Journal articles on the topic 'Debating Council'

<p>Shura as the system of representation of the Muslim’s voice in, typically, the<br />Islamic state is often confronted with the West representation system namely<br />Democracy. Some Islamic scholars believe that Shura is still the best system for<br />Muslims to vote for their need in the state. However, as Islam is not a monolithic<br />doctrine, some other Muslim groups have another alternative view to represent<br />their political opinion to the state by, surprisingly, practicing democracy. In brief,<br />Shura is still placed God instructions as the reference of all decisions which are<br />made in the council. Otherwise, democracy merely stands its policy on the people.<br />Both systems have a long tradition processes to find their recent way in this<br />global age. And the British Muslims have to realize that they live in a developed<br />country like Britain and still have to be Muslim. Giving challenging condition, Hizbut<br />Tahrir, Tablighi Jama’at, and Muslim Council of Britain, three prominent Muslim<br />Organizations in England, have different attitude towards democratic Britain to<br />voice their representation. On the one hand, Hizbut Tahrir strictly rejects the idea<br />of democracy as its goal is to establish the Islamic Caliphate in the world. And on<br />another hand, Tablighi Jama’at tends to stay away from the political issue, including<br />its representation, as the core of this organization is only preaching in a<br />peaceful way. Finally, Muslim Council of Britain as the umbrella of small-medium Muslim organizations in England, in fact is involving in the system of British democracy.<br />Shura sebagai sistem perwakilan seringkali diperbandingkan dengan sistem<br />perwakilan Barat, yaitu demokrasi. Beberapa tokoh umat Islam percaya bahwa<br />shura masih merupakan sistem perwakilan yang terbaik untuk menyuarakan<br />keinginan umat Islam terhadap negara. Namun demikian, karena Islam bukan<br />merupakan doktrin yang kaku, ada beberapa kelompok Muslim lain yang memiliki<br />pandangan berbeda di dalam mengemukakan aspirasi politiknya terhadap negara,<br />yang justru menggunakan sistem demokrasi. Secara singkat, sistem shura masih<br />menempatkan ajaran-ajaran Tuhan sebagai acuan untuk memutuskan segala<br />persoalan dalam dewan. Sedangkan demokrasi membuat kebijakan semata-mata<br />berdasarkan pada suara manusia. Kedua sistem ini memiliki proses tradisional<br />yang panjang untuk mencapai bentuknya seperti sekarang ini. Sementara itu,<br />Muslim Inggris harus menyadari bahwa mereka hidup di negara maju dan harus<br />tetap ber-Islam. Menghadapi kondisi yang menantang ini, tiga organisasi Islam<br />terkemuka di Inggris seperti Hizbut Tahrir, Tablighi Jama’ah, dan Muslim Council<br />of Britain memiliki sikap berbeda untuk menyatakan suara mereka terhadap<br />pemerintah Inggris yang demokratis. Satu sisi, Hizbut Tahrir dengan keras menolak<br />ide demokrasi dikarenakan cita-cita mereka adalah mendirikan kekhalifahan Islam<br />di dunia. Sementara di sisi yang lain, Tablighi Jama’ah cenderung menghindari<br />isu politik, termasuk keterwakilan mereka. Terakhir, Muslim Council of Britain<br />yang merupakan payung bagi organisasi-organisasi Islam kecil-menengah di<br />Inggris pada kenyataannya ikut serta di dalam sistem demokrasi Inggris.</p><p> </p>

Following the decision of the Learned Council and the Plan of Academic Development the Student Academic Society (SAS) was organized whose first action was to create the Student Debating Club which plans to make regular screenings of Russian and foreign films with their subsequent discussion. The Student Debating Club is going to analyze the essential artistic and cultural problems. And because on of the most important directions of the SAS is students' research work, active cooperation with student societies of other universities is intended which presupposes invitations to the screenings and discussions and realization of mutual creative projects. At present the plan for the next year is being worked out

This article explores a series of doctrinal disputations held in early Islamic Egypt, and known through the Hodegos of Anastasius of Sinai (fl. c. 670–c. 700). Using the text's prosopographical and contextual cues, it argues that these disputations occurred in the 680s, in the aftermath of Constantinople's Sixth Ecumenical Council (680/1), the decisions of which had thrown the Chalcedonian Christians of the caliphate into conflict and schism. In 686, it is argued, Anastasius had confronted the famed Edessene and Severan Athanasius bar Gūmōyē before the Marwānid prince ‘Abd al-'Azīz at Fusṭāṭ, and there been defeated. That defeat is indicative of the new-found position of the Egyptian Severan Church, which now flourished under Marwānid patronage.

ABSTRACTPeace with Spain was debated by Elizabeth I's government from 1598, when France and Spain made peace by signing the Treaty of Vervins. Robert Devereux, second earl of Essex was zealously hostile to accommodation with Spain, while other privy councillors argued in favour of peace. Arguments for and against peace were, however, also articulated in wider contexts, in particular in a series of manuscript treatises, and also in printed tracts from the Netherlands, which appeared in English translation in the late 1590s. This article explores ways that ideas of war and peace were disseminated in manuscript and printed media outside the privy council and court. It is argued that disagreement about the direction of the war reveals differing contemporary responses to the legitimacy of the Dutch abjuration of Spanish sovereignty and the polity of the United Provinces, which have implications for our understanding of political mentalities in late Elizabethan England.

Not all accounts of Vatican II, 1962–65, recognize that the 200 carefully selected non-Roman Catholic Observers had a considerable influence on the Council and on its major documents about the Church, Church unity, liturgy, the Jews and religious freedom. Their impact is assessed both by Roman Catholic theologians like Congar and Willebrands and Observers such as Bishop Moorman and Robert McAfee Brown together with comments Karl Barth later made on some of the documents in his discussions with Pope Paul VI and others, including Ratzinger and Rahner in Rome. An attempt is made to explain how the Observers had the influence they did. One conclusion is that they helped the Council evolve from what could have been a purely domestic affair and a rubber-stamping exercise dealing with 70 documents, already prepared by the Curia, and Commissioners appointed by the Pope, into a genuinely ecumenical, deliberative, debating and decision-making council of the worldwide Church.

The decision by the EU Council of Heads of State or of Government at the beginning of May, that eleven Member States would form an Economic and Monetary Union on 1 January 1999, occasioned little surprise: financial markets and economic commentators had become increasingly convinced over the preceding months that EMU would start on time with a membership extending beyond the six ‘core’ countries—France, Germany, the Benelux countries and Austria—to include also Finland, Ireland, Italy, Portugal and Spain. What was not widely expected was that the ECOFIN and HoSoG Councils on 1–2 May appear to have spent little time debating the economic case for including each of the eleven countries but to have been preoccupied instead with a heated political row about who should be appointed President of the European Central Bank.This note assesses the possible consequences that this cavalier approach to the vital question of membership of monetary union might have for the conduct of policy in Stage 3 and the future viability of EMU. It examines the economic evidence that had been presented to the Councils to see whether their judgement that the economies of all eleven countries are sufficiently convergent is warranted. It also considers whether the unseemly compromise through which the dispute about the ECB Presidency was resolved will prejudice the political independence of the ECB in its conduct of monetary policy.

The United Nations Security Council (UNSC) has failed the COVID-19 test, unable to promote or facilitate multilateral cooperation in dealing with the outbreak. This is worrying given its relevance as a principal organ of the United Nations (UN) that could enable or constrain international cooperation and given the need for such cooperation in responding to the COVID-19 pandemic. The failure of the UNSC to respond adequately to the COVID-19 pandemic highlights the historical limits of the UNSC as a forum for international cooperation. It also suggests that highlighting and debating UNSC reforms are not sufficient or even productive ways to move forward, especially in the context of the challenges that pandemics and climate change represent for global cooperation. It is far from clear if the UN system can change the global structures on which it was built. What does seem clear is that the UNSC is not where one will find the seeds of change for reimagining global order.

ABSTRACTThis article explores the politics of race and education in early twentieth-century urban Senegal, focusing on the exclusion of African students from certain schools and on the political controversy that grew out of a 1909 education reform. Based on letters from officials, politicians, and African residents, along with minutes from the General Council, it suggests that changes in urban society and colonial policy encouraged people to view access to schooling in terms of race. This article argues that in debating segregation and education quality, residents contributed to a discourse on race that reflected an increasing racial consciousness in the society at large.

On December 18, 2022, an interdisciplinary Expert Council was held in St. Pe­ter­sburg, dedicated to the debatable issues of anticoagulation in the prevention of venous thromboembolism in pregnant women with cardiovascular and systemic diseases, at which a number of proposals and guidelines were adopted, and the results of the Highlow study were considered. Leading experts from the Russian Society of Cardiology, the Russian Society of Obstetricians and Gynecologists, the National Association of Specialists in Thrombosis, Clinical Hemostaseology and Hemorheology took part in the Expert Council.

At a critical moment during the Napoleonic era, the stockbrokers of Paris were summoned before the Council of State to defend themarché à terme, or futures contract in public debt. Surprisingly, despite official disdain and ample legal opportunity for prohibition, the brokers’ argument was successful, and themarché à termeescaped repression. The defense of themarché à termeturned on the nature of property. To critics, it divided property from possession, severing property from any concrete anchors. Advocates, by contrast, pointed to the inherent abstraction of property encoded in legal norms. These debates helped shape a concept of property in which economic utility, legal validity, and moral grounding converged. As a central pillar of the new regime, this concept of property also constrained political authority. The successful defense of themarché à termeshows that property was a right that not even authoritarian regimes could restrict arbitrarily.

Introduction. Contemporary Russian-U.S. relations have reached freezing point, but expert community continues to analyze possibilities and produce recommendations for the Russian policy of the incoming administration. The study of the debate is important not only for the political and diplomatic purposes but also for better understanding of the mechanisms shaping Russia’s image in the United States. Methods and materials. The article provides an analysis of the exchange of expert opinions published in the USA in August – November of 2020, including five open letters published on Politico web site, report of the Atlantic Council and several articles addressing similar themes on the pages of American periodicals. Analysis. Texts of the letters are analyses for their argument and recommendations and compared between each other. The author underlines the difference between the groups of the signatories, depending on their relative experience in working in and on Russia or in the Eastern Europe and suggests correction to the Tsvetan Todorov’ approach to the understanding of links between knowledge about and practice towards the “Other”. Results. The author notes the existence of the centuries-old legacies of the American approaches to Russia: similar descriptions of Russia persist from the late 19th century to 2020. He also highlights an absence of a Russian position in the debate, while positions of Eastern Europeans and Ukrainians were provided by separate letters.

The recent debate in Germany about nuclear sharing confirmed the broad support among decision-makers for continued involvement in the political dimension of NATO’s sharing arrangements, i. e., participation in the Alliance’s nuclear consultative bodies. At the same time, German decision-makers hold divergent views on continued participation in the operational and technical aspects of nuclear sharing. Russia’s arsenal of approximately 2,000 tactical nuclear weapons is of great concern to Germany and many in Berlin are worried that Russia is systematically expanding its nuclear arsenal. German decision-makers and the government support NATO’s dual-track policy of deterring and engaging Russia. German policy-makers’ arguments on the added military value of forward-deployed US nuclear weapons remain vague and there are few specific ideas about what type of arms control would be best suited to reduce the role and number of tactical nuclear weapons in Europe. There are four frameworks in which tactical nuclear weapons could be discussed with Russia, namely the nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT), other multilateral fora, the Russian — US bilateral dialogue on strategic stability, and the NATO — Russia Council. If Russia is serious about reducing the role and number of nuclear weapons in Europe, it should accept the reciprocity paradigm and drop some worn-out demands and positions that have little relevance for political debates around arms control in Berlin and elsewhere.

Globally, parliament’s role in influencing policies is immense. In Kenya, the role of the national assembly in determining the direction and results of foreign policies, although, blurred cannot be underestimated. Kenya became a British protectorate in 1895 with a limited representation of Africans in the legislative Council (LegCo). The role of this minority group in influencing foreign policy, though, rarely documented need not be underestimated. The group threw Kenya into the world map and between 1900-1963, major foreign policy debates in the Council revolved around when and how Kenya was to become a self-governing entity. After gaining independence, new members of parliament had a herculean task of dealing with immediate local needs and debating and most importantly influencing important foreign policies including policies on health, education, debt burden, settler issues and representation of minority groups including whites in the House. With a change of guard from a white-dominated to an almost all African-black faces, the national assembly played an important role in ensuring that policies on health, education, security, trade as well as crafting the path on which foreign policy would take. This paper begins by tracing the evolution of parliament in the colonial administration and reviews the role that Kenyan Parliament played in influencing foreign policy from 1900 to 1978. The paper identifies the actors, their roles and the political context within which these actors and structures operated.

Because of the systemic connections between soils and many other issues, the attention that is actually paid to soil issues is far greater than is immediately apparent. In many countries, scientists, public servants and politicians are debating sequestration of carbon in soils, deforestation and other land management matters which impact the soil, the atmosphere and the human interests bound up in these.This special edition arose from a workshop held in Iceland in 2012, supported by the Australian Research Council and hosted by the Icelandic Soils Service. It brought together researchers and practitioners with expertise and interest in the human dimensions of natural resource governance. An aim was to generate fresh perspectives on how to govern human behaviour, to improve the sustainability and fairness of our use of the land. The team included experts and practitioners in soil issues, community engagement, psychology, sociology, economics, law and other disciplines from many countries. The papers in this special edition reflect issues that have also been canvassed in other investigations. These papers provide some different perspectives as well as reinforcing some common themes.

The current round of local government modernisation in England, which commenced in 1997, has focused primarily on three main areas—new council constitutions, e-government, and performance. However, a fourth strand of initiatives relates to the power of well-being and the duty to prepare a community strategy, in partnership with a local strategic partnership. Academic commentators and planners, who have been focusing on the proposed UK planning reforms as contained within the Planning and Compulsory Purchase Act (passed in 2004), have largely ignored the development of this strand. In this paper we explore these aspects of the local government modernisation agenda for planners and pull out some of the key issues for comparison in the ownership, role, and development of the new plans: community strategies and development plans. Opportunities and difficulties of ensuring that new development plans become the spatial expression of community strategies is assessed through an illustration of the relationship between the London Borough of Camden's community strategy and its unitary development plan. Following a review of the content of both documents, wider assessments are drawn out and we conclude by debating the implications of and challenges for a future reformed planning system at the local level.

Abstract This paper argues that some of the difficulties faced by gender equality in postsocialist Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) can be explained by a missing paradigmatic shift to a constructivist understanding of gender. Arguably the most explicit rejection of a constructivist gender perspective was recently served by the Bulgarian Constitutional Court’s judgment, closely analyzed in the paper, which found certain provisions of the Council of Europe Convention on preventing and combating violence against women and domestic violence (Istanbul Convention) incompatible with the Bulgarian Constitution. A constructivist analysis of gender-based violence is capable of offering a range of important contextual insights into gender-based violence, whereas those who only have biology in their analytical arsenal are more limited (for example, sexual predation is thus either an “innate” male sexual drive or a psychologically certifiable deviance). The Bulgarian Constitutional Court, as the paper shows, does not even get as far as debating the insights gender analysis offers, but rather rejects them wholesale merely because the term “gender” is used. While a constructivist, critical (feminist) understanding of gender is under attack globally, this paper shows that the assault is particularly grave in at least certain postsocialist CEE countries, where it is not a mere backlash against a reasonably well-established viewpoint, but a fierce ex ante rejection of a concept not yet understood or debated.

The 4th Synod of the Warsaw Archdioceses was debating during the five-year period, between 19th March 1998 and 19th March 2003 when the Warsaw Church had been run by the primate of Poland, cardinal Joseph Glemp. He proposed, summoned and carried out the synod and promulgated its resolutions. The initiative of summoning the synod was connected with the need for overall renewal of the religious and moral life of the Warsaw archdiocese. The synod’s deliberations and its resolutions were to cause the betterment of the organization and functioning of administrative and pastoral apparatus in the archdiocese, to normalize the many issues concerning the church and religious life, as well as to improve the laity and clergy’s religious, social and moral level. To achieve, a wide representation of clergy, catholic laity and monks were engaged. The synodical resolutions with its jurisdictional and pastoral nature are signified by strong setting in the teachings of the Second Vatican Council, the Canon Law, the documents of the Holy See and John Paul II, as well as by the resolutions of the Second Polish Plenary Second and the instructions of the Conference of the Polish Episcopate. At the same time they refer to the tradition of the Warsaw archdiocese and remain fully opened for the “tomorrow” of the Church, evangelizing and pastoral objective. Furthermore they undertake, organize and regulate many difficult pastoral issues. Thus the synodical legislator contributed to the renewal, revival and activation of the church and administrative structures of the archdioceses, so they could serve to various pastoral, church and administrative assignments.

The article investigates Carl Schmitt and Hannah Arendt’s theory of the constituent power. By comparing Schmitt and Arendt’s notions of democracy, the people and the public sphere, the article seeks to establish an alternative to deliberative democracy’s conceptualisation of the relation between democracy and the public sphere. By pointing to the differences between the debating and legitimating public sphere inherent in deliberative democracy on the one hand and the lawgiving and constituting public sphere in the works of Schmitt and Arendt on the other, the article investigates Schmitt’s notion of plebiscitary democracy and Arendt’s idea of a federal republic of councils. These political modes of organizations attempt to overcome the hierarchical relation between representatives and represented and seek to envision the people as able, when gathered together in public, to give laws themselves, and not only play the role as electors or debaters.

