Journal articles on the topic 'Dash cams'

AbstractThe reconstruction of dynamic of traffic injuries remains a challenge in forensic pathology and is often based on circumstantial data. Dash Cams are digital video recorders which can be located inside a vehicle and continuously record the view through the windscreen, thus providing objective evidence. Here we present the case of a traffic crash in which a pedestrian was hit by an articulated lorry. The analysis of a video recorded from a Dash Cam retrieved inside the vehicle during the death scene investigation (DSI) was crucial in the reconstruction of the manner of death. Indeed, the death, which was initially assumed to be accidental, was finally deemed as a suicide on the basis of the video recording, which showed an intentional and sudden rush of the victim to the middle of the roadway. Advantages and disadvantages of the use of Dash Cams will be discussed, focusing on the profound differences in the related national and international regulations. Based on the present case, in traffic crashes, the search for Dash Cams during the DSI may be recommended and the video recordings should be analyzed in the setting of a multidisciplinary and multimodal evaluation of the case, for a proper reconstruction of the facts.

Police departments use body-worn cameras (body cams) and dashboard cameras (dash cams) to monitor the activity of police officers in the field. Video from these cameras informs review of police conduct in disputed circumstances, often with the goal of determining an officer’s intent. Eight experiments (N = 2,119) reveal that body cam video of an incident results in lower observer judgments of intentionality than dash cam video of the same incident, an effect documented with both scripted videos and real police videos. This effect was due, in part, to variation in the visual salience of the focal actor: the body cam wearer is typically less visually salient when depicted in body versus dash cam video, which corresponds with lower observer intentionality judgments. In showing how visual salience of the focal actor may introduce unique effects on observer judgment, this research establishes an empirical platform that may inform public policy regarding surveillance of police conduct.

Traffic management in a smart city mainly relies on video feeds from various sources such as street cameras, car dash cams, traffic signal cameras, and so on. Ensuring the confidentiality of these video feeds during transmission is necessary. However, due to these devices’ poor processing power and memory capacity, the applicability of traditional encryption algorithms is not feasible. Therefore, a selective encryption system based on singular value decomposition (SVD) and chaotic maps is presented in this study. The proposed cryptosystem can be used in smart traffic management. We apply SVD to identify the most significant parts of each frame of the video feed for encryption. Chaotic systems were deployed to achieve high diffusion and confusion properties in the resulted cipher. Our results suggest that the computational overhead is significantly less than that of the traditional approaches with no compromise on the strength of the encryption.

Near real-time rainfall monitoring at local scale is essential for urban flood risk mitigation. Previous research on precipitation visual effects supports the idea of vision-based rain sensors, but tends to be device-specific. We aimed to use different available photographing devices to develop a dense network of low-cost sensors. Using Transfer Learning with a Convolutional Neural Network, the rainfall detection was performed on single images taken in heterogeneous conditions by static or moving cameras without adjusted parameters. The chosen images encompass unconstrained verisimilar settings of the sources: Image2Weather dataset, dash-cams in the Tokyo Metropolitan area and experiments in the NIED Large-scale Rainfall Simulator. The model reached a test accuracy of 85.28% and an F1 score of 0.86. The applicability to real-world scenarios was proven with the experimentation with a pre-existing surveillance camera in Matera (Italy), obtaining an accuracy of 85.13% and an F1 score of 0.85. This model can be easily integrated into warning systems to automatically monitor the onset and end of rain-related events, exploiting pre-existing devices with a parsimonious use of economic and computational resources. The limitation is intrinsic to the outputs (detection without measurement). Future work concerns the development of a CNN based on the proposed methodology to quantify the precipitation intensity.

The online circulation of raw footage from live streams, cell phones, and police dash-cams has fueled much political dissent in recent years, from Occupy Wall Street to the protests surrounding the deaths of Michael Brown, Eric Garner, Sandra Bland, and others. This essay looks at experimental moving image works made in response to these contemporary dynamics of protest. It offers a comparative analysis of short digital videos by Jem Cohen and Alex Johnson, both of whom embrace the newsreel as a radical genre, making direct reference to earlier generations of filmmakers who did the same. Cohen’s Gravity Hill Newsreels (2011) offer a series of immersive observational studies of the Occupy demonstrations and Zuccotti Park encampment. In a more directly referential mode, Johnson’s Now! Again! (2014) appropriates Santiago Alvarez’s Now! (1965), a Cuban newsreel made by animating photographs depicting the civil rights struggle. Johnston juxtaposes this imagery with media coverage of protests in Ferguson, Missouri after the death of Michael Brown in August 2014. Fifty years ago, radical filmmakers of Alvarez’s generation urged newsreel audiences to recognize themselves as a social body, sharing a stake in the struggles depicted on screen. Today, the currency of “newsreel” as a political mode of experimental media is less certain. Although the experimental videos at issue here could be read as nostalgic for conditions of cinematic exhibition long since eclipsed by the dominance of social media, I argue instead that they engage the current mediation of political unrest in order to explore the indeterminacy of the social body to which it gives rise. Calling attention to rifts in the visual field and the seams that bind one historical moment to another, these works are guided by a desire to grasp the historicity of newsreel as a form enlisted to play a participatory role in social protest. In each case, newsreel provides new forms for responding to urgent events that cut against the temporality and visual codes of social media, opening up new space to share the world differently.

