study, problems related to financial decentralization were identified. The search for ways to increase local communities' own incomes and ways to increase the autonomy of local self-government bodies was carried out. Proposals have been developed to improve the efficiency of tax revenue generation, which aims to help strengthen the financial independence of local budgets at the current stage of development.
8
Jochimsen, Beate. "Federalism in Germany, Italy, and the European Union: History, Characteristics, and Perspectives." Journal for Markets and Ethics 6, no. 1 (June 1, 2018): 145–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/jome-2018-0034.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Federalism is always torn between the principles of subsidiarity and solidarity. Defining the federal structure of a country by finding the welfare-maximizing amount and design of government layers is challenging. Thereby, the financial endowment of different layers of government which they need to fulfill their respective tasks is an important aspect. European countries have chosen quite different federal designs to address the question of an optimal degree of fiscal decentralization. The aim of this paper is to analyze these different approaches for Germany, Italy, and the European Union. Parallels can be found in that all the three entities share a form of institutional asymmetry, a kind of fiscal bailout system, and a sort of fiscal equalization scheme.
9
Kovalevych, L. "Policy of the states of the European Union against sessesionism." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. Geography, no. 64 (2016): 74–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2721.2016.64.13.
Full textAbstract:
The role of domestic policy in solving of inter-regional conflicts and counteracting secessionist processes are disclosed in the article. A mixed populatіon in any area can live either in peaceful coexistence and political stability or in violent conflicts. This is mostly dependent on the internal ethnic policy. Variety of the government’s reactions to the strengthening of centrifugal tendencies in some regions are explored; among which the approval of separatist demands, the advancement of conditions of underprivileged minorities, adoption of “asymmetric federalism”, allowance for minorities to participate in politіcal debate through parliamentary voting, referendums, etc., establishment of a confederation with only limited links between countries are distinguished. Another way to solve regional conflicts is to create a “multinational federation.” The main features of the state policy of the European Union’s countries which have regions with high potential secessionist conflict are analyzed. The necessities of a balanced domestic policy of the government to prevent the escalation of internal contradictions are emphasized. The influence of the form of government on minimizing of inter-regional conflicts is investigating. After correlating data about current regional conflicts and the forms of government of the hosting countries, it was found that the form of government (from unitary to federalism) is not the only decisive factor for solving of regional conflicts. However, taking into account the historical, cultural, linguistic, economic factors, it is important to understand that political mechanisms can give an initial impulse, the first impetus to resolve the conflicts. Therefore, political factors are some of the key one in regularizing of secessionism. Moreover, examples of the successful resolution of regional conflіcts by particular European states are considered. Experience of an effective resolving of regional conflicts in western European countries showed that in all the cases (Switzerland, Germany, Spain and Great Britain) the mechanisms of the institution of parliamentarism and solving of the language issue were used. The geographic decentralization policy of the supreme power (Germany) and legitimization of government decisions through referendums (Switzerland) are equally effective.
10
Kholyavitska, K. S. "Foreign experience of decentralization of power and prospects for Ukraine." Collected Works of Uman National University of Horticulture 2, no. 99 (December 22, 2021): 94–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.31395/2415-8240-2021-99-2-94-103.
Full textAbstract:
The author of the article has outlined the problem of finding the most optimal model of the state for of government, because the necessary condition for stable development of society and effective functioning of the state is to ensure the balance between national interests and the interests of the population of regions and territorial communities. The preconditions, political history and periods of the formation of decentralized power in most European medieval states, scientific positions of national and foreign legal scholars on the expediency of implementing decentralization have been analyzed. It has been found out that the vast majority of Western European countries abdicate the unitary state model by introducing decentralization. The leading idea of reforming is to move the center of solving local issues to the local and, in particular regional level that is achieved by optimizing relations between different levels of territorial organization of power. National traditions, formation and functioning of public agencie in the past, specific features of administrative and territorial structure of the state, existence of autonomous territories, multiethnic population have a significant influence on the formation of the constitutional system on the basis of decentralization in the EU countries. The positive experience Poland, France, Italy, Latvia, Germany and Denmark has been studied. The author has theoretically substantiated that the principle of decentralization has been successfully implemented in the practice of the European Union countries. It has been indicated that the prerequisite for the successful implementation of decentralization processes to create an effective model of governance within the system of decentralized government of Ukraine is: the establishment of the rule of law principle; recognition and guarantees of local self-government; equal legal protection of all forms of ownership; democratic and effective electoral legislation; independence, efficiency, accessibility and transparency of the judicial system, functioning of administrative justice institutions; perfect budget process and high financial discipline; availability of adequate social standards; developed public sector and stable tendency towards its development.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Decentralization in government – European Union countries"
1
Shaw, Kelly B. "The Scottish lobby in contemporary Britain : devolution and European integration /." free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 2002. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p3060143.
Full text
2
KARAGIANNIS, Yannis. "Preference heterogeneity and equilibrium institutions: The case of European competition policy." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/15460.