O presente artigo tem como objetivo principal analisar o modelo da democracia participativa a partir de uma perspectiva geográfica. Busca-se, com isso, ampliar a agenda da geografia política ao possibilitar uma nova perspectiva sobre a forma de governo que, ao mesmo tempo em que se expande no mundo, também tem sua legitimidade questionada. Para tanto, a proposta segue um caminho oposto daquele traçado por Flint e Taylor (2011), cuja análise democrática é vista dentro da concepção de sistema-mundo. Este artigo traz os conceitos de escala política e espaço político e analisa o que se transformou no modelo democrático mais debatido da ciência política contemporânea: a democracia participativa. A partir de pesquisa empírica desenvolvida nos Conselhos Municipais (CMs) do Rio de Janeiro entre os anos de 2013-2016, questionar-se-á a efetividade dos CMs como verdadeiros espaços políticos.Palavras-chave: Engenharia político-geográfica. Espaço político. Escala política. Democracia participativa. Conselho Municipal. THE LIMITS OF PARTICIPATORY DEMOCRACY: ANALYSIS OF THE MUNICIPAL COUNCILS IN RIO DE JANEIROAbstract: The main objective of this article is to analyze the model of participatory democracy from a geographical perspective. It aims to broaden the agenda of political geography by providing a new perspective on the form of government that, at the same time as it expands in the world, also has its legitimacy questioned. The proposal follows the opposite path outlined by Flint and Taylor (2011), whose democratic analysis is seen within the conception of world-system. This article brings the concepts of political scale and political space and analyzes what has become the most debated democratic model of contemporary political science: participatory democracy. Based on empirical research developed in the Municipal Councils (CMs) of Rio de Janeiro between the years 2013-2016, the effectiveness of CMs will be questioned as real political spaces.Keywords: Participatory democracy. Political space. Political scale. Political-geographic engineering. Municipal Council. LÍMITES DE LA DEMOCRACIA PARTICIPATIVA: UN ANÁLISIS A PARTIR DE LOS CONSEJOS MUNICIPALES EN RÍO DE JANEIROResumen: El presente artículo tiene como objetivo principal analizar el modelo de la democracia participativa desde una perspectiva geográfica. Se busca, así, ampliar la agenda de la geografía política al posibilitar una nueva perspectiva sobre la forma de gobierno que, al mismo tiempo que se expande en el mundo, también tiene su legitimidad cuestionada. Pues, la propuesta sigue un camino opuesto a aquel trazado por Flint y Taylor (2011), cuyo análisis democrático es visto dentro de la concepción del sistema-mundo. Este artículo trae los conceptos de escala política y espacio político, además analiza lo que se ha transformado en el modelo democrático más debatido de la ciencia política contemporánea: la democracia participativa. A partir de la investigación empírica desarrollada en los Consejos Municipales (CMs) de Río de Janeiro entre los años 2013-2016, se cuestionará la efectividad de los CM como verdaderos espacios políticos.Palabras clave: Ingeniería político-geográfica. Espacio político. Escala política. Democracia participativa. Consejo Municipal.

O presente artigo tem como objetivo principal analisar o modelo da democracia participativa a partir de uma perspectiva geográfica. Busca-se, com isso, ampliar a agenda da geografia política ao possibilitar uma nova perspectiva sobre a forma de governo que, ao mesmo tempo em que se expande no mundo, também tem sua legitimidade questionada. Para tanto, a proposta segue um caminho oposto daquele traçado por Flint e Taylor (2011), cuja análise democrática é vista dentro da concepção de sistema-mundo. Este artigo traz os conceitos de escala política e espaço político e analisa o que se transformou no modelo democrático mais debatido da ciência política contemporânea: a democracia participativa. A partir de pesquisa empírica desenvolvida nos Conselhos Municipais (CMs) do Rio de Janeiro entre os anos de 2013-2016, questionar-se-á a efetividade dos CMs como verdadeiros espaços políticos.Palavras-chave: engenharia político-geográfica, espaço político, escala política, democracia participativa, Conselho Municipal. THE LIMITS OF PARTICIPATORY DEMOCRACY: ANALYSIS OF THE MUNICIPAL COUNCILS IN RIO DE JANEIROABSTRACT: The main objective of this article is to analyze the model of participatory democracy from a geographical perspective. It aims to broaden the agenda of political geography by providing a new perspective on the form of government that, at the same time as it expands in the world, also has its legitimacy questioned. The proposal follows the opposite path outlined by Flint and Taylor (2011), whose democratic analysis is seen within the conception of world-system. This article brings the concepts of political scale and political space and analyzes what has become the most debated democratic model of contemporary political science: participatory democracy. Based on empirical research developed in the Municipal Councils (CMs) of Rio de Janeiro between the years 2013-2016, the effectiveness of CMs will be questioned as real political spaces.Keywords: participatory democracy, political space, political scale, political-geographic engineering, Municipal Council. LÍMITES DE LA DEMOCRACIA PARTICIPATIVA: UN ANÁLISIS A PARTIR DE LOS CONSEJOS MUNICIPALES EN RÍO DE JANEIRORESUMEN: El presente artículo tiene como objetivo principal analizar el modelo de la democracia participativa desde una perspectiva geográfica. Se busca, así, ampliar la agenda de la geografía política al posibilitar una nueva perspectiva sobre la forma de gobierno que, al mismo tiempo que se expande en el mundo, también tiene su legitimidad cuestionada. Pues, la propuesta sigue un camino opuesto a aquel trazado por Flint y Taylor (2011), cuyo análisis democrático es visto dentro de la concepción del sistema-mundo. Este artículo trae los conceptos de escala política y espacio político, además analiza lo que se ha transformado en el modelo democrático más debatido de la ciencia política contemporánea: la democracia participativa. A partir de la investigación empírica desarrollada en los Consejos Municipales (CMs) de Río de Janeiro entre los años 2013-2016, se cuestionará la efectividad de los CM como verdaderos espacios políticos.Palabras clave: ingeniería político-geográfica, espacio político, escala política, democracia participativa, Consejo Municipal.

Pedro Manuel Colón de Portugal, duque de Veragua, fue uno de los consejeros de Estado designados por Carlos II en noviembre de 1699. En el momento de su nombramiento, desempeñaba el cargo de virrey de Sicilia, por lo que su influencia en las consultas al Consejo de Estado en las que se debatió la cuestión sucesoria fue limitada. En el presente artículo, se pretende estudiar la figura de don Pedro Manuel Colón de Portugal centrándonos en tres aspectos principales: las razones que llevaron a su nombramiento como Consejero de Estado en una coyuntura especialmente difícil para la Monarquía de España, la influencia que tuvo en la problemática sucesoria y, a través de su desempeño como virrey de Sicilia, cómo el gobierno de Madrid afrontó la incertidumbre de la sucesión de Carlos II en distintos territorios de Italia y su respuesta ante la amenaza que suponían los tratados de reparto.Pedro Manuel Colón de Portugal, duke of Veragua, was one of the State Councilors appointed by king Charles II of Spain in November, 1699. When he was designated as such, he was already viceroy of Sicily, which is why his influence in those inquiries to the Counsel of State related to the debate of the problem of Charles II’s succession was very limited. In this article, we aim to study the figure of don Pedro Manuel Colón de Portugal, focusing on three key points: the reasons why he was appointed to the State Council in a moment especially difficult for the Spanish Monarchy, the influence he had in the problem of Charles II’s succession and, in his capacity as viceroy of Sicily, how the different territories of Italy faced the problem of the king’s succession and their answer to the threat the Partition Treaties posed for their future.

Abstract Introduction: Among its contemporaries, the updated Bloom’s taxonomy is perhaps the most widely used cognitive process model. It is a categorization paradigm that emphasizes the cognitive levels beginning with remembering the information and progressing to more complicated levels such as producing the knowledge. Education psychologists want to assist instructors, policymakers, and curriculum creators in designing education that enables students to effectively retain, retrieve, and apply the selected content. Classifying information in a precise sequence that is durable in a person’s memory can aid learners in effectively storing, retrieving, retrieving, and using facts; otherwise, the whole learning process may be impeded. Thus, it is imperative that students acquire the fundamental knowledge prior to attempting to interpret current information to develop meaningful knowledge (Darwazeh, 2017). The purpose of this research was to determine the degree to which the updated Bloom’s taxonomy is included into the reading sections of EFL textbooks developed for Turkish high school students. According to the results of the research, the evaluated textbooks lacked the higher level cognitive abilities outlined in the updated Bloom’s taxonomy. Consequently, based on the results, certain hypotheses have been formulated to indicate how reading sections of textbooks now being written or to be published might reference the updated Bloom’s taxonomy. Methods: The objective of this research is to determine the degree to which EFL textbooks incorporate higher and lower level questions based on the updated Bloom’s taxonomy. In the study, the overall reading sections of the EFL textbooks were examined. In other words, the cognitive level of the reading passages was determined using the updated Bloom’s taxonomy. Consequently, the approach used in this study is descriptive content analysis in qualitative research. The updated cognitive levels of Bloom’s Taxonomy were referenced in the classification of reading questions in EFL textbooks. Results: The data indicate that the reading text questions did not target higher cognitive levels. Given that remembering is associated with working memory and short-term memory, it is doubtful that it can assess long-term memory. To reinforce knowledge in the long-term memory, it is necessary to engage higher cognitive processes. It is rare that learners of a foreign language would reinforce lexical, syntactical, and contextual knowledge unless they analyze or assess the corresponding information in the texts. Measuring mainly lower levels of cognition gives them with little data. Additionally, it is crucial to apply integrated activities while reading texts. Reading and writing, or speaking and listening, are examples of integrated tasks. Thus, reading text queries were unable to assist students in producing meaningful texts. Pure and concrete inquiries have just a superficial relationship to understanding. Discussion: The revised Bloom’s taxonomy is a useful and successful tool for reading classes. Therefore, EFL and ESL instructors, researchers, and textbook authors must use Bloom’s higher cognitive aspects so that EFL students can reinforce texts at the lexical, syntactic, and contextual levels. Taking into account lower cognitive abilities, the most often utilized inquiry type concerned remembering, which includes definition, listing, memorization, recalling, and expressing the pertinent language and material. However, there are significant limits to memorizing dimension for language learners. This constraint may be overcome by including more cognitive elements. It is glaringly obvious that English instructors and textbook authors should include extra questions into reading texts so that foreign and second language English learners may build more productive abilities via reading text questions in line with the updated Bloom’s taxonomy. Due to the relationship between Bloom’s taxonomy and critical syllabus, it is possible to design a critical syllabus to obtain these competencies (Ordem, 2021). Limitations: This research is confined to the free EFL textbooks issued by the Turkish Ministry of National Education. In other words, only locally authored EFL textbooks are included in the research, as opposed to both locally and internationally published EFL textbooks. Consequently, future research should concentrate on a larger scope. Such an approach should consider the impact of locally authored textbooks and their comparison to textbooks published by international organizations, such as the British Council or Cambridge University Press. This is an important point to consider, as international publishers are likely to bring different perspectives on language learning, which may differ from that found in locally authored textbooks. Further, the research is exclusively confined to the Revised Bloom’s Taxonomy. Therefore, alternative cognitive categorization models should also be applied to assess course contents. This would provide a more comprehensive picture of the students’ learning outcomes, and enable the researchers to evaluate course effectiveness from multiple perspectives. Moreover, the utilization of other cognitive categorization models, such as Anderson and Krathwohl’s Taxonomy of Educational Objectives and SOLO Taxonomy, would help to provide a broader context of comparison to effectively evaluate the effectiveness of course. Conclusions: Revised Bloom’s taxonomy provides helpful and productive stages for EFL students to be creative while reading materials. Creatively approaching a text and its questions requires assembling, creating, designing, articulating, and writing. Evaluation, which involves assessing, debating, defending, judging, choosing, supporting, valuing, and evaluating, is a further step that must be examined. Analyzing is another aspect that requires discriminating between various portions of the text, evaluating, comparing, contrasting, critiquing, differentiating, scrutinizing, and asking. These higher cognitive characteristics were not detected in the assessed reading text questions from textbooks. This lack of higher-order thinking skills presented in the text questions of the assessed textbooks suggests that students are not being adequately prepared to engage in thoughtful dialogue or comprehensive analysis when responding to texts. This is an alarming discovery as these skills are essential for students to demonstrate competency in language arts, develop effective reading strategies, and build critical thinking. This trend highlights the need for teachers to supplement reading material with activities that promote higher-order thinking, such as open-ended questions, research assignments, and group discussions. By incorporating these activities into the classroom, teachers will be able to ensure that students are exposed to the kinds of higher-order thinking that can help them to become engaged, competent readers and critical thinkers.

Resumo O objetivo deste artigo é elucidar e debater sobre o envelhecimento no Brasil e no Estado do Rio Grande do Sul, pois acreditamos que saúde mental é um tema muito complexo e que muitas vezes é arraigado de preconceitos, ainda mais em se tratando de pessoas idosas e, por isso, por meio de uma revisão bibliográfica de livros, resoluções do CFP – Conselho Federal de Psicologia e artigos científicos, Constituição Federal e Leis Federais, buscamos conteúdo para discutir esse assunto que é pouco debatido dentro da Psicologia. Afinal, em nossas pesquisas, encontramos mais artigos e conteúdos sobre velhice dentro da Enfermagem do que em outras profissões. A conclusão a qual chegamos é que os e as profissionais de saúde mental sejam pessoas dispostas a se adaptar nos diversos espaços de atuação, garantindo que o trabalho não fique engessado em práticas muitas vezes voltadas mais para o consultório particular, mas sempre norteado pela Ciência, pelo Código de Ética da Psicologia e, não menos importante, as resoluções do CFP – Conselho Federal de Psicologia, porque sem isso, corremos o risco de realizar um serviço de baixa qualidade, sem validação científica e que pode prejudicar mais do que ajudar, àquelas pessoas as que juramos tratá-las. Palavras-chave: Cuidados. Saúde. Psicologia. Abstract The purpose of this article is to elucidate and debate aging in Braziland in the State of Rio Grande do Sul, as we believe that mental health is a very complexis sue and that it is of tenrooted in prejudice, especially when it comes to elderly and Therefore, by means of a bibliographic review of books, resolutions of the CFP - Federal Council of Psychology and scientific articles, Federal Constitution and Federal Laws, we seek contentto discuss this subject that is little debated with in Psychology. Afterall, in our research, we found more articles and content on old age within Nursing than in other professions. The conclusion were achedis that mental health professionals and professionals are people willing to adapt in the differen are as of performance, ensuring that the work is not stuck in practices of ten focused more on the private practice, but always guided by Science, by the Psychology Code of Ethics and, not least, there solutions of the CFP - Federal Council of Psychology, because with out this, we run the risk of performing a low quality service, without scientific validation and that canharm more than help those people we swear to treat. Keywords: Care. Health. Psychology.

Setores do extrativismo brasileiro têm sido criticados em virtude da expansão agrícola e minerária na floresta amazônica e nos territórios das comunidades indígenas e tradicionais, que assume cada vez mais o caráter de invasões violentas. Em decorrência das críticas, a implementação de padrões ambientais e sociais para estes setores tem sido debatida em nível internacional, sobretudo no contexto do acordo comercial UE-Mercosul e das conferências sobre o clima global. Neste estudo, analisamos as relações de poder que permeiam a governança ambiental em nível nacional e as iniciativas Global Tailings Review (iniciada pelo ICMM – International Council on Mining and Metals) e seu modelo FSC (Forest Stewardship Council) em nível internacional. Nossas observações empíricas estão focadas nas experiências de gestão ambiental e de catástrofes colocadas em prática após a ruptura das barragens de Mariana (2015) e de Brumadinho (2019) – que desencadearam os maiores desastres sociotécnicos do Brasil – e as certificações de plantações de eucalipto em Minas Gerais e no extremo sul da Bahia. Os resultados mostram que nos órgãos aparentemente participativos, a reprodução dos mecanismos de poder guarda similitudes com práticas autoritárias características dos tempos do coronelismo durante a República Velha (1889 – 1930). Neste sentido, identificaremos o sistema ambiental em Minas Gerais como um “regime ambiental coro­nelista”. De forma surpreendente, a práxis das iniciativas internacionais de certificação ocorre em moldes similares, assim como suas estratégias em relação às pessoas afetadas pelos projetos certificados e seus apoiadores. Em meio a esse contexto, está em curso a 4ª revolução industrial em ambos os setores, le­vando à digitalização e à automação completa dos processos de produção. Já é evidente que não se gera trabalho nem renda, tampouco se pode esperar receitas estatais devido aos privilégios fiscais concedidos aos dois setores. Portanto, o extrativismo modernizado representa um crescimento sem desenvolvimento. As áreas de produção caraterizadas por um vazio demográfico, simbolizam, portanto, a perfeição de um modelo de desenvolvimento permeado pela lógica colonial, da qual apenas uma pequena elite se benefi­cia, enquanto as classes mais pobres anteriormente exploradas já não são mais necessárias. Esse cenário nos faz questionar a contribuição de fato do extrativismo certificado 4.0 para uma maior justiça ambien­tal. Palavras-chave: extrativismo; governança ambiental; coronelismo; mineração; agronegócio. Abstract The Brazilian sectors of extractivism have come under criticism in light of the expansion of the Amazon Forest and the territories of indigenous and traditional communities by the agribusiness and mining fronts, which increasingly adopts the character of violent invasions. As a result, environmental and social standards for these sectors are increasingly being discussed at the international level in the context of the EU-Mercosur free trade agreement and global climate change conferences. In this study, we analysed the power relations in environmental administration at the national level and the initiatives of the Global Tailings Review (initiated by the ICMM (International Council on Mining and Metals)) and its forerunner FSC (Forest Stewardship Council) at the international level. For this purpose, the empirical experiences regarding environmental and disaster management after the Mariana (2015) and Brumadinho (2019) dam failures, which triggered the largest sociotechnical disasters in Brazil, and certifications of eucalyptus plantations in Minas Gerais and extreme southern Bahia were considered. The results show that in these seemingly participatory bodies, the reproduction of power is similarly authoritarian to that of the times of the coronels República Velha (1889 – 1930), hence we refer to the environmental administration in Minas Gerais as the “coronelist environmental regime”. Surprisingly, the praxis of international certification initiatives is similar, as well as their strategies towards affected people and their supporters. Furthermore, the 4th industrial revolution is taking place in both sectors, which is supposed to lead to digitalization and complete automation of production processes. It is already apparent that labor and income are not being generated, nor can government revenues be expected due to the tax benefits of the two sectors. Thus, modernized extrativism stands for growth without development. The depopulated production areas thus symbolize the perfection of a development model steeped in a colonial logic, where only a small elite is benefiting, while previously exploited poorer classes are now no longer needed at all. Hence, there is little hope that certified extrativism 4.0 will contribute to more environmental justice. Keywords: extractivism; environmental governance; coronelism; mining; agribusiness. Extraktivismus 4.0 und das „regime des Umwelt-Coronelismus“: Die Verknüpfung der brasilianischen Umweltsysteme mit globalen Multistakeholder-Governance-Systemen Zusammenfassung Die brasilianischen Sektoren des Extraktivismus sind angesichts der Expansion der Agrar- und Bergbaufronten in den Amazonas-Wald und in die Territorien indigener und traditioneller Gemeinden, die immer öfter den Charakter von gewaltsamen Invasionen einnehmen, in die Kritik geraten. Daher werden auf internationaler Ebene im Rahmen des Freihandelsabkommens EU-Mercosur und der globalen Klimakonferenzen verstärkt Umwelt- und Sozialstandards für diese Wirtschaftszweige diskutiert. In dieser Studie analysierten wir die Machtbeziehungen in der Umweltverwaltungen auf nationaler und den Initiativen Global Tailings Review (initiiert durch den ICMM (International Council on Mining and Metals)) und dessen Vorbild FSC (Forest Stewardship Council) auf internationaler Ebene. Hierbei wurden die empirischen Erfahrungen bezüglich des Umwelt- und Desastermanagement nach den Dammbrüchen von Mariana (2015) und Brumadinho (2019), die die größten soziotechnischen Desaster in Brasilien auslösten, und Zertifizierungen von Eukalyptusplantagen in Minas Gerais und im extremen Süden Bahias einbezogen. Die Resultate zeigen, dass in den scheinbar partizipativen Gremien die Reproduktion von Macht ähnlich autoritär abläuft wie zu Zeiten der Coronels in der República Velha (1889 – 1930), weshalb wir die Umeltverwaltung in Minas Gerais als „Coronelistisches Umweltregime” bezeichnen. Überraschenderweise ist die Praxis in den internationalen Zertifizierungsintiativen sowie deren Strategien gegenüber Betroffenen und ihrer Unterstützer ähnlich. Ferner findet in beiden Sektoren die 4. industrielle Revolution statt, die zur Digitalisierung und vollständige Automatisierung der Produktionsprozesse führen soll. Schon jetzt zeigt sich, dass weder Arbeit und Einkommen generiert werden, noch staatliche Einnahmen wegen der Steuerbegünstigungen der beiden Sektoren zu erwarten sind. Der modernisierte Extrativismus steht also für Wachstum ohne Entwicklung. Die menschenleeren Produktionsflächen symbolisieren daher die Perfektionierung eines von der kolonialen Logik durchdrungen Entwicklungsmodells, von dem nur eine kleine Elite profitiert, während früher ausgebeutete ärmere Schichten nun gar nicht mehr gebraucht werden. Es besteht daher wenig Hoffnung, dass der zertifizierte Extrativismus 4.0 zu mehr Umweltgerechtigkeit beiträgt. Schlüsselworte: Extraktivismus; Umwelt-Governance; Coronelismo; Bergbau; Agrobusiness.