AbstractLittle is known about long-term associations between the Dietary Approaches to Stop Hypertension (DASH) diet and conventional cardiovascular (CV)-risk factors as well as novel measures of vascular function. This study aimed to examine whether long-term adherence to a DASH-type diet in a British birth cohort is associated with conventional CV-risk factors and two vascular function markers, carotid intima–media thickness (cIMT) and pulse wave velocity (PWV). Data came from 1409 participants of the Medical Research Council (MRC) National Survey of Health and Development. Dietary intake was assessed at 36, 43, 53 and 60–64 years using 5-d estimated food diaries. The DASH-type diet score was calculated using the Fung index. Conventional CV-risk factors (blood pressure (BP) and lipids), cIMT in the right and/or left common carotid artery and PWV was measured when participants were 60–64 years. Associations between the DASH-type diet score and outcomes were assessed using multiple regression models adjusted for socioeconomic position, BMI, smoking and physical activity. Participants in higher sex-specific quintiles (Q) of the long-term DASH-type diet had lower BP (P≤0·08), higher HDL-cholesterol (P<0·001) and lower TAG (P<0·001) compared with people in Q1. Participants in Q5 of the long-term DASH-type diet had lower PWV (−0·28sd; 95 % CI −0·50, −0·07,Ptrend=0·01) and cIMT (−0·24sd; 95 % CI −0·44, −0·04,Ptrend=0·02) compared with participants in the Q1. This association was independent of the conventional CV-risk factors. Greater adherence to a DASH diet over the life course is associated with conventional CV-risk factors and independently associated with cIMT and PWV.

The DAESH has been particularly successful in recruiting Western women. There are differences in their profile and motivation with their male counterparts. The DAESH offered an alternative to Western secularist feminism, substituting salvation for emancipation (empowerment without gender equality). DAESH´s Western women played different roles. They were wives of jihadists, mothers and educators of the next generation, recruiters and fundraisers for the organisation and workers in the segregated institutions of the Caliphate. They were also involved in violent actions when the time came, depending on the needs of the organisation. The analysis on DAESH Western women is often influenced by prejudices, stereotypes, and gender biases. Counterterrorism efforts need for the integration of the gender perspectives and needs for more women to detect radicalization as well as in prevention, de-radicalisation, and reintegration processes.

BACKGROUND: The supracondylar humeral fracture is a fracture located in the proximal position of the trochlea and humeral capitulum. This fracture is the most common elbow fracture in children. Epidemiological research states that these fractures constitute 58% of all elbow fractures in children. It is also mentioned that 10–20% patients undergo belated admission to get therapy. Based on the literature, the fracture is categorized as neglected if the fracture treatment is 14 days post-trauma. Unfortunately, few reports can provide management guidelines. Some experts mention the “wait and see” attitude toward this fracture until a perfect remodeling happens to correct the deformity; however, a number of studies have shown good results after early reconstruction. AIM: We aimed to evaluate the short-term follow-up of supracondylar humeral fractures that came after 14 days of injury and then open reduction reconstructions were done, followed by the installation of K-wire and screws with the figure of eight patterns based on the quick disabilities of the arm, shoulder, and hand (Q-DASH) 9-score, Flynn’s Criteria, and Mayo Elbow Performance Score (MEPS). METHODS: The samples were five patients who underwent corrective open reduction and injury fixed with Kirschner (K)-wire and screws with the figure of eight patterns using the posterior approach at the Orthopedic Hospital from December 2019 to February 2020. Results were assessed with the quick disabilities of the arm, shoulder, and hand-9 score (Q-DASH-9 score), Flynn’s Criteria, and Mayo Elbow Performance Score (MEPS). RESULTS: All patients after reconstruction correction showed an increase in range of motion in the fractured elbow. No complications were found from the surgical treatment. CONCLUSIONS: Early reconstruction correction of patients with supracondylar humeral fractures gave satisfactory results based on the Q-DASH-9 Score, Flynn’s Criteria, and MEPS.