Full textAbstract:
Defence date: 21 December 2007Examining board: Prof. Adrienne Héritier (EUI)(Supervisor) ; Prof. Christian Joerges (EUI, Law Department) ; Prof. Jacint Jordana (Universitat Pompeu Fabra, Barcelona) ; Prof. Hussein Kassim (Birkbeck College, University of London)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
One characteristic of European competition policy is its complex governance structure. On the one hand, the European competition regulator has always enjoyed a high degree of formal autonomy from national governments. On the other hand, that regulator has always been embedded in a multi-task and collegial organisation that mirrors intergovernmental politics. Although the literature has often disapprovingly noted this complexity, it has not been explained. Part I elaborates on the theoretical lens for understanding the governance structures of EC competition policy. Despite the prominence of principal-agent models, transaction cost economics seems to offer a more promising venue. The assumption that Member States maximise their total expected gains and postpone excessive bargaining costs leads to the following hypothesis: the greater the preference heterogeneity (homogeneity) between Member States, the higher (lower) the asset-specific investments involved, hence the higher (lower) the risk of post-contractual hold-ups, and hence the more (less) integrated the governance structures created to sustain future transactions. Alternatively, this logic leads to a deterministic hypothesis about the sufficiency of preference heterogeneities for the production of complex governance structures. Part II examines this deterministic hypothesis. Using various sources, and conducting both within- and comparative case- studies, it analyses three important cases: the negotiations of the Treaty of Paris (1951), of the Treaty of Rome (1957), and of the two implementing Council Regulations (1962 and 2003). The evidence shows that (a) the relevant actors do reason in terms of transaction cost-economising, and (b) in the presence of preference heterogeneity, actors create complex governance structures. Nevertheless, it is also found that (c) the transaction cost-economising logic is not as compelling as it may be in private market settings, as bargaining costs are not systematically postponed to the post-contractual stage, and (d) the transaction costs between Member States are not the only relevant costs.
3
Prosser, Christopher. "Rethinking representation and European integration." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:1f596c7e-bfb9-43ff-b3e8-2de716f234ec.
Full textAbstract:
In representative democracy the chain of political legitimacy runs from voters to governments through votes cast at elections. In order for representation to occur, political parties must offer distinct policy platforms that citizens consider in their vote choices. This thesis examines whether citizens are adequately represented within the European Union. It finds that although representation on left-right issues occurs, it does not occur for European integration preferences. Over the course its history, European integration has changed from being primarily an economic issue to a social issue. This separation from the primary axis of political competition has increased the need for representation on EU issues directly. Political parties have polarised over European integration providing increased choice, but voters have not engaged with the issue. Examining how voters process party signals about policy positions shows that very few are affected by signals on the EU. Accounting for voters' cognitive biases suggests that the influence of EU issues in European Parliament elections has been overestimated and is non-existent in most member-states. As direct democracy might offer an alternative to inadequate representation this thesis examines why referendums have been held on the EU but finds that they are largely driven by governments' desire to contain the threat of EU issues at national elections, further undermining representation. However, as a result of institutional differences between national and European Parliament elections rather than the emergence of the EU as an electoral issue, the size of party systems at European Parliament elections has grown considerably over successive elections in many member-states, a change that has fed into national party systems. Although representation on EU issues is inadequate, the expansion of European party systems and the redrawing of the lines of political competition offers some hope that representation on EU issues might improve in the future.
4
Li, Xin. "European identity, a case study." Thesis, University of Macau, 2009. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555548.
Full text
5
Harvey, Matthew. "Constituting a Commonwealth for Europe and beyond." Monash University, Faculty of Law, 2003. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/5642.
Full text
6
Carey, Sean D. (Sean Damien). "A Political and Macroeconomic Explanation of Public Support for European Integration." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1997. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278919/.
Full textAbstract:
This study develops a model of macroeconomic and political determinants of public support for European integration. The research is conducted on pooled cross-sectional time-series data from five European Union member states between 1978 and 1994. The method used in this analysis is a Generalized Least Squares - Autoregressive Moving Average approach. The factors hypothesized to determine a macroeconomic explanation of public support for integration are inflation, unemployment, and economic growth. The effect of the major economic reform in the 1980s, the Single European Act, is hypothesized to act as a positive permanent intervention. The other determinants of public support are the temporary interventions of European Parliament elections and the permanent intervention of the Maastricht Treaty in 1992. These are hypothesized to exert a negative effect. In a fully specified model all variables except economic growth and European Parliament elections demonstrate statistical significance at the 0.10 level or better.
7
FERNANDES, Daniel. "Governments, public opinion, and social policy : change in Western Europe." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/75046.