Introduction. The association of territorial communities is an effective means of providing financial resources for less developed and financially untenable territorial communities on the basis of equal access to all social services and economic benefits that are the vision of the European future. In modern conditions the implementation of this process is a multi-stage and troublesome work based on the will of representatives of territorial communities, tax capacity and economic development of territories ready for unification, parity in the context of providing social services to all members of the association, as well as distribution and redistribution of financial resources on the basis of a full partnership with the participation of communities in the implementation of powers. Purpose. The purpose of the article is to study the theoretical foundations of the formation of united territorial communities, assessment of the formation and implementation of budget revenues of the combined territorial communities on the background of permanent crisis phenomena which significantly affect the indicators of economic and social development of administrative-territorial units and the state as a whole. Result. Defining the essence of territorial communities, debating about the nature, causes of its occurrence, the consequences of its creation the undeniable advantages concerning the formation of territorial communities were established, which are the association of territorial, human, intellectual and financial potentials; the joint communal property and disposal of municipal property; permanent interaction in the process of realization of common interests. The essence of the territorial community as an independent administrative-territorial unit was determined, in which residents united by permanent residence within the village, settlement, city through the voluntary combination of intellectual and financial resources carry out their vital functions in order to ensure their own well-being and the development of a certain territory. Taking into account national realities, the dominant features of the united territorial communities were established, in particular: the voluntary basis of association on the principles of parity; the availability of a single administrative center; the unity of local interests and their separation from state interests and interests of separate territorial units; the separation of material and financial base; the possibility of adopting of local normative legal acts within the Constitution and the laws of Ukraine; positioning by the primary subject of local self-government. Summing up the results of the estimation of the income base of the united territorial community budgets of the Ternopil region it has been established that the association undoubtedly benefited these territories and communities as their own resources have increased significantly as a result of the increase of the tax base, ensuring the payment of taxes by enterprises directly at the place of the activity and placement of production facilities and not at the place of registration, as well as the ability to manage their own financial resources exclusively by the councils of united territorial communities with the transition of the communities themselves to direct inter-budgetary relations with the state. Conclusion. It has been determined that united territorial communities on the path of voluntary association and full financial independence on purpose of further existence and support of the livelihoods of members of territorial communities that have united, in addition to significant financial potential should receive at the legislative level the consolidation of the changes listed in the article and the specification of the provisions of the current normative-legal ensuring in the context of the association, which subject to the consolidation of the efforts of the central and local authorities will create further grounds for the formation of capable, self-sufficient, financially independent and economically powerful united territorial communities aimed at improving the welfare of their inhabitants.

O presente artigo tem como objetivo destacar a importância do uso e gestão dos patrimônios culturais e a urgência do desenvolvimento, com maiores eficiência e assertividade, de programas de educação patrimonial. Para tanto, utilizou-se como metodologia: retrabalhamento bibliográfico tratando, principalmente, dos seguintes temas: memória, patrimônio e educação. Percebe-se a necessidade do diálogo e (des)construção conjunta dos governos, órgãos, institutos, departamentos, superintendências, secretarias, conselhos e afins que respondem pela preservação do Patrimônio Cultural em parceria com a sociedade civil, pautados em um projeto de políticas de identificação, reconhecimento, proteção e promoção do patrimônio de maneira a abarcar a variedade de identidades e povos, possibilitando ao sujeito-cidadão fazer a leitura do mundo que o rodeia para levá-lo à compreensão do universo sociocultural e da trajetória histórico-temporal em que está inserido de forma mais ampla (socialmente debatida no contexto escolar e da comunidade), e também, crítica e propositiva. Heritage education, management and use: who from heritage and for whom? Abstract: This article aims to highlight the importance of the use and management of cultural heritage and the urgency of the implementation of a more efficient and assertive heritage education. To this end, it was used as methodology: bibliographic reworking dealing mainly with the following topics: memory, heritage and education. We can observe that there is a need for dialogue and joint (de)construction between governments, agencies, institutes, departments, superintendencies, secretariats, councils and other organisms that are responsible for preserving the Cultural Heritage in partnership with civil society, based on a project of policies for identification, recognition, protection and promotion of the heritage in such a way as to promote it, providing protection and promotion of the heritage in order to embrace the variety of identities and peoples as well as enabling the subject-citizen to read the world around him/her, leading him/her to understand the sociocultural universe and the historical-temporal trajectory in which he/she is inserted in a broader (socially discussed in the school and community context), critical, and propositional way. Keywords: Heritage. Memory. Identity. Education. Society. Gestión, uso y educación patrimonial: ¿el patrimonio de quién y para quién? Resumen: Este artículo pretende destacar la importancia del uso y gestión del patrimonio cultural y la urgencia de desarrollar, con mayor eficacia y asertividad, programas de educación patrimonial. Para ello, la metodología utilizada ha sido una reelaboración bibliográfica que ha tratado principalmente los siguientes temas: memoria, patrimonio y educación. Es necesario el diálogo y la (de)construcción conjunta entre gobiernos, agencias, institutos, departamentos, superintendencias, secretarías, consejos y similares, responsables de la preservación del Patrimonio Cultural en colaboración con la sociedad civil, a partir de un proyecto de política de identificación, reconocimiento, protección y promoción del patrimonio de forma que se potencie, protección y promoción del patrimonio para abarcar la variedad de identidades y pueblos, permitiendo al sujeto-ciudadano leer el mundo que lo rodea para llevarlo a comprender el universo sociocultural y la trayectoria histórico-temporal en la que está inserto de manera más amplia (socialmente discutida en el contexto de la escuela y la comunidad), y también crítica y propositiva. Palabras clave: Patrimonio. La memoria. La identidad. Identidad. Educación. La sociedad.

Like all great religions of the world, Christianity is a religion steeped in revelation. It tries to convince its followers that it was through the process of revelation that God made Himself known both in the Old and New Testaments, climaxing in the saving action of Jesus Christ. Although this is the starting point of Christian revelation, it would surprise many to know that it was only in the last five centuries that Christians started debating the issue and nature of revelation. In the present article, we shall critically examine how Catholic Christians started perceiving the notion of revelation from the Second Vatican Council (1962-1965) as enshrined in the Constitution Dei Verbum of the Council and the issues that keep Catholics engaged with regard to it with particular focus upon the relation between Scripture and Tradition and the ensuing tensions.Key Words: Revelation, Scripture, Dei Verbum, Tradition, Scripture, Holy Spirit.

Abstract Scholars from different disciplines are increasingly debating how human rights should protect the autonomy not only over our bodies but also over our minds. These debates are often driven by emerging technologies that appear able to access, monitor, and manipulate mental states in ways that were previously inconceivable. Whereas some human rights already protect certain personal interests in the mental realm, such as the right to freedom of thought, it has been argued that new or updated human rights are necessary to offer adequate protection against modern technologies that may threaten our mental privacy, personal integrity, and identity. One of the proposed rights, which is under consideration by the Council of Europe and the UN Human Rights Council, concerns a right to ‘psychological continuity’. This paper challenges the necessity of recognising such a right, arguing that the notion of psychological continuity already receives considerable protection within the established framework of human rights law.

A new light rail system threatens to increase pressure on Montgomery County’s already-chronic housing shortage for low- and middle-income residents. The 16-mile Purple Line rail corridor, expected to be completed in 2026, will run adjacent to a substantial proportion of the county’s naturally occurring affordable housing and a large population of vulnerable cost-burdened renters. Proposed economic development around the new transit stations could usher in an increase in economic development that portends rapid increases in home values, rents, and land prices. To preserve affordable housing and reduce displacement in the wake of this development, the Montgomery County Council is debating rent regulations for a county-wide transit-centered buffer zone. This policy, however, would have a negative effect as economists overwhelmingly agree that rent controls cause inefficiency, inequity, negative externalities, disutility, and restricted mobility. This paper uses an economic analysis to show that local rent regulations would fail to mitigate the chronic housing shortage and that costs to communities and businesses will outweigh the benefits provided to protected tenants. Montgomery County should reconsider implementing the proposed rent regulations, reevaluate similar policies, and expand efficient, targeted support for low-income renters.

This research focuses on respecting, recognizing, protecting and fulfilling the human rights of indigenous peoples in Indonesia. Through a comparative law approach in European and Asian countries that have substantially recognized and protected the human rights of indigenous peoples in Indonesia. The problem are how is the model for regulating customary land management by indigenous peoples based on Human Rights and Local Wisdom in terms of Indonesia's transitional justice approach? and Second How can the recognition and protection of the enforcement of human rights over customary land in Indonesia be viewed from the transitional justice of Asian and European countries that have implemented indigenous peoples' human rights?. In its development in European countries, the discussion of indigenous peoples is already at the stage of regulating and fulfilling human rights. There are even special laws that regulate indigenous peoples as well as Asian countries. The Indonesian government is still at a lower level and is still debating the arrangements for the recognition of the existence of indigenous peoples. Even though the discussion of the Bill on Indigenous Peoples at the Indonesian People's Representative Council has entered its second year (President Jokowi). Through a transitional justice approach, this article formulates the regulatory norms for indigenous peoples adopted from several laws of indigenous peoples in European and Asian countries. This is intended to provide a legal framework for the Indonesian government and the Indonesian Parliament to immediately provide legal recognition and protection for indigenous peoples in Indonesia immediately.

The origins of the National Federation of Canadian University Students (NFCUS), Canada’s first secular, student council-based national student organization, are explored. The NFCUS originated in the internationalizing context of the Confédération internationale des étudiants and British concern for redefining and strengthening Dominion relations. The following events are examined: the 1924 Imperial Conference of Students, held in England; the 1926 imperial debating tour that promoted national student organizing; the 1926 Conference of Representatives; and the First Annual NFCUS Conference, held in 1927. The formative in- fluences on the NFCUS of the Student Christian Movement and pro-British Canadian university authorities are also examined. The NFCUS leaders held a narrow conception of the student interest and, moreover, were united by a pervasive and paradoxical imperial ideology that stressed both loyalty to the British Empire and a desire for Canadian national independence and identity. As such, the NFCUS was a highly political organization aligned with the university authorities, themselves associates of the British-Canadian elite. Résumé Cet article explore les origines de la Fédération nationale des étudiants universitaires canadiens (NFCUS), première organisation étudiante nationale et laïque au Canada. La NFCUS a vu le jour dans un contexte marqué par l’internationalisation de la Confédération internationale des étudiants et la volonté de la Grande-Bretagne de redéfinir et de renforcer les relations avec le Dominion. Parmi les événements ayant marqué la formation de la fédération, nous examinons : la conférence impériale des étudiants tenue en Angleterre en 1924; la tournée des débats impériaux de 1926 faisant la promotion de l’organisation nationale des étudiants; laConference of Representatives de 1926; ainsi que la première conférence annuelle de la NFCUS tenue en 1927. Nous explorons également de quelle manière le Student Christian Movement et les autorités universitaires britanniques canadiennes probritanniques ont influencé la formation NFCUS. Développant une conception étroite de l’intérêt des étudiants, les dirigeants de la NFCUS partageaient une idéologie impérialiste omniprésente et paradoxale qui insistait à la fois sur la loyauté envers l’Empire britannique et sur le sentiment d’indépendance et d’identité nationale canadienne. Ce faisant, la NFCUS était une organisation politique alignée sur les autorités universitaires, elles-mêmes associées à l’élite anglo-canadienne.

America entered WWII on 8 Dec 1941, the day after Japanese Naval aviators attacked the US Fleet at Pearl Harbor, Hawaiian Territory. Three days later, Germany declared war on America. The next month (4–26 Jan 1942), the Committee on Aviation Medicine (CAM) undertook a 2nd survey of America's growing aero medical research programs (NAS Archives: CAM Bulletin, pp. 423–442; CAM Report No. 38, pp. 1–20, 26 Jan 1942). They visited 12 military and academic labs across America. The survey team consisted of the CAM [Drs. E.F. DuBois (Cornell), D. Bronk (U Penn), J.F. Fulton (Yale), E.M. Landis (U Va), W.R. Miles (Yale) & E.C. Andrus (Johns Hopkins)] and 6 liaison officers [Dr. C.H. Bazett (Natl Res Council, Canada), Maj. L.E. Griffis (Office of the Chief of Air Corps), Dr. A.B. Hastings (Comm Med Res), Cdr. E. Liljencrantz (Bureau of Aeronautics, Med & Surg), T.C. Macdonald (Wing Cdr., Royal Air Force), and Dr. C.F. Schmidt (U Penn)]. Special reports were made in the following areas; a partial listing of their recommendations follows: 1) Visual Problems—continue studies of depth perception in flying & tests for night vision adaptation; 2) Decompression Chambers—increase number of chambers on West Coast; 3) O2 Equipment—the Bulbulian No. 14 mask is suitable for immediate use, collaborate with the RCAF on further O2 mask development, develop liquid O2 systems, integrate O2 equipment better with flying clothing; 4) Air Embolism—develop tests for revealing the susceptibility of bends in flying personnel, explore collateral factors that influence the occurrence of bends in susceptible personnel; 5) Pressure‐cabins—continue debating the a) role of O2 equipment in pressurized flight and b) the medical dangers of explosive decompression; 6) Pressure Suits—good up to 53,000 ft but concerns over pilot fatigue; 7) Pilot Fatigue—develop psycho‐motor tests to assess fatigue in flight, drug development for mitigating fatigue, establish conservative limits of flying time/month; 8) Physical Fitness; 9) Acceleration Problems & Centrifuges—2 centrifuges and eventually 3 for “g” tolerance research on man at Toronto, Rochester, and soon Wright Field; initiate objective studies in planes and develop observational methods for recording the response of subjects under flight conditions producing high “g”; 10) Selection, Training & Indoctrination—use of psychological and personality qualifications in pilot selection to reduce attrition rate; increase number of indoctrination programs on use of O2 equipment and the physiological adjustment for altitude flying; include other tests, e.g., visual perception, tolerance for high acceleration and susceptibility to bends; 11) Drugs & Adrenal Cortex in Aviation—expand efforts to synthesize physiologically active steroids of the suprarenal cortex (compound E), determine if compound E and cortical extracts improve animal tolerance to anoxia; 12) Clothing—that clothing should be considered a subject of medical importance & a subcommittee be formed to work on problems of flight clothing (needs to be light, not bulky, flame‐proof, capable of prolonged flotation, easy to remove in case of fire); 13) Crashes & Safety of Flying Personnel; and 14) Library Facilities.Support or Funding InformationUSF

In Brazil, only recently has Brazilian Black Librarianship (Biblioteconomia Negra Brasileira in Portuguese; BNB) experienced renewed interest as an intellectual, professional and bibliographic movement that ranges from professional training and performance to theoretical and epistemological reflections on the critical reflections produced by Black librarians, as well as research on ethnic and racial issues, socioeconomic conditions, and the Black population within Library and Information Science (Biblioteconomia e Ciência da Informação in Portuguese; BCI). This article presents the BNB movement through its history, praxis, and curricular transformation of the library profession in the context of the epistemologies produced by Black librarians in Brazil. The justification for this study lies in debating how LIS as a field promotes and reproduces whiteness and the death of knowledge of Black librarians (and librarians belonging to non-white ethnic and racial groups), resulting in the exclusion of this knowledge in libraries, praxis, and librarian education training. In other words, whiteness in Brazilian librarianship is instituted as an exercise in epistemicide, nullifying or hiding other epistemologies. For the socio-critical construction of the framework of this research, we analyzed of books, articles, theses, dissertations, annals of scientific events in the field, and manuals published in the period from 1987 to 2020. Such information sources were drawn from databases, websites of scientific events, class councils and professional associations, graduate programs in information science, and the Brazilian platform for researchers' curricula, Currículo Lattes. In this theoretical framework, we sought to uncover the way that Brazilian LIS education promotes Eurocentric (white) thinking and renders racial debate and Black intellectuals invisible, drawing from the philosophies of Grada Kilomba, Sueli Carneiro and Boaventura de Sousa Santos. Anchored in these theoretical references from different areas of knowledge, we debate the fight against the epistemicide of Black thought within the scope of scientific production in Brazilian librarianship. Finally, we bring the profile of Black Brazilian librarians and their performance with ethnic-racial issues, and the scientific production of Black librarians at BNB that gave rise to the movement to introduce Black epistemologies in LIS. The conclusion points to critical perspectives that bring the discussion on race to the center of the field and the formation of a Brazilian tradition of theories and methods through the struggles and resistance of the country's Black communities. Pre-print first published online 7/17/2023