The study aims to identify the awareness level of Hunters related to making environmental mistakes in the Dukan lake - Sulaimaniyah Governorate. The study comminuted included all 177 respondents in the study area and the study sample included 62 respondents who randomly selected 35% of the study comminuted as well as the questionnaire by interview was used as a tool to collect the data then the questionnaire was shown to specialists in agricultural extension and fish breeders to achieve content validity. The data was collected and analyzed statistically by used statistical tools and SPSS version22. As well as the results showed that % 82.25 of respondents were aware related to making environmental mistakes in general within medium tends to low. Also, the awareness level of respondents related to fields of making mistakes that caused water pollution came the first rank in terms of relative importance with means of 30.11 degrees. Then comes Soil pollution with means of 19.88 degrees. Finally, Air pollution comes in the last rank with means of 19.45 degrees. Additionally, the results show that there is a correlation between the awareness level of respondents related to making environmental mistakes in the Dukan lake - Sulaimaniyah Governorate in general and variables: Age and Duration of fishing experience While there is no correlation between the awareness level of respondents related to making environmental mistakes in general and each of variables: Areas Used in fishing, Participation in training courses and Exposure to informational sources.

AbstractDashin pidgin English means an ancillary gift to an exchange. What happened when thedashbecame attached to the indentured labour contracts that the Spanish Empire brought from Cuba to their last colony, Spanish Guinea? On the island of Fernando Pó, which came to be almost wholly populated by Nigerian labour migrants, the conditional gift in the form of a large wage advance produced a particularly intense contradiction. In the historiography of unfree labour, the excess wage advance is thought to create conditions for the perpetuation of bondage through debt. However, in imperial contexts, the wage advance did not generate compliance and immobility; exactly the opposite – it produced unprecedented waves of further escalation and dispersed flight. Thedashwas pushed up by workers themselves and relayed by informal recruiters. Together they turned this lynchpin of indentured labour and debt peonage into a counter-practice that almost led to the collapse of the plantations in the 1950s. The trajectories of thedashled to a more pointed version of the foundational thesis of global labour history: namely, that it was actually free labour, not unfree labour, that was incompatible with labour scarcity-ridden imperial capitalism.

Objective To evaluate the feasibility of locked intramedullary nailing, rather than locking plate fixation combined with fibular allograft augmentation, for initial varus proximal humeral fractures. Methods This prospective pilot study enrolled patients with initial varus proximal humeral fractures that were treated with a locking intramedullary nail. Radiography was performed to evaluate fracture healing. Data about the visual analogue scale (VAS) pain score, Constant Shoulder Score (CSS), Disabilities of the Arm, Shoulder and Hand (DASH) score, American Shoulder and Elbow Surgeons (ASES) score and shoulder range of motion (ROM) were recorded. Results Twenty patients, including eight with Neer two-part and 12 with three-part fractures, were followed-up, with a mean time of 12.3 months. All patients sustained fractures that healed without re-varus. During the last follow-up, the shoulder function of the patients had recovered well, with a mean VAS pain score of 1.4, a mean CSS of 83.1, a mean DASH score of 80.8, a mean ASES score of 84.0 and a satisfactory ROM. In one patient, the proximal locking screw came out and was removed via a second surgery. Conclusions The use of a locking intramedullary nail alone for initial varus proximal humeral two-/three-part fractures was feasible. This treatment has advantages, such as preventing re-varus and causing milder surgical trauma, than that seen with a locking plate.