Full textAbstract:
Defence date: 21 November 2022Examining Board: Prof. Ellen Immergut (EUI, Supervisor); Prof. Anton Hemerijck (EUI); Prof. Christoffer Green-Pedersen (Aarhus University); Prof. Evelyne Hübscher (Central European University)
This dissertation investigates how public opinion and government partisanship affect social policy. It brings an innovative perspective that links the idea of democratic representation to debates about the welfare state. The general claim made here is that social policy is a function of public and government preferences. This claim hinges on two critical premises. The first relates to the general mechanisms that underlie government representation. Politicians have electoral incentives to align their actions with what citizens want. They may respond to public opinion indirectly by updating their party agendas, which can serve as the basis for social policy decisions in case they get elected. They may also respond directly by introducing welfare reforms that react to shifts in public opinion during their mandates. The second premise concerns how citizens and politicians structure their preferences over welfare. These preferences fall alongside two dimensions. First, general attitudes about how much should the state intervene in the economy to reduce inequality and promote economic well-being (how much policy). Second, the specific preferences about which social programmes should get better funding (what kind of policy). The empirical analysis is split into three empirical chapters. Each explores different aspects of government representation in Western European welfare states. The first empirical chapter (Chapter 4) asks how governments shape social policy when facing severe pressures to decrease spending. It argues that governments strategically reduce spending on programmes that offer less visible and indirect benefits, as they are less likely to trigger an electoral backlash. The experience of the Great Recession is consistent with this claim. Countries that faced the most challenging financial constraints cut down social investment and services. Except for Greece, they all preserved consumption schemes. The second empirical chapter (Chapter 5) explores how public opinion affects government spending priorities in different welfare programmes. It expects government responsiveness to depend on public mood for more or less government activity and the most salient social issues at the time. Empirical evidence from old-age, healthcare and education issue-policy areas supports these claims. Higher policy mood and issue saliency is positively associated with increasing spending efforts. Public opinion does not appear to affect unemployment policies. vii The third empirical chapter (Chapter 6) examines how party preferences affect spending priorities in unemployment programmes. It claims that preferences on economic intervention in the economy and welfare recalibration affect different components of unemployment policy. Evidence from the past 20 years bodes well with these expectations. The generosity of compensatory schemes depends on economic preferences. The left invests more than the right. The funding of active labour-market policies depends on both preference dimensions. Among conventional parties, their funding follows the same patterns as compensatory schemes. Among recalibration parties, parties across the economic spectrum present comparable spending patterns.
8
Lai, I. Tak. "Towards the EU common migration and asylum policy : challenges or opportunities?" Thesis, University of Macau, 2010. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555551.
Full text
9
Zhang, Lu. "Is the EU a social union? :the function of common social policy for European integration." Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2554777.
Full text
10
IBANEZ, GARZARAN Zyab Luis. "Access to non-vulnerable part-time employment in the Netherlands, Spain and the UK, with special reference to the school and local government sectors." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/12002.
Full textAbstract:
Defence date: 14 December 2007Examining board: Professor Colin Crouch, University of Warwick (EUI Supervisor); Professor Ramón Ramos Torre, Universidad Complutense; Professor Martin Rhodes, University of Denver; Professor Jelle Visser, Universiteit van Amsterdam
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
A large part of the literature on part-time employment stresses that this form of employment contract is the result of employers’ strategies and female employees who need to reconcile work and family life. However, the growth in the number of employees sharing employment and other paid or unpaid interests expands the range and significance of working-time issues. This dissertation claims that where regulation and implementation of working-time transitions are favourable to part-time employment, part-time is likely to expand to more diverse categories of workers than those for whom it was originally intended ( i.e. mothers with caring responsibilities). The research follows a case-oriented comparative approach that draws on documentary information and a total of 48 in-depth interviews with actors’ representatives at three levels: national, sector (education and local government) and organizational, in the UK, the Netherlands and Spain. Initiated in different moments in time, the regulation of working-time transitions appears to follow a similar staged path in the three countries, although the wider institutional context affecting part-time and the active support of main actors varies for each country, especially at the organizational level. In the Dutch case, part-time regulation started off as a mechanism to enable the employment of women with caring responsibilities and, from there, it evolved towards a wider understanding of workingtime flexibility, extending the right to work part-time to other categories of employees. Given the pioneering role of the Netherlands in this area, it could be argued that both the UK and Spain have been following the Dutch example although with different degrees of success. In the Netherlands, after two decades of active support to part-time, there is still a big gender gap among part-timers, and in many sectors and occupations employees face difficulties to change their working hours; still, the general trend seems to be that access to part-time is becoming easier at more sector and occupational levels, in a context where organizations, already facing short full-time working weeks and high percentages of part-time, have been learning to decouple business hours from the different duration of the employees’ shifts. The need to design clear-cut coordination mechanisms that guarantee the steadiness of the service and the 'standardisation' of handing-over procedures, have helped to accept a variety of working-time arrangements. This capacity to dissociate organisations’ operative time from employees’ working hours is also present in British and Spanish 24-hour services, what has favoured exceptional good part-time jobs. However, the political efforts to promote part-time in Spain and the UK are confronted with serious obstacles, their segmented labour forces among them. The long-hours culture in both Spain and the UK, together with the high proportion of temporary contracts in the Spanish case, are the most visible signs of the structural difficulties these two countries face to achieve working-time flexi-curity. In the three countries, there are no clear links between long hours and productivity levels, and the processess that lead to more transparent assessments of work performance seem to facilitate working-time flexibility beyond standard full-time employment contracts. Certainly, different commitments and compromises need to be achieved between conflicting demands and interests about how employees use their own time, but this thesis argues that part-time may help to soften the conflicts between the specialization and hierarchy requirements of the social division of labour and individuals’ time-use autonomy.
Books on the topic "Decentralization in government – European Union countries"
1
L' europréfet: Essai sur une Europe de proximité. Paris: Vrin, 2000.