History is not over and that includes media history. Jay Rosen (Zelizer & Allan 33) The media in their reporting on terrorism tend to be judgmental, inflammatory, and sensationalistic. — Susan D. Moeller (169) In short, we are directed in time, and our relation to the future is different than our relation to the past. All our questions are conditioned by this asymmetry, and all our answers to these questions are equally conditioned by it. Norbert Wiener (44) The Clash of Geopolitical Pundits America’s geo-strategic engagement with the world underwent a dramatic shift in the decade after the Cold War ended. United States military forces undertook a series of humanitarian interventions from northern Iraq (1991) and Somalia (1992) to NATO’s bombing campaign on Kosovo (1999). Wall Street financial speculators embraced market-oriented globalization and technology-based industries (Friedman 1999). Meanwhile the geo-strategic pundits debated several different scenarios at deeper layers of epistemology and macrohistory including the breakdown of nation-states (Kaplan), the ‘clash of civilizations’ along religiopolitical fault-lines (Huntington) and the fashionable ‘end of history’ thesis (Fukuyama). Media theorists expressed this geo-strategic shift in reference to the ‘CNN Effect’: the power of real-time media ‘to provoke major responses from domestic audiences and political elites to both global and national events’ (Robinson 2). This media ecology is often contrasted with ‘Gateholder’ and ‘Manufacturing Consent’ models. The ‘CNN Effect’ privileges humanitarian and non-government organisations whereas the latter models focus upon the conformist mind-sets and shared worldviews of government and policy decision-makers. The September 11 attacks generated an uncertain interdependency between the terrorists, government officials, and favourable media coverage. It provided a test case, as had the humanitarian interventions (Robinson 37) before it, to test the claim by proponents that the ‘CNN Effect’ had policy leverage during critical stress points. The attacks also revived a long-running debate in media circles about the risk factors of global media. McLuhan (1964) and Ballard (1990) had prophesied that the global media would pose a real-time challenge to decision-making processes and that its visual imagery would have unforeseen psychological effects on viewers. Wark (1994) noted that journalists who covered real-time events including the Wall Street crash (1987) and collapse of the Berlin Wall (1989) were traumatised by their ‘virtual’ geographies. The ‘War on Terror’ as 21st Century Myth Three recent books explore how the 1990s humanitarian interventions and the September 11 attacks have remapped this ‘virtual’ territory with all too real consequences. Piers Robinson’s The CNN Effect (2002) critiques the theory and proposes the policy-media interaction model. Barbie Zelizer and Stuart Allan’s anthology Journalism After September 11 (2002) examines how September 11 affected the journalists who covered it and the implications for news values. Sandra Silberstein’s War of Words (2002) uncovers how strategic language framed the U.S. response to September 11. Robinson provides the contextual background; Silberstein contributes the specifics; and Zelizer and Allan surface broader perspectives. These books offer insights into the social construction of the nebulous War on Terror and why certain images and trajectories were chosen at the expense of other possibilities. Silberstein locates this world-historical moment in the three-week transition between September 11’s aftermath and the U.S. bombings of Afghanistan’s Taliban regime. Descriptions like the ‘War on Terror’ and ‘Axis of Evil’ framed the U.S. military response, provided a conceptual justification for the bombings, and also brought into being the geo-strategic context for other nations. The crucial element in this process was when U.S. President George W. Bush adopted a pedagogical style for his public speeches, underpinned by the illusions of communal symbols and shared meanings (Silberstein 6-8). Bush’s initial address to the nation on September 11 invoked the ambiguous pronoun ‘we’ to recreate ‘a unified nation, under God’ (Silberstein 4). The 1990s humanitarian interventions had frequently been debated in Daniel Hallin’s sphere of ‘legitimate controversy’; however the grammar used by Bush and his political advisers located the debate in the sphere of ‘consensus’. This brief period of enforced consensus was reinforced by the structural limitations of North American media outlets. September 11 combined ‘tragedy, public danger and a grave threat to national security’, Michael Schudson observed, and in the aftermath North American journalism shifted ‘toward a prose of solidarity rather than a prose of information’ (Zelizer & Allan 41). Debate about why America was hated did not go much beyond Bush’s explanation that ‘they hated our freedoms’ (Silberstein 14). Robert W. McChesney noted that alternatives to the ‘war’ paradigm were rarely mentioned in the mainstream media (Zelizer & Allan 93). A new myth for the 21st century had been unleashed. The Cycle of Integration Propaganda Journalistic prose masked the propaganda of social integration that atomised the individual within a larger collective (Ellul). The War on Terror was constructed by geopolitical pundits as a Manichean battle between ‘an “evil” them and a national us’ (Silberstein 47). But the national crisis made ‘us’ suddenly problematic. Resurgent patriotism focused on the American flag instead of Constitutional rights. Debates about military tribunals and the USA Patriot Act resurrected the dystopian fears of a surveillance society. New York City mayor Rudy Guiliani suddenly became a leadership icon and Time magazine awarded him Person of the Year (Silberstein 92). Guiliani suggested at the Concert for New York on 20 October 2001 that ‘New Yorkers and Americans have been united as never before’ (Silberstein 104). Even the series of Public Service Announcements created by the Ad Council and U.S. advertising agencies succeeded in blurring the lines between cultural tolerance, social inclusion, and social integration (Silberstein 108-16). In this climate the in-depth discussion of alternate options and informed dissent became thought-crimes. The American Council of Trustees and Alumni’s report Defending Civilization: How Our Universities are Failing America (2002), which singled out “blame America first” academics, ignited a firestorm of debate about educational curriculums, interpreting history, and the limits of academic freedom. Silberstein’s perceptive analysis surfaces how ACTA assumed moral authority and collective misunderstandings as justification for its interrogation of internal enemies. The errors she notes included presumed conclusions, hasty generalisations, bifurcated worldviews, and false analogies (Silberstein 133, 135, 139, 141). Op-ed columnists soon exposed ACTA’s gambit as a pre-packaged witch-hunt. But newscasters then channel-skipped into military metaphors as the Afghanistan campaign began. The weeks after the attacks New York City sidewalk traders moved incense and tourist photos to make way for World Trade Center memorabilia and anti-Osama shirts. Chevy and Ford morphed September 11 catchphrases (notably Todd Beamer’s last words “Let’s Roll” on Flight 93) and imagery into car advertising campaigns (Silberstein 124-5). American self-identity was finally reasserted in the face of a domestic recession through this wave of vulgar commercialism. The ‘Simulated’ Fall of Elite Journalism For Columbia University professor James Carey the ‘failure of journalism on September 11’ signaled the ‘collapse of the elites of American journalism’ (Zelizer & Allan 77). Carey traces the rise-and-fall of adversarial and investigative journalism from the Pentagon Papers and Watergate through the intermediation of the press to the myopic self-interest of the 1988 and 1992 Presidential campaigns. Carey’s framing echoes the earlier criticisms of Carl Bernstein and Hunter S. Thompson. However this critique overlooks several complexities. Piers Robinson cites Alison Preston’s insight that diplomacy, geopolitics and elite reportage defines itself through the sense of distance from its subjects. Robinson distinguished between two reportage types: distance framing ‘creates emotional distance’ between the viewers and victims whilst support framing accepts the ‘official policy’ (28). The upsurge in patriotism, the vulgar commercialism, and the mini-cycle of memorabilia and publishing all combined to enhance the support framing of the U.S. federal government. Empathy generated for September 11’s victims was tied to support of military intervention. However this closeness rapidly became the distance framing of the Afghanistan campaign. News coverage recycled the familiar visuals of in-progress bombings and Taliban barbarians. The alternative press, peace movements, and social activists then retaliated against this coverage by reinstating the support framing that revealed structural violence and gave voice to silenced minorities and victims. What really unfolded after September 11 was not the demise of journalism’s elite but rather the renegotiation of reportage boundaries and shared meanings. Journalists scoured the Internet for eyewitness accounts and to interview survivors (Zelizer & Allan 129). The same medium was used by others to spread conspiracy theories and viral rumors that numerology predicted the date September 11 or that the “face of Satan” could be seen in photographs of the World Trade Center (Zelizer & Allan 133). Karim H. Karim notes that the Jihad frame of an “Islamic Peril” was socially constructed by media outlets but then challenged by individual journalists who had learnt ‘to question the essentialist bases of her own socialization and placing herself in the Other’s shoes’ (Zelizer & Allan 112). Other journalists forgot that Jihad and McWorld were not separate but two intertwined worldviews that fed upon each other. The September 11 attacks on the Pentagon and the World Trade Center also had deep symbolic resonances for American sociopolitical ideals that some journalists explored through analysis of myths and metaphors. The Rise of Strategic Geography However these renegotiated boundariesof new media, multiperspectival frames, and ‘layered’ depth approaches to issues analysiswere essentially minority reports. The rationalist mode of journalism was soon reasserted through normative appeals to strategic geography. The U.S. networks framed their documentaries on Islam and the Middle East in bluntly realpolitik terms. The documentary “Minefield: The United States and the Muslim World” (ABC, 11 October 2001) made explicit strategic assumptions of ‘the U.S. as “managing” the region’ and ‘a definite tinge of superiority’ (Silberstein 153). ABC and CNN stressed the similarities between the world’s major monotheistic religions and their scriptural doctrines. Both networks limited their coverage of critiques and dissent to internecine schisms within these traditions (Silberstein 158). CNN also created different coverage for its North American and international audiences. The BBC was more cautious in its September 11 coverage and more global in outlook. Three United Kingdom specials – Panorama (Clash of Cultures, BBC1, 21 October 2001), Question Time (Question Time Special, BBC1, 13 September 2001), and “War Without End” (War on Trial, Channel 4, 27 October 2001) – drew upon the British traditions of parliamentary assembly, expert panels, and legal trials as ways to explore the multiple dimensions of the ‘War on Terror’ (Zelizer & Allan 180). These latter debates weren’t value free: the programs sanctioned ‘a tightly controlled and hierarchical agora’ through different containment strategies (Zelizer & Allan 183). Program formats, selected experts and presenters, and editorial/on-screen graphics were factors that pre-empted the viewer’s experience and conclusions. The traditional emphasis of news values on the expert was renewed. These subtle forms of thought-control enabled policy-makers to inform the public whilst inoculating them against terrorist propaganda. However the ‘CNN Effect’ also had counter-offensive capabilities. Osama bin Laden’s videotaped sermons and the al-Jazeera network’s broadcasts undermined the psychological operations maxim that enemies must not gain access to the mindshare of domestic audiences. Ingrid Volkmer recounts how the Los Angeles based National Iranian Television Network used satellite broadcasts to criticize the Iranian leadership and spark public riots (Zelizer & Allan 242). These incidents hint at why the ‘War on Terror’ myth, now unleashed upon the world, may become far more destabilizing to the world system than previous conflicts. Risk Reportage and Mediated Trauma When media analysts were considering the ‘CNN Effect’ a group of social contract theorists including Anthony Giddens, Zygmunt Bauman, and Ulrich Beck were debating, simultaneously, the status of modernity and the ‘unbounded contours’ of globalization. Beck termed this new environment of escalating uncertainties and uninsurable dangers the ‘world risk society’ (Beck). Although they drew upon constructivist and realist traditions Beck and Giddens ‘did not place risk perception at the center of their analysis’ (Zelizer & Allan 203). Instead this was the role of journalist as ‘witness’ to Ballard-style ‘institutionalized disaster areas’. The terrorist attacks on September 11 materialized this risk and obliterated the journalistic norms of detachment and objectivity. The trauma ‘destabilizes a sense of self’ within individuals (Zelizer & Allan 205) and disrupts the image-generating capacity of collective societies. Barbie Zelizer found that the press selection of September 11 photos and witnesses re-enacted the ‘Holocaust aesthetic’ created when Allied Forces freed the Nazi internment camps in 1945 (Zelizer & Allan 55-7). The visceral nature of September 11 imagery inverted the trend, from the Gulf War to NATO’s Kosovo bombings, for news outlets to depict war in detached video-game imagery (Zelizer & Allan 253). Coverage of the September 11 attacks and the subsequent Bali bombings (on 12 October 2002) followed a four-part pattern news cycle of assassinations and terrorism (Moeller 164-7). Moeller found that coverage moved from the initial event to a hunt for the perpetrators, public mourning, and finally, a sense of closure ‘when the media reassert the supremacy of the established political and social order’ (167). In both events the shock of the initial devastation was rapidly followed by the arrest of al Qaeda and Jamaah Islamiyah members, the creation and copying of the New York Times ‘Portraits of Grief’ template, and the mediation of trauma by a re-established moral order. News pundits had clearly studied the literature on bereavement and grief cycles (Kubler-Ross). However the neo-noir work culture of some outlets also fueled bitter disputes about how post-traumatic stress affected journalists themselves (Zelizer & Allan 253). Reconfiguring the Future After September 11 the geopolitical pundits, a reactive cycle of integration propaganda, pecking order shifts within journalism elites, strategic language, and mediated trauma all combined to bring a specific future into being. This outcome reflected the ‘media-state relationship’ in which coverage ‘still reflected policy preferences of parts of the U.S. elite foreign-policy-making community’ (Robinson 129). Although Internet media and non-elite analysts embraced Hallin’s ‘sphere of deviance’ there is no clear evidence yet that they have altered the opinions of policy-makers. The geopolitical segue from September 11 into the U.S.-led campaign against Iraq also has disturbing implications for the ‘CNN Effect’. Robinson found that its mythic reputation was overstated and tied to issues of policy certainty that the theory’s proponents often failed to examine. Media coverage molded a ‘domestic constituency ... for policy-makers to take action in Somalia’ (Robinson 62). He found greater support in ‘anecdotal evidence’ that the United Nations Security Council’s ‘safe area’ for Iraqi Kurds was driven by Turkey’s geo-strategic fears of ‘unwanted Kurdish refugees’ (Robinson 71). Media coverage did impact upon policy-makers to create Bosnian ‘safe areas’, however, ‘the Kosovo, Rwanda, and Iraq case studies’ showed that the ‘CNN Effect’ was unlikely as a key factor ‘when policy certainty exists’ (Robinson 118). The clear implication from Robinson’s studies is that empathy framing, humanitarian values, and searing visual imagery won’t be enough to challenge policy-makers. What remains to be done? Fortunately there are some possibilities that straddle the pragmatic, realpolitik and emancipatory approaches. Today’s activists and analysts are also aware of the dangers of ‘unfreedom’ and un-reflective dissent (Fromm). Peter Gabriel’s organisation Witness, which documents human rights abuses, is one benchmark of how to use real-time media and the video camera in an effective way. The domains of anthropology, negotiation studies, neuro-linguistics, and social psychology offer valuable lessons on techniques of non-coercive influence. The emancipatory tradition of futures studies offers a rich tradition of self-awareness exercises, institution rebuilding, and social imaging, offsets the pragmatic lure of normative scenarios. The final lesson from these books is that activists and analysts must co-adapt as the ‘War on Terror’ mutates into new and terrifying forms. Works Cited Amis, Martin. “Fear and Loathing.” The Guardian (18 Sep. 2001). 1 March 2001 <http://www.guardian.co.uk/Archive/Article/0,4273,4259170,00.php>. Ballard, J.G. The Atrocity Exhibition (rev. ed.). Los Angeles: V/Search Publications, 1990. Beck, Ulrich. World Risk Society. Malden, MA: Polity Press, 1999. Ellul, Jacques. Propaganda: The Formation of Men’s Attitudes. New York: Vintage Books, 1973. Friedman, Thomas. The Lexus and the Olive Tree. New York: Farrar, Straus & Giroux, 1999. Fromm, Erich. Escape from Freedom. New York: Farrar & Rhinehart, 1941. Fukuyama, Francis. The End of History and the Last Man. New York: Free Press, 1992. Huntington, Samuel P. The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1996. Kaplan, Robert. The Coming Anarchy: Shattering the Dreams of the Post Cold War. New York: Random House, 2000. Kubler-Ross, Elizabeth. On Death and Dying. London: Tavistock, 1969. McLuhan, Marshall. Understanding Media: The Extensions of Man. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1964. Moeller, Susan D. Compassion Fatigue: How the Media Sell Disease, Famine, War, and Death. New York: Routledge, 1999. Robinson, Piers. The CNN Effect: The Myth of News, Foreign Policy and Intervention. New York: Routledge, 2002. Silberstein, Sandra. War of Words: Language, Politics and 9/11. New York: Routledge, 2002. Wark, McKenzie. Virtual Geography: Living with Global Media Events. Bloomington IN: Indiana UP, 1994. Wiener, Norbert. Cybernetics: Or Control and Communication in the Animal and the Machine. New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1948. Zelizer, Barbie, and Stuart Allan (eds.). Journalism after September 11. New York: Routledge, 2002. Links http://www.guardian.co.uk/Archive/Article/0 Citation reference for this article Substitute your date of access for Dn Month Year etc... MLA Style Burns, Alex. "The Worldflash of a Coming Future" M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture< http://www.media-culture.org.au/0304/08-worldflash.php>. APA Style Burns, A. (2003, Apr 23). The Worldflash of a Coming Future. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture, 6,< http://www.media-culture.org.au/0304/08-worldflash.php>