The study aimed to determine Cognitive Extension knowledge needs of agricultural employees in the Nineveh Agricultural Directorate in aspect of conservative agriculture in general. Then determine the level of indicative knowledge needs in each of the following areas (no-tillage, soil surface coverage, agricultural cycles, and comparative advantage). Then define the correlation between the level of cognitive needs and variables (academic achievement, duration of employment, agricultural information sources, attitude toward Conservative agriculture) and identifying the most important problems facing agricultural staff in Nineveh Governorate in the field of conservative agriculture. Nineveh Governorate was chosen as a region to conduct the research, and the research sample included 164 respondents from Nineveh Agricultural Directorate employees who were chosen in a proportional, random manner, such as 36% of the society B. W, the data was obtained through a personal interview by means of a questionnaire that was validated by presenting it to the experts, while the coefficients of the measure reliability and its value was 0.931. Several statistical methods were used to analyze the study data, including (range, arithmetic mean and standard deviation). The results of the study showed Almost 89% of the agricultural employees fall into the large and medium needs category. The study also showed that the highest level of cognitive needs was in the field of non-tillage and then cover the surface of the soil and agricultural cycles, while the comparative advantage came in the last place, and the study also showed a negative correlation between the needs of employees and the following factors (academic achievement, duration of job service, Agricultural information sources, the trend towards conservative agriculture) The study also showed that the most important problems facing agricultural employees in Nineveh Governorate in the field of conservative agriculture are the lack of seeds for conservative agriculture, followed by the problem of the difficulty of persuading some farmers to use the method Preservative agriculture. The study recommended preparing training courses for agricultural employees in Nineveh governorate in the field of conservative agriculture, so that they will increase their knowledge and expertise. The study recommended the preparation of training courses on conservation agriculture, and the agricultural extension apparatus should have a major role in the dissemination and transmission of conservation agriculture.

<p class="abstract"><strong>Background:</strong> <span lang="EN-IN">Complex forearm injuries are often associated with contamination, crushing, loss of tissues and patient arrives at odd hours when specialists are not available. These injuries can lead to complications like infective non-union, stiffness, disabilities and secondary amputations.</span></p><p class="abstract"><strong>Methods:</strong> <span lang="EN-IN">23 patients having complex forearm injuries treated primarily at tertiary care center by single surgeon were included in the study. Pinch strength, grip strength, residual deformity and DASH score was assessed at final follow-up. In 23 patients treated, 16 patients underwent primary internal fixation of both bone, primary external fixator was done in 4 patient, delayed fixations in 6patients, primary bone grafting in 3 patients and in 1 patient delayed bone grafting was done Skin grafting was performed in 6 cases, and flaps in 13 patients. Vascular repair was done in four patients</span>.<strong></strong></p><p class="abstract"><strong>Results:</strong> <span lang="EN-IN">All 23 patients came for follow-up. An average number of surgery performed per patient was 3.81 and mean hospital stay of 28.2 days. The mean duration of follow up was 47.2 months. The average DASH score was 10.24 with average key and tip pinch and grip strength of 62.24%, 58.48% and 54.75% respectively. 3 patients had superficial infection and two patient deep infections. Superficial infections were managed with IV antibiotics. The patients with nerve and vascular injuries had higher DASH score. </span></p><p class="abstract"><strong>Conclusions:</strong> <span lang="EN-IN">Early wound coverage can improve functional outcomes. Training in plastic coverage of wounds using pedicle flaps and skin grafting, microsurgical nerve and vessel repairs for orthopedic surgeon can be of great help for the patients.</span></p>

Introduction: Shoulder pain comes next to back and knee pain, considering the frequency of musculoskeletal ailments. The Shoulder Pain and Disability Index (SPADI) is considered a highly specific questionnaire for assessing shoulder pain and functions. The objective of the study was to assess the validity and reliability of the Bangla version of SPADI (B-SPADI) among the Bangla-speaking patients. Materials and methods: The B-SPADI was developed using a designed process that included forward translation and backward translation, authentication, response, and final rectification. Validity and reliability were conducted in 48 patients with shoulder pain. The reliability was appraised by executing internal consistency and test-retest analyses. Its validity was assessed by comparing the SPADI with the SF- 36, Disabilities of the Arm, Shoulder, and Hand (DASH), and American Shoulder and Elbow Surgeons (ASES) questionnaire. Results: The cross-cultural adaptation method was flawlessly aligned with the content or language. Internal consistency (Cronbach’s alpha) was 0.97 for the total SPADI score. Intraclass Correlation Coefficient (ICC) was 0.95 for the total SPADI with 0.92 for pain subtotal and 0.96 for disability subtotal. The SPADI total score showed a correlation of 0.63–0.71 with the SF-36 physical scales, of 0.89 with the DASH and of 0.94 with the ASES. All of the items were statistically significant (P<0.001). Conclusion: The B-SPADI came out as an appropriate valid, and reliable instrument for measuring pain and disability in patients with shoulder afflictions. J Bangladesh Coll Phys Surg 2022; 40: 159-165