Find full text
2
Krause, Ulf von. Mehrebenengovernance in der EU: Deutsche Mitwirkung an der Rechtsetzung. Wiesbaden: VS, Verlag fur̈ Sozialwissenschaften, 2008.
Find full text
3
The theory of multi-level governance: Conceptual, empirical, and normative challenges. New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 2010.
Find full text
4
Loughlin, John P. Territorial governance for the 21st century: Contactforum, 16-17 September 2005. Edited by Koninklijke Vlaamse Academie van België voor Wetenschappen en Kunsten and Contactforum "Territorial governance for the 21st century" (16-17 September, 2005 : [Brussels]). Brussels: Koninklijke Vlaamse Academie van België, 2007.
Find full text
5
Devolution in context: Regional, federal & devolved government in the member states of the European Union. London: Cavendish Pub., 2002.
Find full text
6
1944-, Alemann Ulrich von, and Munch Claudia, eds. Europafähigkeit der Kommunen: Die lokale Ebene in der Europäischen Union. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2006.
Find full text
7
Restructuring Europe: Centre formation, system building and political structuring between the nationstate and the European Union. New York: Oxford University Press Inc., 2005.
Find full text
8
Bartolini, Stefano. Restructuring Europe: Centre formation, system building and political structuring between the nation-state and the European Union. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005.
Find full text
9
Challenging the state: Devolution and the battle for partisan credibility : a comparison of Belgium, Italy, Spain and the United Kingdom. New York: Oxford University Press, 2012.
Find full text
10
Policy, performance and management in governance and intergovernmental relations: Transatlantic perspectives. Cheltenham, U.K: Edward Elgar, 2011.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Decentralization in government – European Union countries"
1
Orelli, Rebecca L., Emanuele Padovani, and Eric Scorsone. "E-government, Accountability, and Performance: Best-in-Class Governments in European Union Countries." In Integrated Series in Information Systems, 561–86. New York, NY: Springer New York, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4419-6536-3_29.
Full text
2
Mihr, Anja. "European democracy’s Response to the BRI." In Securitization and Democracy in Eurasia, 375–92. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16659-4_26.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractIn this chapter, I will argue that the 2013 Chinese Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has been neither a curse nor a blessing for democracy. Instead, China’s BRI activities in over 140 countries worldwide have triggered many global and local movements and initiatives that have led alternatively to stronger autocratisation and democratisation in some regions, such as across Eurasia. The quantity of investments under the BRI is not a determinant of whether a country democratises or autocratises.Instead, the BRI and the autocratic leadership of the Chinese government in implementing investments across Eurasia has triggered several countermeasures by the European Union (EU) and the G7. One of these is the Global Gateway Initiative (GGI) which aims to invest in infrastructure and development projects worldwide, but with the key difference that its aim is to promote democratic norms and principles of human rights at the same time. Some of the consequences of the New Cold War between democratic and autocratic political systems including the rising unrest of civil society in the face of autocratic forms of governance and anti-Chinese sentiments, these lead to civil unrest and even wars that destabilise entire regions and countries.
3
Mahmutaj, Noela. "Russian Government Policy in the Western Balkans." In Securitization and Democracy in Eurasia, 125–35. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16659-4_8.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis article aims to explain the nature of Russian foreign policy towards the Western Balkan states, taking into account the role of other actors such as the European Union, an increasingly important player in this radically changed geopolitical context. Since the fall of the communist regime, the Western Balkans have faced major challenges and have been at the forefront of debates on critical issues such as transatlantic relations (with regard to NATO and EU enlargement, as well as EU defence policy and security). In recent times, the Balkan region has come under the influence of the Great Powers. Therefore, as a Great Power, Russia is building a foothold in the Balkans, a move criticized and not welcomed by other countries or actors. Furthermore, Moscow is unique in terms of its range of capabilities, including its “hard” and “soft power.” This article aims to understand and analyse Russia’s policy and strategy in the Western Balkans.
4
van Dijk, Frans. "Independence and Trust." In Perceptions of the Independence of Judges in Europe, 77–92. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-63143-7_6.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThe Chapter examines the trust of the general public in the judiciary at the national and EU-level. The starting point is that the correlation between the independence of the judiciary as perceived by the general public and the trust in the judiciary by the same public is very strong: trust in the judiciary equals trust in the independence of the judiciary. Trust in the judiciary is generally higher than that in parliament and government. However, the trust in the judiciary is generally at the same level as that in the public administration. It is likely that the general public associates the public administration with desirable, fair and impartial implementation of public policies, and not so much with (divisive) policy formation. Thus, it is too simple to conclude that the judiciary performs better than the other powers of the state. High trust in the judiciary is fostered by the nature of the tasks. At the EU-level the differentiation of trust between the three branches of government is much smaller than at the national level. Trust in the European Court of Justice (the supreme court of the European Union) is higher than in the national judiciary at low levels of trust at the national level, and smaller at high levels of trust. Still, trust in the ECJ is higher in countries with a highly trusted judiciary than in countries with a less trusted judiciary.