According to the ABC television program Four Corners, “Parliament House in Canberra is a hotbed of political intrigue and high tension … . It’s known as the ‘Canberra Bubble’ and it operates in an atmosphere that seems far removed from how modern Australian workplaces are expected to function.” The term “Canberra Bubble” morphed to its current definition from 2001, although it existed in other forms before this. Its use has increased since 2015, with Prime Minister Scott Morrison regularly referring to it when attempting to deflect from turmoil within, or focus on, his Coalition government (Gwynn). “Canberra Bubble” was selected as the 2018 “Word of the Year” by the Australian National Dictionary Centre, defined as “referring to the idea that federal politicians, bureaucracy, and political journalists are obsessed with the goings-on in Canberra (rather than the everyday concerns of Australians)” (Gwynn). In November 2020, Four Corners aired an investigation into the behaviour of top government ministers, including Attorney-General Christian Porter, Minister Alan Tudge, and former Deputy Prime Minister and leader of the National Party Barnaby Joyce; entitled “Inside the Canberra Bubble”. The program’s reporter, Louise Milligan, observed: there’s a strong but unofficial tradition in federal politics of what happens in Canberra, stays in Canberra. Politicians, political staff and media operate in what’s known as ‘The Canberra Bubble’. Along with the political gamesmanship, there’s a heady, permissive culture and that culture can be toxic for women. The program acknowledged that parliamentary culture included the belief that politicians’ private lives were not open to public scrutiny. However, this leaves many women working in Parliament House feeling that such silence allows inappropriate behaviour and sexism to “thrive” in the “culture of silence” (Four Corners). Former Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull, who was interviewed for the Four Corners program, acknowledged: “there is always a power imbalance between the boss and somebody who works for them, the younger and more junior they are, the more extreme that power imbalance is. And of course, Ministers essentially have the power to hire and fire their staff, so they’ve got enormous power.” He equates this to past culture in large corporations; a culture that has seen changes in business, but not in the federal parliament. It is the latter place that is a toxic bubble for women. A Woman Problem in the Bubble Louise Milligan reported: “the Liberal Party has been grappling with what’s been described as a ‘women problem’ for several years, with accusations of endemic sexism.” The underrepresentation of women in the current government sees them holding only seven of the 30 current ministerial positions. The Liberal Party has fewer women in the House of Representatives now than it did 20 years ago, while the Labor Party has doubled the number of women in its ranks. When asked his view on the “woman problem”, Malcolm Turnbull replied: “well I think women have got a problem with the Liberal Party. It’s probably a better way of putting it … . The party does not have enough women MPs and Senators … . It is seen as being very blokey.” Current Prime Minister Scott Morrison said in March 2019: “we want to see women rise. But we don’t want to see women rise, only on the basis of others doing worse” (Four Corners); with “others” seen as a reference to men. The Liberal Party’s “woman problem” has been widely discussed in recent years, both in relation to the low numbers of women in its parliamentary representation and in its behaviour towards women. These claims were evident in an article highlighting allegations of bullying by Member of Parliament (MP) Julia Banks, which led to her resignation from the Liberal Party in 2018. Banks’s move to the crossbench as an Independent was followed by the departure from politics of senior Liberal MP and former Deputy Leader Julie Bishop and three other female Liberal MPs prior to the 2019 federal election. For resigning Liberal MP Linda Reynolds, the tumultuous change of leadership in the Liberal Party on 24 August 2018, when Scott Morrison replaced Malcolm Turnbull as Prime Minister, left her to say: “I do not recognise my party at the moment. I do not recognise the values. I do not recognise the bullying and intimidation that has gone on.” Bishop observed on 5 September: “it’s evident that there is an acceptance of a level of behaviour in Canberra that would not be tolerated in any other workplace.” And in her resignation speech on 27 November, Banks stated: “Often, when good women call out or are subjected to bad behaviour, the reprisals, backlash and commentary portrays them as the bad ones – the liar, the troublemaker, the emotionally unstable or weak, or someone who should be silenced” (Four Corners). Rachel Miller is a former senior Liberal staffer who worked for nine years in Parliament House. She admitted to having a consensual relationship with MP Alan Tudge. Both were married at the time. Her reason for “blowing the whistle” was not about the relationship itself, rather the culture built on an imbalance of power that she experienced and witnessed, particularly when endeavouring to end the relationship with Tudge. This saw her moving from Tudge’s office to that of Michaelia Cash, eventually being demoted and finally resigning. Miller refused to accept the Canberra bubble “culture of just putting your head down and not getting involved”. The Four Corners story also highlighted the historical behaviour of Attorney-General Christian Porter and his attitude towards women over several decades. Milligan reported: in the course of this investigation, Four Corners has spoken to dozens of former and currently serving staffers, politicians, and members of the legal profession. Many have worked within, or voted for, the Liberal Party. And many have volunteered examples of what they believe is inappropriate conduct by Christian Porter – including being drunk in public and making unwanted advances to women. Lawyer Josh Bornstein told Four Corners that the role of Attorney-General “occupies a unique role … as the first law officer of the country”, having a position in both the legal system and in politics. It is his view that this comes with a requirement for the Attorney-General “to be impeccable in terms of personal and political behaviour”. Milligan asserts that Porter’s role as “the nation’s chief law officer, includes implementing rules to protect women”. A historical review of Porter’s behaviour and attitude towards women was provided to Four Corners by barrister Kathleen Foley and debating colleague from 1987, Jo Dyer. Dyer described Porter as “very charming … very confident … Christian was quite slick … he had an air of entitlement … that I think was born of the privilege from which he came”. Foley has known Porter since she was sixteen, including at university and later when both were at the State Solicitors’ Office in Western Australia, and her impression was that Porter possessed a “dominant personality”. She said that many expected him to become a “powerful person one day” partly due to his father being “a Liberal Party powerbroker”, and that Porter had aspirations to become Prime Minister. She observed: “I’ve known him to be someone who was in my opinion, and based on what I saw, deeply sexist and actually misogynist in his treatment of women, in the way that he spoke about women.” Foley added: “for a long time, Christian has benefited from the silence around his conduct and his behaviour, and the silence has meant that his behaviour has been tolerated … . I’m here because I don’t think that his behaviour should be tolerated, and it is not acceptable.” Miller told the Four Corners program that she and others, including journalists, had observed Porter being “very intimate” with a young woman. Milligan noted that Porter “had a wife and toddler at home in Perth”, while Miller found the incident “quite confronting … in such a public space … . I was quite surprised by the behaviour and … it was definitely a step too far”. The incident was confirmed to Four Corners by “five other people, including Coalition staffers”. However, in 2017 the “Public Bar incident remained inside the Canberra bubble – it never leaked”, reports Milligan. In response to the exposure of Nationals MP Barnaby Joyce’s relationship with a member of his staff, Malcolm Turnbull changed the Code of Ministerial Standards (February 2018) for members of the Coalition Government (Liberal and National Parties). Labelled by many media as the “bonk ban”, the new code banned sexual relationships between ministers and their staff. Turnbull stopped short of asking Joyce to resign (Yaxley), however, Joyce stepped down as Leader of the National Party and Deputy Prime Minister shortly after the code was amended. Turnbull has conceded that the Joyce affair was the catalyst for implementing changes to ministerial standards (Four Corners). He was also aware of other incidents, including the behaviour of Christian Porter and claims he spoke with Porter in 2017, when concerns were raised about Porter’s behaviour. In what Turnbull acknowledges to be a stressful working environment, the ‘Canberra bubble’ is exacerbated by long hours, alcohol, and being away from family; this leads some members to a loss of standards in behaviour, particularly in relation to how women are viewed. This seems to blame the ‘bubble’ rather than acknowledge poor behaviour. Despite the allegations of improper behaviour against Porter, in 2017 Turnbull appointed Porter Attorney-General. Describing the atmosphere in the Canberra bubble, Miller concedes that not “all men are predators and [not] all women are victims”. She adds that a “work hard, play hard … gung ho mentality” in a “highly sexualised environment” sees senior men not being called out for behaviour, creating the perception that they are “almost beyond reproach [and it’s] something they can get away with”. Turnbull observes: “the attitudes to women and the lack of respect … of women in many quarters … reminds me of the corporate scene … 40 years ago. It’s just not modern Australia” (Four Corners). In a disclaimer about the program, Milligan stated: Four Corners does not suggest only Liberal politicians cross this line. But the Liberal Party is in government. And the Liberal politicians in question are Ministers of the Crown. All ministers must now abide by Ministerial Standards set down by Prime Minister Scott Morrison in 2018. They say: ‘Serving the Australian people as Ministers ... is an honour and comes with expectations to act at all times to the highest possible standards of probity.’ They also prohibit Ministers from having sexual relations with staff. Both Tudge and Porter were sent requests by Four Corners for interviews and answers to detailed questions prior to the program going to air. Tudge did not respond and Porter provided a brief statement in regards to his meeting with Malcolm Turnbull, denying that he had been questioned about allegations of his conduct as reported by Four Corners and that other matters had been discussed. Reactions to the Four Corners Program Responses to the program via mainstream media and on social media were intense, ranging from outrage at the behaviour of ministers on the program, to outrage that the program had aired the private lives of government ministers, with questions as to whether this was in the public interest. Porter himself disputed allegations of his behaviour aired in the program, labelling the claims as “totally false” and said he was considering legal options for “defamation” (Maiden). However, in a subsequent radio interview, Porter said “he did not want a legal battle to distract from his role” as a government minister (Moore). Commenting on the meeting he had with Turnbull in 2017, Porter asserted that Turnbull had not spoken to him about the alleged behaviour and that Turnbull “often summoned ministers in frustration about the amount of detail leaking from his Cabinet.” Porter also questioned the comments made by Dyer and Foley, saying he had not had contact with them “for decades” (Maiden). Yet, in a statement provided to the West Australian after the program aired, Porter admitted that Turnbull had raised the rumours of an incident and Porter had assured him they were unfounded. In a statement he again denied the allegations made in the Four Corners program, but admitted that he had “failed to be a good husband” (Moore). In a brief media release following the program, Tudge stated: “I regret my actions immensely and the hurt it caused my family. I also regret the hurt that Ms. Miller has experienced” (Grattan). Following the Four Corners story, Scott Morrison and Anne Ruston, the Minister for Families and Social Services, held a media conference to respond to the allegations raised by the program. Ruston was asked about her views of the treatment of women within the Liberal Party. However, she was cut off by Morrison who aired his grievance about the use of the term “bonk ban” by journalists, when referring to the ban on ministers having sexual relations with their staff. This interruption of a female minister responding to a question directed at her about allegations of misogyny drew world-wide attention. Ruston went on to reply that she felt “wholly supported” as a member of the party and in her Cabinet position. The video of the incident resulted in a backlash on social media. Ruston was asked about being cut off by the Prime Minister at subsequent media interviews and said she believed it to be “an entirely appropriate intervention” and reiterated her own experiences of being fully supported by other members of the Liberal Party (Maasdorp). Attempts to Silence the ABC A series of actions by government staff and ministers prior to, and following, the Four Corners program airing confirmed the assumption suggested by Milligan that “what happens in Canberra, stays in Canberra”. In the days leading to the airing of the Four Corners program, members of the federal government contacted ABC Chair Ita Buttrose, ABC Managing Director David Anderson, and other senior staff, criticising the program’s content before its release and questioning whether it was in the public interest. The Executive Producer for the program, Sally Neighbour, tweeted about the attempts to have the program cancelled on the day it was to air, and praised ABC management for not acceding to the demands. Anderson raised his concerns about the emails and calls to ABC senior staff while appearing at Senate estimates and said he found it “extraordinary” (Murphy & Davies). Buttrose also voiced her concerns and presented a lecture reinforcing the importance of “the ABC, democracy and the importance of press freedom”. As the public broadcaster, the ABC has a charter under the Australian Broadcasting Corporation Act (1983) (ABC Act), which includes its right to media independence. The attempt by the federal government to influence programming at the ABC was seen as countering this independence. Following the airing of the Four Corners program, the Morrison Government, via Communications Minister Paul Fletcher, again contacted Ita Buttrose by letter, asking how reporting allegations of inappropriate behaviour by ministers was “in the public interest”. Fletcher made the letter public via his Twitter account on the same day. The letter “posed 15 questions to the ABC board requesting an explanation within 14 days as to how the episode complied with the ABC’s code of practice and its statutory obligations to provide accurate and impartial journalism”. Fletcher also admitted that a senior member of his staff had contacted a member of the ABC board prior to the show airing but denied this was “an attempt to lobby the board”. Reportedly the ABC was “considering a response to what it believes is a further attack on its independence” (Visentin & Samios). A Case of Double Standards Liberal Senator Concetta Fierravanti-Wells told Milligan (Four Corners) that she believes “values and beliefs are very important” when standing for political office, with a responsibility to electors