5
Bakir, Vian, and Andrew McStay. "Defending the Civic Body from False Information Online." In Optimising Emotions, Incubating Falsehoods, 205–46. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-13551-4_8.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractWe have established that false information online harms the civic body, driven by the economics of emotion and the politics of emotion. What should be done about this? Multi-stakeholder solutions have been proffered by various countries’ governmental inquiries into disinformation and fake news, and by supranational bodies including the United Nations, European Union and Commonwealth. This chapter assesses seven solution areas: namely, (1) coercive and non-coercive government action, (2) cybersecurity, (3) digital intermediaries/platforms, (4) advertisers, (5) professional political persuaders and public relations, (6) media organisations and (7) education. As well as being intrinsically difficult areas to solve individually, let alone in concert, the chapter concludes that such solutions merely tinker at the edges as they do not address a fundamental incubator for false information online: namely, the business model for social media platforms built on the economics of emotion.
6
Michailidou, Asimina, Elisabeth Eike, and Hans-Jörg Trenz. "Journalism, Truth and the Restoration of Trust in Democracy: Tracing the EU ‘Fake News’ Strategy." In Europe in the Age of Post-Truth Politics, 53–75. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-13694-8_4.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractTrust in journalism in Europe and beyond has been undermined by a series of scandals, by the closeness of journalists to political parties and government, but also by more frequent attacks against freedom of speech and of the press run especially by populist leaders and new authoritarian governments. In some countries, like Hungary, Poland and Italy, the press freedom index is in steep decline, and governments have also entered a ‘war’ with journalism, putting increasing pressure on the free exercise of the profession, restricting budgets and the autonomy of public service broadcasting. In our chapter, we critically discuss the responses, i.e. counter-strategies, for trust-(re)building that this disruption triggers, from a top-down European Union (EU) policy perspective. We assess the EU’s response to the authoritarian and fake news challenge and discuss the limits of a voluntary (self) regulatory approach in light of public sphere standards.
7
"Local government and decentralization." In Albania and the European Union. I.B.Tauris, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9780755619511.ch-009.
Full text
8
Vaillancourt, Francois, and Richard M. Bird. "Decentralization in European and MENA Countries." In Advances in Electronic Government, Digital Divide, and Regional Development, 1–27. IGI Global, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-4666-9601-3.ch001.
Full textAbstract:
The question considered in this chapter is whether decentralization is likely to hurt or help national unity in “countries at risk.” We begin with a literature review, focusing on three particular questions: the size and number of nations; the determinants of decentralization; and, finally, and bearing most directly on our topic, the links between decentralization and political outcomes. We next set out in capsule form some of the very mixed stories of linkages between decentralization and national unity found in Europe and the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region, before considering more closely the ongoing discussions of secession in three European countries – Belgium, Spain and the United Kingdom. We conclude that the impact of decentralization on national unity is so complex and context-sensitive that no general answers to our initial question emerge: in some instances, decentralization may be an inducement for regions to stay in a country; in others, however, it may prove to be only a way station on the road to the exit.
9
Keating, Michael. "11. Levels of Government." In Comparative European Politics, 227–46. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198811404.003.0011.
Full textAbstract:
This chapter examines the division of power between different levels of government in European countries. Some states are unitary, while others are federal with a constitutional division of power between the centre and the federal regions. Even within unitary states there are local and regional levels of government. The major debates about centralization versus decentralization are reviewed, including arguments about economic efficiency, democratic quality, and equity. The chapter also examines nationalist movements within states and the way they have sought greater autonomy or even secession. Finally, it considers issues of rescaling—that is, the shift of power and tasks across different levels—especially in the context of European integration.
10
Bache, Ian, Simon Bulmer, Stephen George, and Owen Parker. "11. The EU in Crisis (2009–)." In Politics in the European Union, 182–96. Oxford University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780199689668.003.0011.
Full textAbstract:
This chapter examines the eurozone crisis that dominated the period after the Lisbon Treaty was adopted in 2009 and the challenges it presented for European institutions. It shows that the eurozone crisis affected European Union member states in starkly diffrent ways and that acute disagreements emerged over the appropriate reform agenda, particularly between ‘debtor’ and ‘creditor’ countries. The chapter first provides an overview of how the eurozone crisis unfolded before discussing the politics of the crisis and how it led to the increased relevance of intergovernmentalism within the EU, along with national government power in the crisis context. It then considers other developments during this period, including elections to the European Parliament, a further enlargement to include Croatia in 2013, and the launch of ‘Europe 2020’ strategy. It also looks at the United Kingdom’s adoption of a series of measures that raised doubts about its future relationship with the EU.
Conference papers on the topic "Decentralization in government – European Union countries"
1
FERUNI, Nerajda. "MACROECONOMIC INDICATORS OF HAPPINESS: CASE OF THE EUROPEAN UNION COUNTRIES." In Happiness And Contemporary Society : Conference Proceedings Volume. SPOLOM, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31108/7.2021.23.
Full textAbstract:
The aim of this paper is to test empirically the relationship between life satisfaction, another term used for happiness, and macroeconomic indicators such as GDP per capita, which is a proxy for economic growth, unemployment, inflation, income distribution and government expenditure in the European Union countries during the period of 2005-2017. The chosen variables are some of the most significant determinants of economic growth as well. Using the Fixed Effects model, which falls under the Panel Generalized Least Square method, the empirical results are in accordance with the literature review and suggest that unemployment and inflation have negative significant impacts on life satisfaction. Additionally, higher government expenditures and a higher level of economic growth lead to a higher level of life satisfaction in the EU countries, while unfair income distribution leads to a lower level of life satisfaction. Keywords: life satisfaction, macroeconomic indicators, economic growth, EU
2
Baigonushova, Damira, Junus Ganiev, and Mairam Baigonusheva. "Government Support of the Agricultural Sector in the EAEU Countries." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c11.02291.
Full textAbstract:
As it is known, in 2010, a customs union with three participants, Belarus, Russia and Kazakhstan, was formed on the territory of the former Soviet Union. In 2015, the union moved to another stage, the economic union. In 2015, Kyrgyzstan became a full member of this union and is currently trying to adapt to new economic conditions. In particular, the Agricultural Policy Department of the Eurasian Economic Commission is currently actively working on the development and implementation of common agricultural policy. Kyrgyzstan, despite the limited territory for agricultural production, is an agricultural country and has a comparative advantage in this sector. Therefore, the country should take an active role in the development of a common agricultural policy and create favorable conditions for the development of the own agrarian sector and use advantages. The purpose of this work is to analyze the developed plans and policies of the Agricultural Policy Department of the Eurasian Economic Commission, as well as conduct a comparative analysis with the common agricultural policy of the European Union, and at the end to make proposals.
3
Golem, Silvia, and Ivana Žegarac. "Can Fiscal Decentralization Reduce the Public Sector Size in Europe: An Empirical Study." In 6th International Scientific Conference – EMAN 2022 – Economics and Management: How to Cope With Disrupted Times. Association of Economists and Managers of the Balkans, Belgrade, Serbia, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31410/eman.2022.5.
Full textAbstract:
The main aim of this paper is to test the Leviathan hypothesis; namely, that fiscal decentralization reduces the size of public sector, using panel data analysis, and employing data for twenty European countries over the period 1999-2016. The Leviathan hypothesis suggests a negative relationship between the public sector size and fiscal decentralization. In the empirical literature, however, there is no clear consensus on whether fiscal decentralization actually reduces the public sector size. Some authors suggest that the effects of fiscal decentralization are quite the opposite – given that the sub-national authorities are better informed about their citizens’ preferences, the decentralized provision of public goods might be more efficient and better tailored to the citizens’ preferences, which can actually increase the local demand for public services, and hence, the size of the public sector. This research finds no evidence that fiscal decentralization has any effect on the size of the government.
4
Tashevska, Biljana, Marija Trpkova – Nestorovska, and Suzana Makreshanska – Mladenovska. "IS THERE A DOMINANCE OF SOCIAL PROTECTION EXPENDITURE IN THE EUROPEAN UNION?" In Economic and Business Trends Shaping the Future. Ss Cyril and Methodius University, Faculty of Economics-Skopje, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47063/ebtsf.2020.0003.
Full textAbstract:
European welfare states, with their comprehensive and generous welfare model, create the largest part of general government expenditures in the European Union member countries. Given the rising trend of social expenditure and the long-run challenges coming from population ageing, this paper addresses the issue of social dominance, a situation in which, particularly when facing limited fiscal space, social expenditure could crowd-out other productive public expenditures, thus undermining growth potentials and possibly threatening fiscal sustainability. Using a panel regression analysis, the aim of the paper is to test whether social protection expenditure has crowded-out expenditures on other purposes in the European Union in the period 1995-2018. The results provide some evidence of crowding-out of infrastructure spending and education spending. Additionally, deficit financing and rising government debt have a significant adverse effect on spending on infrastructure, education and core public services, confirming that they are more prone to cutbacks in times of deteriorating public finance. These findings, along with the long-run fiscal pressure from the ‘greying population’ and the high political costs of welfare reforms suggest significant future risks of social dominance.
5
Vitez Pandžić, Marijeta, and Jasmin Kovačević. "REGULATORY SYSTEMS OF SELECTED EUROPEAN UNION MEMBER STATES IN COVID-19 PANDEMIC MANAGEMENT AND LESSONS FOR THE FUTURE." In EU 2021 – The future of the EU in and after the pandemic. Faculty of Law, Josip Juraj Strossmayer University of Osijek, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.25234/eclic/18360.