to “abide by those values and beliefs because ultimately we will be judged by them”. It is her view that “there is an expectation that in service of the Australian public, [politicians] abide by the highest possible conduct and integrity”. Porter has portrayed himself as being a family man, and an advocate for people affected by sexual harassment and concerned about domestic violence. Four Corners included two videos of Porter, the first from June 2020, where he stated: “no-one should have to suffer sexual harassment at work or in any other part of their lives … . The Commonwealth Government takes it very seriously”. In the second recording, from 2015, Porter spoke on the topic of domestic violence, where he advocated ensuring “that young boys understand what a respectful relationship is … what is acceptable and … go on to be good fathers and good husbands”. Tudge and Joyce hold a conservative view of traditional marriage as being between a man and a woman. They made this very evident during the plebiscite on legalising same-sex marriage in 2017. One of Tudge’s statements during the public debate was shown on the Four Corners program, where he said that he had “reservations about changing the Marriage Act to include same-sex couples” as he viewed “marriage as an institution … primarily about creating a bond for the creation, love and care of children. And … if the definition is changed … then the institution itself would potentially be weakened”. Miller responded by confirming that this was the public image Tudge portrayed, however, she was upset, surprised and believed it to be hypocrisy “to hear him … speak in parliament … and express a view that for children to have the right upbringing they need to have a mother and father and a traditional kind of family environment” (Four Corners). Following the outcome to the plebiscite in favour of marriage equality (Evershed), both Tudge and Porter voted to pass the legislation, in line with their electorates, while Joyce abstained from voting on the legislation (against the wishes of his electorate), along with nine other MPs including Scott Morrison (Henderson). Turnbull told Milligan: there’s no question that some of the most trenchant opponents of same-sex marriage, all in the name of traditional marriage, were at the same time enthusiastic practitioners of traditional adultery. As I said many times, this issue of the controversy over same-sex marriage was dripping with hypocrisy and the pools were deepest at the feet of the sanctimonious. The Bubble Threatens to Burst On 25 January 2021, the advocate for survivors of sexual assault, Grace Tame, was announced as Australian of the Year. This began a series of events that has the Canberra bubble showing signs of potentially rupturing, or perhaps even imploding, as further allegations of sexual assault emerge. Inspired by the speech of Grace Tame at the awards ceremony and the fact that the Prime Minister was standing beside her, on 15 February 2021, former Liberal staffer Brittany Higgins disclosed to journalist Samantha Maiden the allegation that she had been raped by a senior staffer in March 2019. Higgins also appeared in a television interview with Lisa Wilkinson that evening. The assault allegedly occurred after hours in the office of her boss, then Minister for Defence Industry and current Minister for Defence, Senator Linda Reynolds. Higgins said she reported what had occurred to the Minister and other staff, but felt she was being made to choose between her job and taking the matter to police. The 2019 federal election was called a few weeks later. Although Higgins wanted to continue in her “dream job” at Parliament House, she resigned prior to her disclosure in February 2021. Reynolds and Morrison were questioned extensively on the matter, in parliament and by the media, as to what they knew and when they were informed. Public outrage at the allegations was heightened by conflicting stories of these timelines and of who else knew. Although Reynolds had declared to the Senate that her office had provided full support to Higgins, it was revealed that her original response to the allegations to those in her office on the day of the media publication was to call Higgins a “lying cow”. After another public and media outcry, Reynolds apologised to Higgins (Hitch). Initially avoiding addressing the Higgins allegation directly, Morrison finally stated his empathy for Higgins in a doorstop media interview, reflecting advice he had received from his wife: Jenny and I spoke last night, and she said to me, "You have to think about this as a father first. What would you want to happen if it were our girls?" Jenny has a way of clarifying things, always has. On 3 March 2021, Grace Tame presented a powerful speech to the National Press Club. She was asked her view on the Prime Minister referring to his role as a father in the case of Brittany Higgins. Morrison’s statement had already enraged the public and certain members of the media, including many female journalists. Tame considered her response, then replied: “It shouldn’t take having children to have a conscience. [pause] And actually, on top of that, having children doesn’t guarantee a conscience.” The statement was met by applause from the gallery and received public acclaim. A further allegation of rape was made public on 27 February 2021, when friends of a deceased woman sent the Prime Minister a full statement from the woman that a current unnamed Cabinet Minister had raped her in 1988, when she was 16 years old (Yu). Morrison was asked whether he had spoken with the Minister, and stated that the Minister had denied the allegations and he saw no need to take further action, and would leave it to the police. New South Wales police subsequently announced that in light of the woman’s death last year, they could not proceed with an investigation and the matter was closed. The name of the woman has not been officially disclosed, however, on the afternoon of 3 March 2021 Attorney-General Christian Porter held a press conference naming himself as the Minister in question and vehemently denied the allegations. In light of the latest allegations, coverage by some journalists has shown the propensity to be complicit in protecting the Canberra bubble, while others (mainly women) endeavour to provide investigative journalistic coverage. The Outcome to Date Focus on the behaviour highlighted by “Inside the Canberra Bubble” in November 2020 waned quickly, with journalist Sean Kelly observing: since ABC’s Four Corners broadcast an episode exploring entrenched sexism in Parliament House, and more specifically within the Liberal Party, male politicians have said very, very, very little about it … . The episode in question was broadcast three weeks ago. It’s old news. But in this case that’s the point: every time the issue of sexism in Canberra is raised, it’s quickly rushed past, then forgotten (by men). Nothing happens. As noted earlier, Rachel Miller resigned from her position at Parliament House following the affair with Tudge. Barrister Kathleen Foley had held a position on the Victorian Bar Council, however three days after the Four Corners program went to air, Foley was voted off the council. According to Matilda Boseley from The Guardian, the change of council members was seen more broadly as an effort to remove progressives. Foley has also been vocal about gender issues within the legal profession. With the implementation of the new council, five members held their positions and 16 were replaced, seeing a change from 62 per cent female representation to 32 per cent (Boseley). No action was taken by the Prime Minister in light of the revelations by Four Corners: Christian Porter maintained his position as Attorney-General, Minister for Industrial Relations, and Leader of the House; and Alan Tudge continued as a member of the Federal Cabinet, currently as Minister for Education and Youth. Despite ongoing calls for an independent enquiry into the most recent allegations, and for Porter to stand aside, he continues as Attorney-General, although he has taken sick leave to address mental health impacts of the allegations (ABC News). Reynolds continues to hold the position of Defence Minister following the Higgins allegations, and has also taken sick leave on the advice of her specialist, now extended to after the March 2021 sitting of parliament (Doran). While Scott Morrison stands in support of Porter amid the allegations against him, he has called for an enquiry into the workplace culture of Parliament House. This appears to be in response to claims that a fourth woman was assaulted, allegedly by Higgins’s perpetrator. The enquiry, to be led by Kate Jenkins, Australia’s Sex Discrimination Commissioner, is focussed on “how to change the culture, how to change the practices, and how to ensure that, in future, we do have the best possible environment for prevention and response” (Murphy). By focussing the narrative of the enquiry on the “culture” of Parliament House, it diverts attention from the allegations of rape by Higgins and against Porter. While the enquiry is broadly welcomed, any outcomes will require more than changes to the workplace: they will require a much broader social change in attitudes towards women. The rage of women, in light of the current gendered political culture, has evolved into a call to action. An initial protest march, planned for outside Parliament House on 15 March 2021, has expanded to rallies in all capital cities and many other towns and cities in Australia. Entitled Women’s March 4 Justice, thousands of people, both women and men, have indicated their intention to participate. It is acknowledged that many residents of Canberra have objected to their entire city being encompassed in the term “Canberra Bubble”. However, the term’s relevance to this current state of affairs reflects the culture of those working in and for the Australian parliament, rather than residents of the city. It also describes the way that those who work in all things related to the federal government carry an apparent assumption that the bubble offers them immunity from the usual behaviour and accountability required of those outside the bubble. It this “bubble” that needs to burst. With a Prime Minister seemingly unable to recognise the hypocrisy of Ministers allegedly acting in ways contrary to “good character”, and for Porter, with ongoing allegations of improper behaviour, as expected for the country’s highest law officer, and in his mishandling of Higgins claims as called out by Tame, the bursting of the “Canberra bubble” may cost him government. References ABC News. “Christian Porter Denies Historical Rape Allegation.” Transcript. 4 Mar. 2021. 4 Mar. 2021 <https://www.abc.net.au/news/2021-03-03/christian-porter-press-conference-transcript/13212054>. Boseley, Matilda. “Barrister on Four Corners' Christian Porter Episode Loses Victorian Bar Council Seat.” The Guardian 11 Nov. 2020. 10 Dec. 2020 <https://www.theguardian.com/law/2020/nov/12/barrister-on-four-corners-christian-porter-episode-loses-victorian-bar-council-seat>. Buttrose, Ita. “The ABC, Democracy and the Importance of Press Freedom.” Lecture. Ramsay Centre for Western Civilisation. 12 Nov. 2020. 10 Dec. 2020 <http://about.abc.net.au/speeches/the-abc-democracy-and-the-importance-of-press-freedom/>. Doran, Matthew. “Linda Reynolds Extends Her Leave.” ABC News 7 Mar. 2021. 7 Mar. 2021 <https://www.abc.net.au/news/2021-03-07/linda-reynolds-extends-her-leave-following-rape-allegation/13224824>. Evershed, Nick. “Full Results of Australia's Vote for Same-Sex Marriage.” The Guardian 15 Nov. 2017. 10 Dec. 2020. <https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/datablog/ng-interactive/2017/nov/15/same-sex-marriage-survey-how-australia-voted-electorate-by-electorate>. Four Corners. “Inside the Canberra Bubble.” ABC Television 9 Nov. 2020. 20 Nov. 2020 <https://www.abc.net.au/4corners/inside-the-canberra-bubble/12864676>. Grattan, Michelle. “Porter Rejects Allegations of Inappropriate Sexual Behaviour and Threatens Legal Action.” The Conversation 10 Nov. 2020. 10 Dec. 2020 <https://theconversation.com/porter-rejects-allegations-149774>. Gwynn, Mark. “Australian National Dictionary Centre’s Word of the Year 2018.” Ozwords 13 Dec. 2018. 10 Dec 2020 <http://ozwords.org/?p=8643#more-8643>. Henderson, Anna. “Same-Sex Marriage: This Is Everyone Who Didn't Vote to Support the Bill.” ABC News 8 Dec. 2017. 10 Dec. 2020 <https://www.abc.net.au/news/2017-12-08/same-sex-marriage-who-didnt-vote/9240584>. Heurich, Angelika. “Women in Australian Politics: Maintaining the Rage against the Political Machine”. M/C Journal 22.1 (2019). https://doi.org/10.5204/mcj.1498. Hitch, Georgia. “Defence Minister Linda Reynolds Apologises to Brittany Higgins.” ABC News 5 Mar. 2021. 5 Mar. 2021 <https://www.abc.net.au/news/2021-03-05/linda-reynolds-apologises-to-brittany-higgins-lying-cow/13219796>. Kelly, Sean. “Morrison Should Heed His Own Advice – and Fix His Culture Problem.” Sydney Morning Herald 29 Nov. 2020. 10 Dec. 2020 <https://www.smh.com.au/politics/federal/morrison-should-heed-his-own-advice-and-fix-his-culture-problem-20201129-p56iwn.html>. Maasdorp, James. “Scott Morrison Cops Backlash after Interrupting Anne Ruston.” ABC News 11 Nov. 2020. 10 Dec. 2020 <https://www.abc.net.au/news/2020-11-11/scott-morrison-anne-ruston-liberal-party-government/12873158>. Maiden, Samantha. “Christian Porter Hits Back at ‘Totally False’ Claims Aired on Four Corners.” The Australian 10 Nov. 2020. 10 Dec. 2020 <https://www.news.com.au/entertainment/tv/current-affairs/christian-porter-hits-back-at-totally-false-claims-aired-on-four-corners/news-story/0bc84b6268268f56d99714fdf8fa9ba2>. ———. “Young Staffer Brittany Higgins Says She Was Raped at Parliament House.” News.com.au 15 Sep. 2021. 15 Sep. 2021 <https://www.news.com.au/national/politics/parliament-house-rocked-by-brittany-higgins-alleged-rape/news-story/>. Moore, Charlie. “Embattled Minister Christian Porter Admits He Failed to Be 'a Good Husband’.” Daily Mail 11 Nov. 2020. 10 Dec. 2020 <https://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-8936197/>. Morrison, Scott. “Doorstop Interview – Parliament House.” Transcript. Prime Minister of Australia. 16 Feb. 2021. 1 Mar. 2021 <https://www.pm.gov.au/media/doorstop-interview-australian-parliament-house-act-160221>. Murphy, Katharine. “Sex Discrimination Commissioner Kate Jenkins to Lead Review into Parliament’s Workplace Culture.” The Guardian 5 Mar. 2021. 7 Mar. 2021 <https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2021/mar/05/sex-discrimination-commissioner-kate-jenkins-to-lead-review-into-parliaments-workplace-culture>. Murphy, Katharine, and Anne Davies. “Criticism of Four Corners 'Bonk Ban' Investigation before It Airs 'Extraordinary', ABC Boss Says.” The Guardian 9 Nov. 2020. 10 Dec. 2020 <https://www.theguardian.com/media/2020/nov/09/abc-under-extreme-political-pressure-over-bonk-ban-investigation-four-corners-boss-says>. Neighbour, Sally. “The Political Pressure.” Twitter 9 Nov. 2020. 9 Nov. 2020 <https://twitter.com/neighbour_s/status/1325545916107927552>. Tame, Grace. Address. National Press Club. 3 Mar. 2021. 3 Mar. 2021 <https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LJmwOTfjn9U>. Visentin, Lisa, and Zoe Samios. “Morrison Government Asks ABC to Please Explain Controversial Four Corners Episode.” Sydney Morning Herald 1 Dec. 2020. 10 Dec. 2020 <https://www.smh.com.au/politics/federal/morrison-government-asks-abc-to-please-explain-controversial-four-corners-episode-20201201-p56jg2.html>. Wilkinson, Lisa. “Interview with Brittany Higgins.” The Project. Channel 10. 15 Sep. 2021. 16 Sep. 2021 <https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nyjkjeoO2o4>. Yaxley, Louise. “Malcolm Turnbull Bans Ministers from Sex with Staffers.” ABC News 15 Feb. 2018. 10 Dec. 2020 <https://www.abc.net.au/news/2018-02-15/turnbull-slams-joyce-affair-changes-to-ministerial-standards/9451792>. Yu, Andi. “Rape Allegation against Cabinet Minister.” The Canberra Times 27 Feb. 2021. 1 Mar. 2021 <https://www.canberratimes.com.au/story/7145324/rape-allegation-against-cabinet-minister/>.