Full textAbstract:
The European Union (EU) actively responded to the pandemic and the consequences of the pandemic in different areas of human activity (health, economic, social, etc.) adopting a series of regulations, measures and guidelines in different fields. EU member states acted in accordance with EU regulations and within their own legal system and the management structures. The aim of this paper was to analyze ten selected EU member states and their regulatory responses in the approach to pandemic control in relation to the mortality rate per million inhabitants on January 15, 2021. The following hypothesis was set: The regulatory systems and management structures of selected EU member states in the framework of the management of the COVID-19 pandemic have been successfully set up and implemented and have contributed to the lower mortality rate per million inhabitants until January 15, 2021. Ten EU countries were selected for the study according to their mortality rate per million inhabitants on January 15, 2021. Besides Croatia (average mortality), research included three member states with high (Belgium, Slovenia, Czechia), three with average (Hungary, Austria, Slovakia) and three with low mortality rate per million inhabitants (Ireland, Denmark, Finland). All available data from EU and ten selected countries were collected and analysed: about legal framework for crisis management, regulatory powers, level of decentralization in the health care system and whether the timeline of the pandemic control criteria according to the Institute for Health Metrics and Evaluation (IHME) was adequately set. Data were analysed in Microsoft Office Excel. Given the obtained results, hypothesis can be considered only partially proven. The legal framework used by studied EU countries for adopting pandemic control measures was not consistently associated with morality rate in this research. All studied EU countries used legal framework that existed prior to the COVID-19 pandemic, four of them had states of emergency provided in the Constitution (Czechia, Hungary, Slovakia and Finland), four of them effectively declared statutory regimes (Slovenia, Hungary, Croatia, Slovakia), and Belgium adopted pandemic control measures using special legislative powers. Three studied countries (Austria, Denmark, Finland) had high level of decentralised decision making in health sector and lower COVID-19 mortality rate. In the first pandemic wave (start in March, 2020) all studied countries respected the timeline in adopting pandemic control measures according to the IHME criteria. In the second pandemic wave (start in October, 2020) only four countries (Czechia, Ireland, Denmark, Finland) respected the timeline in adopting pandemic control measures and three (Ireland, Denmark, Finland) were in low mortality group. Within the concluding considerations of the studied countries and in their pandemic management models, Finland and Denmark were recognised as the most successful with lowest COVID-19 mortality rates. Long tradition of Public Health, decentralized health care decision-making, high level of preparedness in crisis management and adequate timeline in implementation of the pandemic control measures led to lower mortality in COVID-19 pandemic. In the future EU could take even more active role within its legal powers and propose scientific based approach in crisis management to help countries implement measures to preserve lives of EU citizens.
6
Tunçsiper, Bedriye, and Ömer Faruk Biçen. "The Effects of European Debt Crisis on Turkey’s Exports." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c04.00827.
Full textAbstract:
The crisis that arose in Greece at the last quarter of 2009 affected the countries that have heavily government debt like Spain, Portugal, Italy and Ireland as soon as 2008 Global Financial Crisis originating from USA Mortgage Markets affect European Union (EU) countries under heavily debt burden. The effects of that crisis in the short run are demand shrinking and decrease in export. Turkey, which has important economic relations with EU countries in the last fifty years, is the primary country that can be negatively affected from demand shrinking in Europe. Turkey that indirectly experience 2008 global financial crisis because of the decrease in export volume in Europe also seem fatefully affected in this crisis. This article aims to determine the effects of the crisis to Turkey’s export ampirically in the EU countries that have the lion’s share in the Turkey’s export markets. As well, it is trying to explain whether this crisis affects over-all Europe or not.
7
Ahmadov, Vusal. "Successes and failures in Hungarian family businesses." In The European Union’s Contention in the Reshaping Global Economy. Szeged: Szegedi Tudományegyetem Gazdaságtudományi Kar, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/eucrge.2020.proc.11.
Full textAbstract:
The Small and Medium-Sized Enterprises (SMEs) are a necessary element of the social and economic development of the national economy from the perspective of their significant contribution to employment, innovative capacity, and flexibility. Innovative SMEs are necessary building block in the restructuring of transition economies. The successful reformers of the Central and Eastern Europe countries can promote policies conducive to the development of innovative SMEs, and consequently benefit from the economic advantages of SMEs. However, the majority of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) countries are lagging behind significantly. This paper gives the analytical description of the development of SMEs in post-socialist countries during the transition process within the framework of the market reforms. The main barriers to growth of SMEs with innovation capacity are the institutional environment, and the inadequate attitude of the government towards small companies. The countries which integrated to European Union been able to overcome these barriers considerably, while the CIS countries do not have a record of significant achievement in this area.
8
Stepina, Mairita, and Modrite Pelse. "European Union funding support to Latvian municipalities for degraded areas revitalization." In Research for Rural Development 2022 : annual 28th international scientific conference proceedings. Latvia University of Life Sciences and Technologies, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.22616/rrd.28.2022.033.
Full textAbstract:
The formation and existence of degraded areas is one of the consequences of civilization, which has a negative impact on both the environment and economic development in the municipality. The problem of degraded areas has been faced by all countries worldwide, including Latvia, when as a result of the change of the state political system in the 1990s after the collapse of the Soviet system, a large number of inactive production companies appeared, resulting in a significant number of polluted / degraded areas. To solve the existing problem, local governments in Latvia use European Regional Development Fund (ERDF) funding under the Operational Program ‘Growth and Employment’ 5.6.2, specific support objective ‘Revitalization of territories by regenerating degraded areas in accordance with local government integrated development programs’ (SSO 5.6.2) to ensure the sustainable development of the territory by revitalizing degraded areas. In the implementation of projects, local governments must ensure the fulfilment of the indicators planned in the projects in the following groups of indicators: the area of degraded areas has been renewed, adapted for the location of new businesses or expansion of existing businesses in order to promote employment and economic activity in local governments; new jobs created in supported areas; non-financial investments made by businesses located in the supported territory in their own intangible investments and fixed assets. Therefore, it is necessary to evaluate the indicators of the implemented projects in order to be able to draw conclusions about the financial aspects of the project implementation and the progress of the project implementation.
9
Niftiyev, Ibrahim. "A comparison of institutional quality in the South Caucasus." In The European Union’s Contention in the Reshaping Global Economy. Szeged: Szegedi Tudományegyetem Gazdaságtudományi Kar, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/eucrge.2022.9.
Full textAbstract:
Much has happened in the three countries of the South Caucasus-namely, Azerbaijan, Georgia, and Armenia-since the collapse of the Soviet Union. Political events, institutional reforms, and economic development have resulted in greater economic welfare in these countries after the painful transition period of the 1990s. However, it remains to be seen whether they have achieved any solid results or whether they still have much to accomplish. While the answer is ambiguous, each country has followed a different political, geopolitical, economic, and institutional path and achieved different economic outcomes despite their close geographical proximity to each other. This paper compares the available data on economic and institutional quality in Azerbaijan, Georgia, and Armenia to portray the overall situation in terms of changes in institutional patterns. Then, special attention is given to Azerbaijan, as the country is considered to be oil-rich and thus resource-dependent. A comparative perspective on institutional quality suggests that Georgia has been a leading country in terms of institutions and effective bureaucracy-building, despite having lower economic indicators compared to Azerbaijan. Moreover, while Armenia is positioned between Georgia and Azerbaijan in terms of institutional quality, its economic growth is similar to Georgia's. Lastly, institutional variables (e.g., control of corruption, rule of law, and government effectiveness, and human rights) in Azerbaijan are negatively correlated with oil-related variables. This result aligns with the natural resource curse and Dutch disease theories, which posit that oil boom periods in mineral-rich countries are associated with a deterioration in institutional quality, thereby leading to slower growth. Also, the results are important to build up analytical frameworks to address the Dutch disease or resource curse studies in the case of Azerbaijan in a comparative manner with oil-poor countries even if the scope is limited to the South Caucasian former Soviet Union countries.
10
Diril, Funda. "Comparison of Fiscal Reforms in Some South and East European Transition Economies." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.01014.
Full textAbstract:
The aim of this paper is to compare fiscal reforms of some of the transition economies in Balkans including The Republic of Macedonia. Since 1990’s former planned economies, which are in the process of economic transformation into market economy have carried out several reforms. During this economic transformation process both the effects and the results of these reforms vary according to the difference between the needs of structural change in each country. In this study, some of the selected transition economies in Balkans are analyzed: Some of the recent members of European Community in Balkans and The Republic of Macedonia are examined in comparison. Analysis of fiscal reforms of these transition economies are evaluated in several headings in reference to the macroeconomic statistics created by international organizations such as OECD, EC and IMF and policy suggestions are proposed accordingly. The government deficit, government debts and tax policy are the significant part of these reforms. Several strategies are implemented in developing support systems for competitive environment and private ownership. Economic shrinkage, current account deficit, low foreign capital and government deficit indicate economic weakness in these countries. The Czech Republic, Bulgaria, The Republic of Macedonia, Romania and Hungary face fiscal problems such as economic shrinkage, debt service and government deficit during the transition process. As being the candidate country for European Union accession; The Republic of Macedonia is approaching to the Maastricht Criteria and has better outcomes in public debt compared to the other countries given above.
Reports on the topic "Decentralization in government – European Union countries"
1
Jones, Emily, Beatriz Kira, Anna Sands, and Danilo B. Garrido Alves. The UK and Digital Trade: Which way forward? Blavatnik School of Government, February 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-wp-2021/038.
Full textAbstract:
The internet and digital technologies are upending global trade. Industries and supply chains are being transformed, and the movement of data across borders is now central to the operation of the global economy. Provisions in trade agreements address many aspects of the digital economy – from cross-border data flows, to the protection of citizens’ personal data, and the regulation of the internet and new technologies like artificial intelligence and algorithmic decision-making. The UK government has identified digital trade as a priority in its Global Britain strategy and one of the main sources of economic growth to recover from the pandemic. It wants the UK to play a leading role in setting the international standards and regulations that govern the global digital economy. The regulation of digital trade is a fast-evolving and contentious issue, and the US, European Union (EU), and China have adopted different approaches. Now that the UK has left the EU, it will need to navigate across multiple and often conflicting digital realms. The UK needs to decide which policy objectives it will prioritise, how to regulate the digital economy domestically, and how best to achieve its priorities when negotiating international trade agreements. There is an urgent need to develop a robust, evidence-based approach to the UK’s digital trade strategy that takes into account the perspectives of businesses, workers, and citizens, as well as the approaches of other countries in the global economy. This working paper aims to inform UK policy debates by assessing the state of play in digital trade globally. The authors present a detailed analysis of five policy areas that are central to discussions on digital trade for the UK: cross-border data flows and privacy; internet access and content regulation; intellectual property and innovation; e-commerce (including trade facilitation and consumer protection); and taxation (customs duties on e-commerce and digital services taxes). In each of these areas the authors compare and contrast the approaches taken by the US, EU and China, discuss the public policy implications, and examine the choices facing the UK.