All history of this area and the general talk and all of that is that 1973 was a turning point and the Aquarius Festival is credited with having turned this region around in so many ways, but I think that is a myth ... and I have to honour the truth; and the truth is that old Dicke Donelly came and did a Welcome to Country the night before the festival. (Joseph in Joseph and Hanley)In 1973 the Australian Union of Students (AUS) held the Aquarius Arts and Lifestyle Festival in a small, rural New South Wales town called Nimbin. The festival was seen as the peak expression of Australian counterculture and is attributed to creating the “Rainbow Region”, an area with a concentration of alternative life stylers in Northern NSW (Derrett 28). While the Aquarius Festival is recognised as a founding historical and countercultural event, the unique and important relationships established with Indigenous people at this time are generally less well known. This article investigates claims that the 1973 Aquarius Festival was “the first event in Australian history that sought permission for the use of the land from the Traditional Owners” (Joseph and Hanley). The diverse international, national and local conditions that coalesced at the Aquarius Festival suggest a fertile environment was created for reconciliatory bonds to develop. Often dismissed as a “tree hugging, soap dodging movement,” the counterculture was radically politicised having sprung from the 1960s social revolutions when the world witnessed mass demonstrations that confronted war, racism, sexism and capitalism. Primarily a youth movement, it was characterised by flamboyant dress, music, drugs and mass gatherings with universities forming the epicentre and white, middle class youth leading the charge. As their ideals of changing the world were frustrated by lack of systematic change, many decided to disengage and a migration to rural settings occurred (Jacob; Munro-Clarke; Newton). In the search for alternatives, the counterculture assimilated many spiritual practices, such as Eastern traditions and mysticism, which were previously obscure to the Western world. This practice of spiritual syncretism can be represented as a direct resistance to the hegemony of the dominant Western culture (Stell). As the new counterculture developed, its progression from urban to rural settings was driven by philosophies imbued with a desire to reconnect with and protect the natural world while simultaneously rejecting the dominant conservative order. A recurring feature of this countercultural ‘back to the land’ migration was not only an empathetic awareness of the injustices of colonial past, but also a genuine desire to learn from the Indigenous people of the land. Indigenous people were generally perceived as genuine opposers of Westernisation, inherently spiritual, ecological, tribal and communal, thus encompassing the primary values to which the counterculture was aspiring (Smith). Cultures converged. One, a youth culture rebelling from its parent culture; the other, ancient cultures reeling from the historical conquest by the youths’ own ancestors. Such cultural intersections are rich with complex scenarios and politics. As a result, often naïve, but well-intended relations were established with Native Americans, various South American Indigenous peoples, New Zealand Maori and, as this article demonstrates, the Original People of Australia (Smith; Newton; Barr-Melej; Zolov). The 1960s protest era fostered the formation of groups aiming to address a variety of issues, and at times many supported each other. Jennifer Clarke says it was the Civil Rights movement that provided the first models of dissent by formulating a “method, ideology and language of protest” as African Americans stood up and shouted prior to other movements (2). The issue of racial empowerment was not lost on Australia’s Indigenous population. Clarke writes that during the 1960s, encouraged by events overseas and buoyed by national organisation, Aborigines “slowly embarked on a political awakening, demanded freedom from the trappings of colonialism and responded to the effects of oppression at worst and neglect at best” (4). Activism of the 1960s had the “profoundly productive effect of providing Aborigines with the confidence to assert their racial identity” (159). Many Indigenous youth were compelled by the zeitgeist to address their people’s issues, fulfilling Charlie Perkins’s intentions of inspiring in Indigenous peoples a will to resist (Perkins). Enjoying new freedoms of movement out of missions, due to the 1967 Constitutional change and the practical implementation of the assimilation policy, up to 32,000 Indigenous youth moved to Redfern, Sydney between 1967 and 1972 (Foley, “An Evening With”). Gary Foley reports that a dynamic new Black Power Movement emerged but the important difference between this new younger group and the older Indigenous leaders of the day was the diverse range of contemporary influences. Taking its mantra from the Black Panther movement in America, though having more in common with the equivalent Native American Red Power movement, the Black Power Movement acknowledged many other international struggles for independence as equally inspiring (Foley, “An Evening”). People joined together for grassroots resistance, formed anti-hierarchical collectives and established solidarities between varied groups who previously would have had little to do with each other. The 1973 Aquarius Festival was directly aligned with “back to the land” philosophies. The intention was to provide a place and a reason for gathering to “facilitate exchanges on survival techniques” and to experience “living in harmony with the natural environment.” without being destructive to the land (Dunstan, “A Survival Festival”). Early documents in the archives, however, reveal no apparent interest in Australia’s Indigenous people, referring more to “silken Arabian tents, mediaeval banners, circus, jugglers and clowns, peace pipes, maypole and magic circles” (Dunstan, “A Survival Festival”). Obliterated from the social landscape and minimally referred to in the Australian education system, Indigenous people were “off the radar” to the majority mindset, and the Australian counterculture similarly was slow to appreciate Indigenous culture. Like mainstream Australia, the local counterculture movement largely perceived the “race” issue as something occurring in other countries, igniting the phrase “in your own backyard” which became a catchcry of Indigenous activists (Foley, “Whiteness and Blackness”) With no mention of any Indigenous interest, it seems likely that the decision to engage grew from the emerging climate of Indigenous activism in Australia. Frustrated by student protestors who seemed oblivious to local racial issues, focusing instead on popular international injustices, Indigenous activists accused them of hypocrisy. Aquarius Festival directors, found themselves open to similar accusations when public announcements elicited a range of responses. Once committed to the location of Nimbin, directors Graeme Dunstan and Johnny Allen began a tour of Australian universities to promote the upcoming event. While at the annual conference of AUS in January 1973 at Monash University, Dunstan met Indigenous activist Gary Foley: Gary witnessed the presentation of Johnny Allen and myself at the Aquarius Foundation session and our jubilation that we had agreement from the village residents to not only allow, but also to collaborate in the production of the Festival. After our presentation which won unanimous support, it was Gary who confronted me with the question “have you asked permission from local Aboriginal folk?” This threw me into confusion because we had seen no Aboriginals in Nimbin. (Dunstan, e-mail) Such a challenge came at a time when the historical climate was etched with political activism, not only within the student movement, but more importantly with Indigenous activists’ recent demonstrations, such as the installation in 1972 of the Tent Embassy in Canberra. As representatives of the counterculture movement, which was characterised by its inclinations towards consciousness-raising, AUS organisers were ethically obliged to respond appropriately to the questions about Indigenous permission and involvement in the Aquarius Festival at Nimbin. In addition to this political pressure, organisers in Nimbin began hearing stories of the area being cursed or taboo for women. This most likely originated from the tradition of Nimbin Rocks, a rocky outcrop one kilometre from Nimbin, as a place where only certain men could go. Jennifer Hoff explains that many major rock formations were immensely sacred places and were treated with great caution and respect. Only a few Elders and custodians could visit these places and many such locations were also forbidden for women. Ceremonies were conducted at places like Nimbin Rocks to ensure the wellbeing of all tribespeople. Stories of the Nimbin curse began to spread and most likely captivated a counterculture interested in mysticism. As organisers had hoped that news of the festival would spread on the “lips of the counterculture,” they were alarmed to hear how “fast the bad news of this curse was travelling” (Dunstan, e-mail). A diplomatic issue escalated with further challenges from the Black Power community when organisers discovered that word had spread to Sydney’s Indigenous community in Redfern. Organisers faced a hostile reaction to their alleged cultural insensitivity and were plagued by negative publicity with accusations the AUS were “violating sacred ground” (Janice Newton 62). Faced with such bad press, Dunstan was determined to repair what was becoming a public relations disaster. It seemed once prompted to the path, a sense of moral responsibility prevailed amongst the organisers and they took the unprecedented step of reaching out to Australia’s Indigenous people. Dunstan claimed that an expedition was made to the local Woodenbong mission to consult with Elder, Uncle Lyle Roberts. To connect with local people required crossing the great social divide present in that era of Australia’s history. Amy Nethery described how from the nineteenth century to the 1960s, a “system of reserves, missions and other institutions isolated, confined and controlled Aboriginal people” (9). She explains that the people were incarcerated as a solution to perceived social problems. For Foley, “the widespread genocidal activity of early “settlement” gave way to a policy of containment” (Foley, “Australia and the Holocaust”). Conditions on missions were notoriously bad with alcoholism, extreme poverty, violence, serious health issues and depression common. Of particular concern to mission administrators was the perceived need to keep Indigenous people separate from the non-indigenous population. Dunstan described the mission he visited as having “bad vibes.” He found it difficult to communicate with the elderly man, and was not sure if he understood Dunstan’s quest, as his “responses came as disjointed raves about Jesus and saving grace” (Dunstan, e-mail). Uncle Lyle, he claimed, did not respond affirmatively or negatively to the suggestion that Nimbin was cursed, and so Dunstan left assuming it was not true. Other organisers began to believe the curse and worried that female festival goers might get sick or worse, die. This interpretation reflected, as Vanessa Bible argues, a general Eurocentric misunderstanding of the relationship of Indigenous peoples with the land. Paul Joseph admits they were naïve whites coming into a place with very little understanding, “we didn’t know if we needed a witch doctor or what we needed but we knew we needed something from the Aborigines to lift the spell!”(Joseph and Hanley). Joseph, one of the first “hippies” who moved to the area, had joined forces with AUS organisers. He said, “it just felt right” to get Indigenous involvement and recounted how organisers made another trip to Woodenbong Mission to find Dickee (Richard) Donnelly, a Song Man, who was very happy to be invited. Whether the curse was valid or not it proved to be productive in further instigating respectful action. Perhaps feeling out of their depth, the organisers initiated another strategy to engage with Australian Indigenous people. A call out was sent through the AUS network to diversify the cultural input and it was recommended they engage the services of South African artist, Bauxhau Stone. Timing aligned well as in 1972 Australia had voted in a new Prime Minister, Gough Whitlam. Whitlam brought about significant political changes, many in response to socialist protests that left a buoyancy in the air for the counterculturalist movement. He made prodigious political changes in support of Indigenous people, including creating the Aboriginal Arts Board as part of the Australian Council of the Arts (ACA). As the ACA were already funding activities for the Aquarius Festival, organisers were successful in gaining two additional grants specifically for Indigenous participation (Farnham). As a result We were able to hire […] representatives, a couple of Kalahari bushmen. ‘Cause we were so dumb, we didn’t think we could speak to the black people, you know what I mean, we thought we would be rejected, or whatever, so for us to really reach out, we needed somebody black to go and talk to them, or so we thought, and it was remarkable. This one Bau, a remarkable fellow really, great artist, great character, he went all over Australia. He went to Pitjantjatjara, Yirrkala and we arranged buses and tents when they got here. We had a very large contingent of Aboriginal people come to the Aquarius Festival, thanks to Whitlam. (Joseph in Joseph and Henley) It was under the aegis of these government grants that Bauxhau Stone conducted his work. Stone embodied a nexus of contemporary issues. Acutely aware of the international movement for racial equality and its relevance to Australia, where conditions were “really appalling”, Stone set out to transform Australian race relations by engaging with the alternative arts movement (Stone). While his white Australian contemporaries may have been unaccustomed to dealing with the Indigenous racial issue, Stone was actively engaged and thus well suited to act as a cultural envoy for the Aquarius Festival. He visited several local missions, inviting people to attend and notifying them of ceremonies being conducted by respected Elders. Nimbin was then the site of the Aquarius Lifestyle and Celebration Festival, a two week gathering of alternative cultures, technologies and youth. It innovatively demonstrated its diversity of influences, attracted people from all over the world and was the first time that the general public really witnessed Australia’s counterculture (Derrett 224). As markers of cultural life, counterculture festivals of the 1960s and 1970s were as iconic as the era itself and many around the world drew on the unique Indigenous heritage of their settings in some form or another (Partridge; Perone; Broadley and Jones; Zolov). The social phenomenon of coming together to experience, celebrate and foster a sense of unity was triggered by protests, music and a simple, yet deep desire to reconnect with each other. Festivals provided an environment where the negative social pressures of race, gender, class and mores (such as clothes) were suspended and held the potential “for personal and social transformation” (St John 167). With the expressed intent to “take matters into our own hands” and try to develop alternative, innovative ways of doing things with collective participation, the Aquarius Festival thus became an optimal space for reinvigorating ancient and Indigenous ways (Dunstan, “A Survival Festival”). With philosophies that venerated collectivism, tribalism, connecting with the earth, and the use of ritual, the Indigenous presence at the Aquarius Festival gave attendees the opportunity to experience these values. To connect authentically with Nimbin’s landscape, forming bonds with the Traditional Owners was essential. Participants were very fortunate to have the presence of the last known initiated men of the area, Uncle Lyle Roberts and Uncle Dickee Donnely. These Elders represented the last vestiges of an ancient culture and conducted innovative ceremonies, song, teachings and created a sacred fire for the new youth they encountered in their land. They welcomed the young people and were very happy for their presence, believing it represented a revolutionary shift (Wedd; King; John Roberts; Cecil Roberts). Images 1 and 2: Ceremony and talks conducted at the Aquarius Festival (people unknown). Photographs reproduced by permission of photographer and festival attendee Paul White. The festival thus provided an important platform for the regeneration of cultural and spiritual practices. John Roberts, nephew of Uncle Lyle, recalled being surprised by the reaction of festival participants to his uncle: “He was happy and then he started to sing. And my God … I couldn’t get near him! There was this big ring of hippies around him. They were about twenty deep!” Sharing to an enthusiastic, captive audience had a positive effect and gave the non-indigenous a direct Indigenous encounter (Cecil Roberts; King; Oshlak). Estimates of the number of Indigenous people in attendance vary, with the main organisers suggesting 800 to 1000 and participants suggesting 200 to 400 (Stone; Wedd; Oshlak: Joseph; King; Cecil Roberts). As the Festival lasted over a two week period, many came and left within that time and estimates are at best reliant on memory, engagement and perspectives. With an estimated total attendance at the Festival between 5000 and 10,000, either number of Indigenous attendees is symbolic and a significant symbolic statistic for Indigenous and non-indigenous to be together on mutual ground in Australia in 1973. Images 3-5: Performers from Yirrkala Dance Group, brought to the festival by Stone with funding from the Federal Government. Photographs reproduced by permission of photographer and festival attendee Dr Ian Cameron. For Indigenous people, the event provided an important occasion to reconnect with their own people, to share their culture with enthusiastic recipients, as well as the chance to experience diverse aspects of the counterculture. Though the northern NSW region has a history of diverse cultural migration of Italian and Indian families, the majority of non-indigenous and Indigenous people had limited interaction with cosmopolitan influences (Kijas 20). Thus Nimbin was a conservative region and many Christianised Indigenous people were also conservative in their outlook. The Aquarius Festival changed that as the Indigenous people experienced the wide-ranging cultural elements of the alternative movement. The festival epitomised countercultural tendencies towards flamboyant fashion and hairstyles, architectural design, fantastical art, circus performance, Asian clothes and religious products, vegetarian food and nudity. Exposure to this bohemian culture would have surely led to “mind expansion and consciousness raising,” explicit aims adhered to by the movement (Roszak). Performers and participants from Africa, America and India also gave attending Indigenous Australians the opportunity to interact with non-European cultures. Many people interviewed for this paper indicated that Indigenous people’s reception of this festival experience was joyous. For Australia’s early counterculture, interest in Indigenous Australia was limited and for organisers of the AUS Aquarius Festival, it was not originally on the agenda. The counterculture in the USA and New Zealand had already started to engage with their Indigenous people some years earlier. However due to the Aquarius Festival’s origins in the student movement and its solidarities with the international Indigenous activist movement, they were forced to shift their priorities. The coincidental selection of a significant spiritual location at Nimbin to hold the festival brought up additional challenges and countercultural intrigue with mystical powers and a desire to connect authentically to the land, further prompted action. Essentially, it was the voices of empowered Indigenous activists, like Gary Foley, which in fact triggered the reaching out to Indigenous involvement. While the counterculture organisers were ultimately receptive and did act with unprecedented respect, credit must be given to Indigenous activists. The activist’s role is to trigger action and challenge thinking and in this case, it was ultimately productive. Therefore the Indigenous people were not merely passive recipients of beneficiary goodwill, but active instigators of appropriate cultural exchange. After the 1973 festival many attendees decided to stay in Nimbin to purchase land collectively and a community was born. Relationships established with local Indigenous people developed further. Upon visiting Nimbin now, one will see a vibrant visual display of Indigenous and psychedelic themed art, a central park with an open fire tended by local custodians and other Indigenous community members, an Aboriginal Centre whose rent is paid for by local shopkeepers, and various expressions of a fusion of counterculture and Indigenous art, music and dance. While it appears that reconciliation became the aspiration for mainstream society in the 1990s, Nimbin’s early counterculture history had Indigenous reconciliation at its very foundation. The efforts made by organisers of the 1973 Aquarius Festival stand as one of very few examples in Australian history where non-indigenous Australians have respectfully sought to learn from Indigenous people and to assimilate their cultural practices. It also stands as an example for the world, of reconciliation, based on hippie ideals of peace and love. They encouraged the hippies moving up here, even when they came out for Aquarius, old Uncle Lyle and Richard Donnelly, they came out and they blessed the mob out here, it was like the hairy people had come back, with the Nimbin, cause the Nimbynji is the little hairy people, so the hairy people came back (Jerome). References Barr-Melej, Patrick. “Siloísmo and the Self in Allende’s Chile: Youth, 'Total Revolution,' and the Roots of the Humanist Movement.” Hispanic American Historical Review 86.4 (Nov. 2006): 747-784. Bible, Vanessa. Aquarius Rising: Terania Creek and the Australian Forest Protest Movement. BA (Honours) Thesis. University of New England, Armidale, 2010. Broadley, Colin, and Judith Jones, eds. Nambassa: A New Direction. Auckland: Reed, 1979. Bryant, Gordon M. Parliament of Australia. Minister for Aboriginal Affairs. 1 May 1973. Australian Union of Students. Records of the AUS, 1934-1991. National Library of Australia MS ACC GB 1992.0505. Cameron, Ian. “Aquarius Festival Photographs.” 1973. Clarke, Jennifer. Aborigines and Activism: Race, Aborigines and the Coming of the Sixties to Australia. Crawley: University of Western Australia Press, 2008. Derrett, Ross. Regional Festivals: Nourishing Community Resilience: The Nature and Role of Cultural Festivals in Northern Rivers NSW Communities. PhD Thesis. Southern Cross University, Lismore, 2008. Dunstan, Graeme. “A Survival Festival May 1973.” 1 Aug. 1972. Pamphlet. MS 6945/1. Nimbin Aquarius Festival Archives. National Library of Australia, Canberra. ---. E-mail to author, 11 July 2012. ---. “The Aquarius Festival.” Aquarius Rainbow Region. n.d. Farnham, Ken. Acting Executive Officer, Aboriginal Council for the Arts. 19 June 1973. Letter. MS ACC GB 1992.0505. Australian Union of Students. Records of the AUS, 1934-1991. National Library of Australia, Canberra. Foley, Gary. “Australia and the Holocaust: A Koori Perspective (1997).” The Koori History Website. n.d. 20 May 2013 ‹http://www.kooriweb.org/foley/essays/essay_8.html›. ---. “Whiteness and Blackness in the Koori Struggle for Self-Determination (1999).” The Koori History Website. n.d. 20 May 2013 ‹http://www.kooriweb.org/foley/essays/essay_9.html›. ---. “Black Power in Redfern 1968-1972 (2001).” The Koori History Website. n.d. 20 May 2013 ‹http://www.kooriweb.org/foley/essays/essay_1.html›. ---. “An Evening with Legendary Aboriginal Activist Gary Foley.” Conference Session. Marxism 2012 “Revolution in the Air”, Melbourne, Mar. 2012. Hoff, Jennifer. Bundjalung Jugun: Bundjalung Country. Lismore: Richmond River Historical Society, 2006. Jacob, Jeffrey. New Pioneers: The Back-to-the-Land Movement and the Search for a Sustainable Future. Pennsylvania: Penn State Press, 1997. Jerome, Burri. Interview. 31 July 2012. Joseph, Paul. Interview. 7 Aug. 2012. Joseph, Paul, and Brendan ‘Mookx’ Hanley. Interview by Rob Willis. 14 Aug. 2010. Audiofile, Session 2 of 3. nla.oh-vn4978025. Rob Willis Folklore Collection. National Library of Australia, Canberra. Kijas, Johanna, Caravans and Communes: Stories of Settling in the Tweed 1970s & 1980s. Murwillumbah: Tweed Shire Council, 2011. King, Vivienne (Aunty Viv). Interview. 1 Aug. 2012. Munro-Clarke, Margaret. Communes of Rural Australia: The Movement Since 1970. Sydney: Hale and Iremonger, 1986. Nethery, Amy. “Aboriginal Reserves: ‘A Modern-Day Concentration Camp’: Using History to Make Sense of Australian Immigration Detention Centres.” Does History Matter? Making and Debating Citizenship, Immigration and Refugee Policy in Australia and New Zealand. Eds. Klaus Neumann and Gwenda Tavan. Canberra: Australian National University Press, 2009. 4. Newton, Janice. “Aborigines, Tribes and the Counterculture.” Social Analysis 23 (1988): 53-71. Newton, John. The Double Rainbow: James K Baxter, Ngati Hau and the Jerusalem Commune. Wellington: Victoria University Press, 2009. Offord, Baden. “Mapping the Rainbow Region: Fields of Belonging and Sites of Confluence.” Transformations 2 (March 2002): 1-5. Oshlak, Al. Interview. 27 Mar. 2013. Partridge, Christopher. “The Spiritual and the Revolutionary: Alternative Spirituality, British Free Festivals, and the Emergence of Rave Culture.” Culture and Religion: An Interdisciplinary Journal 7 (2006): 3-5. Perkins, Charlie. “Charlie Perkins on 1965 Freedom Ride.” Youtube, 13 Oct. 2009. Perone, James E. Woodstock: An Encyclopedia of the Music and Art Fair. Greenwood: Greenwood Publishing Group, 2005. Roberts, John. Interview. 1 Aug. 2012. Roberts, Cecil. Interview. 6 Aug. 2012. Roszak, Theodore. The Making of a Counter Culture: Reflections on the Technocratic Society and Its Youthful Opposition. New York: University of California Press,1969. St John, Graham. “Going Feral: Authentica on the Edge of Australian culture.” The Australian Journal of Anthropology 8 (1997): 167-189. Smith, Sherry. Hippies, Indians and the Fight for Red Power. New York: Oxford University Press, 2012. Stell, Alex. Dancing in the Hyper-Crucible: The Rite de Passage of the Post-Rave Movement. BA (Honours) Thesis. University of Westminster, London, 2005. Stone, Trevor Bauxhau. Interview. 1 Oct. 2012. Wedd, Leila. Interview. 27 Sep. 2012. White, Paul. “Aquarius Revisited.” 1973. Zolov, Eric. Refried Elvis: The Rise of the Mexican Counterculture. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999.

BackgroundIn the past twenty years the discourse of the weight-centred health paradigm (WCHP) has attained almost complete dominance in the sphere of public health policy throughout the developed English speaking world. The national governments of Australia and many countries around the world have responded to what is perceived as an ‘epidemic of obesity’ with public health policies and programs explicitly focused on reducing and preventing obesity through so called ‘lifestyle’ behaviour change. Weight-related public health initiatives have been subjected to extensive critique based on ideological, ethical and empirical grounds (Solovay; Oliver; Gaesser; Gard; Monaghan, Colls and Evans; Wright; Rothblum and Solovay; Saguy; Rich, Monaghan and Aphramor; Bacon and Aphramor; Brown). Many scholars have raised concerns about the stigmatising and harmful effects of the WCHP (Aphramor; Bacon and Aphramor; O'Dea; Tylka et al.), and in particular the inequitable distribution of such negative impacts on women, people who are poor, and people of colour (Campos). Weight-based stigma is now well recognised as a pervasive and insidious form of stigma (Puhl and Heuer). Weight-based discrimination (a direct result of stigma) in the USA has a similar prevalence rate to race-based discrimination, and discrimination for fatter and younger people in particular is even higher (Puhl, Andreyeva and Brownell). Numerous scholars have highlighted the stigmatising discourse evident in obesity prevention programs and policies (O'Reilly and Sixsmith; Pederson et al.; Nuffield Council on Bioethics; ten Have et al.; MacLean et al.; Carter, Klinner, et al.; Fry; O'Dea; Rich, Monaghan and Aphramor). The ‘war on obesity’ can therefore be regarded as a social determinant of poor health (O'Hara and Gregg). Focusing on overweight and obese people is not only damaging to people’s health, but is ineffective in addressing the broader social and economic issues that create health and wellbeing (Cohen, Perales and Steadman; MacLean et al.; Walls et al.). Analyses of the discourses used in weight-related public health initiatives have highlighted oppressive, stigmatizing and discriminatory discourses that position body weight as pathological (O'Reilly; Pederson et al.), anti-social and a threat to the viable future of society (White). There has been limited analysis of discourses in Australian social marketing campaigns focused on body weight (Lupton; Carter, Rychetnik, et al.).Social Marketing CampaignsIn 2006 the Australian, State and Territory Governments funded the Measure Up social marketing campaign (Australian Government Department of Health and Ageing "Measure Up"). As the name suggests Measure Up focuses on the measurement of health through body weight and waist circumference. Campaign resources include brochures, posters, a tape measure, a 12 week planner, a community guide and a television advertisement. Campaign slogans are ‘The more you gain, the more you have to lose’ and ‘How do you measure up?’Tomorrow People is the component of Measure Up designed for Indigenous Australians (Australian Government Department of Health and Ageing "Tomorrow People"). Tomorrow People resources focus on healthy eating and physical activity and include a microsite on the Measure Up website, booklet, posters, print and radio advertisements. The campaign slogan is ‘Tomorrow People starts today. Do it for our kids. Do it for our culture.’ In 2011, phase two of the Measure Up campaign was launched (Australian Government Department of Health and Ageing "Swap It, Don't Stop It"). The central premise of Swap It, Don’t Stop It is that you ‘can lose your belly without losing all the things you love’ by making ‘simple’ swaps of behaviours related to eating and physical activity. The campaign’s central character Eric is made from a balloon, as are all of the other characters and visual items used in the campaign. Eric claims thatover the years my belly has ballooned and ballooned. It’s come time to do something about it — the last thing I want is to end up with some cancers, type 2 diabetes and heart disease. That’s why I’ve become a Swapper! What’s a swapper? It’s simple really. It just means swapping some of the things I’m doing now for healthier choices. That way I can lose my belly, without losing all the things I love. It’s easy! The campaign has produced around 30 branded resource items including brochures, posters, cards, fact sheets, recipes, and print, radio, television and online advertisements. All resources include references to Eric and most also include the image of the tape measure used in the Measure Up campaign. The Swap It, Don’t Stop It campaign also includes resources specifically directed at Indigenous Australians including two posters from the generic campaign with a dot painting motif added to the background. MethodologyThe epistemological position in this project was constructivist (Crotty) and the theoretical perspective was critical theory (Crotty). Multimedia critical discourse analysis (Machin and Mayr) was the methodology used to examine the social marketing campaigns and identify the discourses within them. Critical discourse analysis (CDA) focuses on critiquing text for evidence of power and ideology. CDA is used to reveal the ideas, absences and assumptions, and therefore the power interests buried within texts, in order to bring about social change. As a method, CDA has a structured three dimensional approach involving textual practice analysis (for lexicon) at the core, within the context of discursive practice analysis (for rhetorical and lexical strategies particularly with respect to claims-making), which falls within the context of social practice analysis (Jacobs). Social practice analysis explores the role played by power and ideology in supporting or disturbing the discourse (Jacobs; Machin and Mayr). Multimodal CDA (MCDA) uses a broad definition of text to include words, pictures, symbols, ideas, themes or any message that can be communicated (Machin and Mayr). Analysis of the social marketing campaigns involved examining the vocabulary, grammar, sentence structure, visuals and overall structure of the text for textual, discursive and social practices.Results and DiscussionIndividual ResponsibilityThe discourse of individual responsibility is strongly evident in the campaigns. In this discourse, it is ultimately the individual who is held responsible for their body weight and their health. The individual responsibility discourse is signified by the discursive practice of using epistemic (related to the truth or certainty) and deontic (compelling or instructing) modality words, particularly modal verbs and modal adverbs. High modality epistemic words are used to convince the reader of the certainty of statements and to portray the statement-maker as authoritative. High modality deontic words are used to instil power and authority in the instructions.The extensive use of high modality epistemic and deontic words is demonstrated in the following paragraph assembled from various campaign materials: Ultimately (epistemic modality adverb) individuals must take responsibility (deontic modality verb) for their own health, including their and weight. Obesity is caused (epistemic modality verb) by an imbalance in energy intake (from diet) (epistemic modality verb) and expenditure (from activity) (epistemic modality verb). Individually (epistemic modality adverb) we make decisions (epistemic modality verb) about how much we eat (epistemic modality verb) and how much activity we undertake (epistemic modality verb). Each of us can control (epistemic modality) our own weight by controlling (deontic modality) what we eat (deontic modality verb) and how much we exercise (deontic modality verb). To correct (deontic modality verb) the energy imbalance, individuals need to develop (deontic modality verb) a healthy lifestyle by making changes (deontic modality verb) to correct (deontic modality verb) their dietary habits and increase (deontic modality verb) their activity levels. The verbs must, control, correct, develop, change, increase, eat and exercise are deontic modality verbs designed to instruct or compel the reader.These discursive practices result in the clear message that individuals can and must control, correct and change their eating and physical activity, and thereby control their weight and health. The implication of the individualist discourse is that individuals, irrespective of their genes, life-course, social position or environment, are charged with the responsibility of being more self-surveying, self-policing, self-disciplined and self-controlled, and therefore healthier. This is consistent with the individualist orientation of neoliberal ideology, and has been identified in various critiques of obesity prevention public health programs that centralise the self-responsible subject (Murray; Rich, Monaghan and Aphramor) and the concept of ‘healthism’, the moral obligation to pursue health through healthy behaviours or healthy lifestyles (Aphramor and Gingras; Mansfield and Rich). The hegemonic Western-centric individualist discourse has also been critiqued for its role in subordinating or silencing other models of health and wellbeing including Aboriginal or indigenous models, that do not place the individual in the centre (McPhail-Bell, Fredericks and Brough).Obesity Causes DiseaseEpistemic modality verbs are used as a discursive practice to portray the certainty or probability of the relationship between obesity and chronic disease. The strength of the epistemic modality verbs is generally moderate, with terms such as ‘linked’, ‘associated’, ‘connected’, ‘related’ and ‘contributes to’ most commonly used to describe the relationship. The use of such verbs may suggest recognition of uncertainty or at least lack of causality in the relationship. However this lowered modality is counterbalanced by the use of verbs with higher epistemic modality such as ‘causes’, ‘leads to’, and ‘is responsible for’. For example:The other type is intra-abdominal fat. This is the fat that coats our organs and causes the most concern. Even though we don’t yet fully understand what links intra-abdominal fat with chronic disease, we do know that even a small deposit of this fat increases the risk of serious health problems’. (Swap It, Don’t Stop It Website; italics added)Thus the prevailing impression is that there is an objective, definitive, causal relationship between obesity and a range of chronic diseases. The obesity-chronic disease discourse is reified through the discursive practice of claims-making, whereby statements related to the problem of obesity and its relationship with chronic disease are attributed to authoritative experts or expert organisations. The textual practice of presupposition is evident with the implied causal relationship between obesity and chronic disease being taken for granted and uncontested. Through the textual practice of lexical absence, there is a complete lack of alternative views about body weight and health. Likewise there is an absence of acknowledgement of the potential harms arising from focusing on body weight, such as increased body dissatisfaction, disordered eating, and, paradoxically, weight gain.Shame and BlameBoth Measure Up and Swap It, Don’t Stop It include a combination of written/verbal text and visual images that create a sense of shame and blame. In Measure Up, the central character starts out as young, slim man, and as he ages his waist circumference grows. When he learns that his expanding waistline is associated with an increased risk of chronic disease, his facial expression and body language convey that he is sad, dejected and fearful. In the still images, this character and a female character are positioned looking down at the tape measure as they measure their ‘too large’ waists. This position and the looks on their faces suggest hanging their heads in shame. The male characters in both campaigns specifically express shame about “letting themselves go” by unthinkingly practicing ‘unhealthy’ behaviours. The characters’ clothing also contribute to a sense of shame. Both male and female characters in Measure Up appear in their underwear, which suggests that they are being publicly shamed. The clothing of the Measure Up characters is similar to that worn by contestants in the television program The Biggest Loser, which explicitly uses shame to ‘motivate’ contestants to lose weight. Part of the public shaming of contestants involves their appearance in revealing exercise clothing for weigh-ins, which displays their fatness for all to see (Thomas, Hyde and Komesaroff). The stigmatising effects of this and other aspects of the Biggest Loser television program are well documented (Berry et al.; Domoff et al.; Sender and Sullivan; Thomas, Hyde and Komesaroff; Yoo). The appearance of the Measure Up characters in their underwear combined with their head position and facial expressions conveys a strong, consistent message that the characters both feel shame and are deserving of shame due to their self-inflicted ‘unhealthy’ behaviours. The focus on ‘healthy’ and ‘unhealthy’ behaviours contributes to accepted and contested health identities (Fry). The ‘accepted health identity’ is represented as responsible and aspiring to and pursuing good health. The ‘contested health identity’ is represented as unhealthy, consuming too much food, and taking health risks, and this identity is stigmatised by public health programs (Fry). The ‘contested health identity’ represents the application to public health of Goffman’s ‘spoiled identity’ on which much stigmatisation theorising and research has been based (Goffman). As a result of both lexical and visual textual practices, the social marketing campaigns contribute to the construction of the ‘accepted health identity’ through discourses of individual responsibility, choice and healthy lifestyle. Furthermore, they contribute to the construction of the spoiled or ‘contested health identity’ through discourses that people are naturally unhealthy and need to be frightened, guilted and shamed into stopping ‘unhealthy’ behaviours and adopting ‘healthy’ behaviours. The ‘contested health identity’ constructed through these discourses is in turn stigmatised by such discourses. Thus the campaigns not only risk perpetuating stigmatisation through the reinforcement of the health identities, but possibly extend it further by legitimising the stigma associated with such identities. Given that these campaigns are conducted by the Australian Government, the already deeply stigmatising social belief system receives a significant boost in legitimacy by being positioned as a public health belief system perpetrated by the Government. Fear and AlarmIn the Measure Up television advertisement the main male character’s daughter, who has run into the frame, abruptly stops and looks fearful when she hears about his increased risk of disease. Using the discursive practice of claims-making, the authoritative external source informs the man that the more he gains (in terms of his waist circumference), the more he has to lose. The clear implication is that he needs to be fearful of losing his health, his family and even his life if he doesn’t reduce his waist circumference. The visual metaphor of a balloon is used as the central semiotic trope in Swap It, Don’t Stop It. The characters and other items featuring in the visuals are all made from twisting balloons. Balloons themselves may not create fear or alarm, unless one is unfortunate to be afflicted with globophobia (Freed), but the visual metaphor of the balloon in the social marketing campaign had a range of alarmist meanings. At the population level, rates and/or costs of obesity have been described in news items as ‘ballooning’ (Body Ecology; Stipp; AFP; Thien and Begawan) with accompanying visual images of extremely well-rounded bodies or ‘headless fatties’ (Cooper). Rapid or significant weight gain is referred to in everyday language as ‘ballooning weight’. The use of the balloon metaphor as a visual device in Swap It, Don’t Stop It serves to reinforce and extend these alarmist messages. Further, there is no attempt in the campaigns to reduce alarm by including positive or neutral photographs or images of fat people. This visual semiotic absence – a form of cultural imperialism (Young) – contributes to the invisibilisation of ‘real life’ fat people who are not ashamed of themselves. Habermas suggests that society evolves and operationalises through rational communication which includes the capacity to question the validity of claims made within communicative action (Habermas The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere; Habermas The Theory of Communicative Action: Reason and the Rationalisation of Society). However the communicative action taken by the social marketing campaigns analysed in this study presents claims as uncontested facts and is therefore directorial about the expectations of individuals to take more responsibility for themselves, adopt certain behaviours and reduce or prevent obesity. Habermas argues that the lack or distortion of rational communication erodes relationships at the individual and societal levels (Habermas The Theory of Communicative Action: Reason and the Rationalisation of Society; Habermas The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere). The communicative actions represented by the social marketing campaigns represents a distortion of rational communication and therefore erodes the wellbeing of individuals (for example through internalised stigma, shame, guilt, body dissatisfaction, weight preoccupation, disordered eating and avoidance of health care), relationships between individuals (for example through increased blame, coercion, stigma, bias, prejudice and discrimination) and society (for example through stigmatisation of groups in the population on the basis of their body size and increased social and health inequity). Habermas proposes that power differentials work to distort rational communication, and that it is these distortions in communication that need to be the focal point for change (Habermas The Theory of Communicative Action: Reason and the Rationalisation of Society; Habermas The Theory of Communicative Action: The Critique of Functionalist Reason; Habermas The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere). Through critical analysis of the discourses used in the social marketing campaigns, we identified that they rely on the power, authority and status of experts to present uncontested representations of body weight and ‘appropriate’ health responses to it. In identifying the discourses present in the social marketing campaigns, we hope to focus attention on and thereby disrupt the distortions in the practical knowledge of the weight-centred health paradigm in order to contribute to systemic reorientation and change.ConclusionThrough the use of textual, discursive and social practices, the social marketing campaigns analysed in this study perpetuate the following concepts: everyone should be alarmed about growing waistlines and ‘ballooning’ rates of ‘obesity’; individuals are to blame for excess body weight, due to ignorance and the practice of ‘unhealthy behaviours’; individuals have a moral, parental, familial and cultural responsibility to monitor their weight and adopt ‘healthy’ eating and physical activity behaviours; such behaviour changes are easy to make and will result in weight loss, which will reduce risk of disease. These paternalistic campaigns evoke feelings of personal and parental guilt and shame, resulting in coercion to ‘take action’. They simultaneously stigmatise fat people yet serve to invisibilise them. Public health agencies must consider the harmful consequences of social marketing campaigns focused on body weight.ReferencesAFP. "A Ballooning Health Issue around the World." Gulfnews.com 29 May 2013. 17 Sep. 2013 ‹http://gulfnews.com/news/world/other-world/a-ballooning-health-issue-around-the-world-1.1189899›.Aphramor, Lucy. "The Impact of a Weight-Centred Treatment Approach on Women's Health and Health-Seeking Behaviours." Journal of Critical Dietetics 1.2 (2012): 3-12.Aphramor, Lucy, and Jacqui Gingras. "That Remains to Be Said: Disappeared Feminist Discourses on Fat in Dietetic Theory and Practice." The Fat Studies Reader, eds. Esther Rothblum and Sondra Solovay. New York: New York University Press, 2009. 97-105. Australian Government Department of Health and Ageing. "Measure Up." 2010. 3 Aug. 2011 ‹https://web.archive.org/web/20110817065823/http://www.measureup.gov.au/internet/abhi/publishing.nsf/Content/About+the+campaign-lp›.———. "Swap It, Don't Stop It." 2011. 20 Aug. 2011 ‹https://web.archive.org/web/20110830084149/http://swapit.gov.au›.———. "Tomorrow People." 2010. 3 Aug. 2011 ‹https://web.archive.org/web/20110821140445/http://www.measureup.gov.au/internet/abhi/publishing.nsf/Content/tp_home›.Bacon, Linda, and Lucy Aphramor. "Weight Science: Evaluating the Evidence for a Paradigm Shift." Nutrition Journal 10.9 (2011). Bacon, Linda, and Lucy Aphramor. Body Respect: What Conventional Health Books Get Wrong, Leave Out, and Just Plain Fail to Understand about Weight. Dallas: BenBella Books, 2014. Berry, Tanya R., et al. "Effects of Biggest Loser Exercise Depictions on Exercise-Related Attitudes." American Journal of Health Behavior 37.1 (2013): 96-103. Body Ecology. "Obesity Rates Ballooning – Here's What You Really Need to Know to Lose Weight and Keep It Off." 2009. 9 Jun. 2011 ‹http://bodyecology.com/articles/obesity-rates-ballooning.php›.Brown, Harriet. Body of Truth: How Science, History and Culture Drive Our Obsession with Weight – and What We Can Do about It. Boston: Da Capo Press, 2015. Campos, Paul. The Obesity Myth. New York: Gotham Books, 2004. Carter, Stacy M., et al. "The Ethical Commitments of Health Promotion Practitioners: An Empirical Study from New South Wales, Australia." Public Health Ethics 5.2 (2012): 128-39. Carter, Stacy M., et al. "Evidence, Ethics, and Values: A Framework for Health Promotion." American Journal of Public Health 101.3 (2011): 465-72. Cohen, Larry, Daniel P. Perales, and Catherine Steadman. "The O Word: Why the Focus on Obesity Is Harmful to Community Health." Californian Journal of Health Promotion 3.3 (2005): 154-61. Cooper, Charlotte. "Olympics/Uhlympics: Living in the Shadow of the Beast." thirdspace: a journal of feminist theory & culture 9.2 (2010). Crotty, Michael. The Foundations of Social Research: Meaning and Perspective in the Research Process. 1st ed. Crows Nest: Allen and Unwin, 1998. Domoff, Sarah E., et al. "The Effects of Reality Television on Weight Bias: An Examination of the Biggest Loser." Obesity 20.5 (2012): 993-98. Freed, Megan. "Uncommon Phobias: The Fear of Balloons." Yahoo Voices 2007. 17 Sep. 2013 ‹http://voices.yahoo.com/uncommon-phobias-fear-balloons-338043.html›.Fry, Craig L. "Ethical Issues in Obesity Interventions for Populations." New South Wales Public Health Bulletin 23.5-6 (2012): 116-19. Gaesser, Glenn A. "Is It Necessary to Be Thin to Be Healthy?" Harvard Health Policy Review 4.2 (2003): 40-47. Gard, Michael. The End of the Obesity Epidemic. Oxon: Routledge, 2011. Goffman, E. Stigma: Notes on the Management of Spoiled Identity. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall, 1963.Habermas, Jürgen. The Theory of Communicative Action: Reason and the Rationalisation of Society. Vol. 1. Cambridge: Polity Press, 2004. ———. The Theory of Communicative Action: The Critique of Functionalist Reason. Vol. 2. Cambridge: Polity Press, 2004.———. The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere. Cambridge: Polity Press, 2002.Jacobs, Keith. "Discourse Analysis." Social Research Methods: An Australian Perspective, ed. Maggie Walter. South Melbourne, Vic.: Oxford University Press, 2006. Lupton, Deborah. "'How Do You Measure Up?' Assumptions about 'Obesity' and Health-Related Behaviors and Beliefs in Two Australian 'Obesity' Prevention Campaigns." Fat Studies 3.1 (2014): 32-44. Machin, David, and Andrea Mayr. How to Do Critical Discourse Analysis: A Multimodal Introduction. London: Sage Publications 2012. MacLean, Lynne, et al. "Obesity, Stigma and Public Health Planning." Health Promotion International 24.1 (2009): 88-93. Mansfield, Louise, and Emma Rich. "Public Health Pedagogy, Border Crossings and Physical Activity at Every Size." Critical Public Health 23.3 (2013): 356-70. McPhail-Bell, Karen, Bronwyn Fredericks, and Mark Brough. "Beyond the Accolades: A Postcolonial Critique of the Foundations of the Ottawa Charter." Global Health Promotion 20.2 (2013): 22-29. Monaghan, Lee F., Rachel Colls, and Bethan Evans. "Obesity Discourse and Fat Politics: Research, Critique and Interventions." Critical Public Health 23.3 (2013): 249-62. Murray, Samantha. The 'Fat' Female Body. London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008. Nuffield Council on Bioethics. Public Health: Ethical Issues. London: Nuffield Council on Bioethics, 2007. O'Dea, Jennifer A. "Prevention of Child Obesity: 'First, Do No Harm'." Health Education Research 20.2 (2005): 259-65. O'Hara, Lily, and Jane Gregg. "The War on Obesity: A Social Determinant of Health." Health Promotion Journal of Australia 17.3 (2006): 260-63. O'Reilly, Caitlin. "Weighing In on the Health and Ethical Implications of British Columbia's Weight Centered Health Paradigm." Simon Fraser University, 2011. O'Reilly, Caitlin, and Judith Sixsmith. "From Theory to Policy: Reducing Harms Associated with the Weight-Centered Health Paradigm." Fat Studies 1.1 (2012): 97-113. Oliver, J. "The Politics of Pathology: How Obesity Became an Epidemic Disease." Perspectives in Biology and Medicine 49.4 (2006): 611-27. Pederson, A., et al., eds. Rethinking Women and Healthy Living in Canada. Vancouver, BC: British Columbia Centre of Excellence for Women's Health, 2013. Puhl, Rebecca, and Chelsea Heuer. "Obesity Stigma: Important Considerations for Public Health." American Journal of Public Health 100.6 (2010): 1019. Puhl, Rebecca M., T. Andreyeva, and Kelly D. Brownell. "Perceptions of Weight Discrimination: Prevalence and Comparison to Race and Gender Discrimination in America." International Journal of Obesity 32 (2008): 992-1000.Rich, Emma, Lee Monaghan, and Lucy Aphramor, eds. Debating Obesity: Critical Perspectives. Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan, 2011. Rothblum, Esther, and Sondra Solovay, eds. The Fat Studies Reader. New York: New York University Press, 2009. Saguy, Abigail. What's Wrong with Fat? New York: Oxford University Press, 2013.Sender, Katherine, and Margaret Sullivan. "Epidemics of Will, Failures of Self-Esteem: Responding to Fat Bodies in The Biggest Loser and What Not to Wear." Continuum 22.4 (2008): 573-84. Solovay, Sondra. Tipping the Scales of Justice: Fighting Weight-Based Discrimination. New York: Prometheus Books, 2000.Stipp, David. "Obesity — Not Aging — Balloons Health Care Costs." Pacific Standard 2011. 17 Sep. 2013 ‹http://www.psmag.com/health/obesity-aging-cause-ballooning-health-care-costs-31879/›.Ten Have, M., et al. "Ethics and Prevention of Overweight and Obesity: An Inventory." Obesity Reviews 12.9 (2011): 669-79. Thien, Rachel, and Bandar Seri Begawan. "Obesity Balloons among Brunei Students." The Brunei Times 2010. 17 Sep. 2013 ‹http://www.bt.com.bn/news-national/2010/02/10/obesity-balloons-among-brunei-students›.Thomas, Samantha, Jim Hyde, and Paul Komesaroff. "'Cheapening the Struggle:' Obese People's Attitudes towards the Biggest Loser." Obesity Management 3.5 (2007): 210-15. Tylka, Tracy L., et al. "The Weight-Inclusive versus Weight-Normative Approach to Health: Evaluating the Evidence for Prioritizing Well-Being over Weight Loss." Journal of Obesity (2014): 18. Article ID 983495.Walls, Helen, et al. "Public Health Campaigns and Obesity – A Critique." BMC Public Health 11.1 (2011): 136. White, Francis Ray. "Fat, Queer, Dead: ‘Obesity’ and the Death Drive." Somatechnics 2.1 (2012): 1-17. Wright, Jan. "Biopower, Biopedagogies and the Obesity Epidemic." Biopolitics and the ‘Obesity Epidemic’: Governing Bodies. Ed. Jan Wright and Valerie Harwood. New York: Routledge, 2009. 1-14.Yoo, Jina H. "No Clear Winner: Effects of the Biggest Loser on the Stigmatization of Obese Persons." Health Communication 28.3 (2013): 294-303. Young, Iris Marion. "Five Faces of Oppression." The Philosophical Forum 19.4 (1988): 270-90.