ABSTRACT This study aimed to investigate the effect of heat treatments on the total pore volume, surface area of pores, structural characteristics, and functional groups of the materials which derive from the carbonization and pyrolysis of poultry litter. These processes were carried out in porcelain containers containing poultry litter samples, which were then placed in a muffle furnace. The treatments corresponded to three temperatures: samples carbonized at 250 °C and pyrolyzed at 350 and 450 °C. The surface porosity of biochars provides a suitable dimension to improve the water holding capacity, and surface functional groups may help to improve soil fertility. The influence of the temperatures on the pores of the biochar was investigated by using scanning electron microscopy with energy-dispersive x-ray spectroscopy, X-ray diffraction, and Fourier-transform infrared spectroscopy. The characterization of the biochar shows mesoporous structures, as well as increased surface area and pore volume. The chemical composition has potassium at higher concentrations than other metals, while similar surface functional groups were found in the biochar, such as phenolic, aliphatic, conjugated quinones, and OH-phenolic. The thermal treatments applied to poultry litter generated samples with similar physical, chemical, and structural characteristics. Thus, the production of biochar by the farmer and its use as a soil conditioner can contribute to the reduction of agricultural pollution, management, and efficient disposal of residual biomass.

All ages, from neonates to elderly persons, suffer from skin disorders. Though skin lesions are visible, they have cosmetic importance also. The pathophysiology and management of skin disorders are explained in Ayurved Samhitas as Raktavaha srotasa dushtijanya vikara and its chikitsa. Among them, ‘Visarpa’ is one of the most typical acute skin disorders. It is explained in detail apart from ‘Kushta’ vyadhi in all the Ayurvedic Samhitas. According to Ayurveda, visarpansheel (spreading), sukshma pidaka (tiny rash) with shoola (pain), kandu (itching), and daah (burning) are present in Visarpa. The signs and symptoms of Visarpa are correlated with a modern skin disorder called Herpes zoster. Herpes zoster is an actively transmitting viral disease causing localized painful skin rashes, blisters, and burning sensations. A case of 23 years old male who came with complaints of shirogaurav (heaviness of head) and jwarprachiti (mild fever), angamarda (body ache), visarpansheel sukshma pidaka with kandu, daah for two days. The patient was treated with raktamokshan by jalauka and shaman chikitsa. He was advised for pathyakar aahar (dietary modification) and vihar (lifestyle modification). He got relief within seven days.

Abstract Kenneth W. Warren’s What Was African American Literature? (2011) compelled literary historians to question deeply held assumptions about periodization and racial authorship. While critics have taken issue with Warren aligning African American literature with Jim Crow segregation, none has examined his account of what came after this conjuncture: namely, the market’s wholesale cooptation of Black writing. By following the career of African American popular novelist Omar Tyree, this essay shows how corporate publishers in the 1990s and 2000s redefined African American literature as a sales category, one that combined a steady stream of recognized authors with a mad dash for amateur talent. Tyree had been part of the first wave of self-published authors to be picked up by major New York houses. However, as soon as he was made to conform to the industry’s demands, Tyree was eclipsed by Black women writers who developed the hard-boiled romance genre known as urban fiction. As Tyree saw his literary fortunes fade, corporate publishing became increasingly reliant on Black book entrepreneurs to sustain the category of African American literature, thereby turning racial authorship into a vehicle for realizing profits.

This cross-sectional study aimed to evaluate associations between a priori defined dietary patterns and anthropometric measures in Mexican women. A total of 1062 women aged 35 to 69 years old from the control participants of the CAMA (Cancer de Mama) study, a multi-center population-based case-control study on breast cancer conducted in Mexico, were interviewed and dietary intakes were assessed using questionnaires. The following indices were derived from these data: Dietary Approaches to Stop Hypertension (DASH) score, the Healthy Eating Index (HEI), the Mediterranean Diet Score (aMED), the Diet Quality Index (DQI), glycemic index (GI) and glycemic load (GL). Adjusting for age, center, educational level, physical activity and energy intake, a high GI was positively associated with a higher body mass index (BMI) and waist circumference (WC). Higher adherence to aMED was associated with lower WC and waist-to-hip ratio (WHR) but no significant association was observed with other a priori dietary patterns. In this population of Mexican women, higher adherence to Mediterranean diet was associated with lower WC but other a priori dietary scores appeared to be of limited value in exploring the association between diet and anthropometric measures.

Summary The authors have evaluated the combined track-and-field events performed by the female students of the Faculty of Physical Education and Sport of Comenius University in Bratislava (CU FPES) in the years 2013 – 2017. The combined track-and-field events are an obligatory part of the final Athletics examination in the teacher-training study program. The selected disciplines reflect the first day of the men’s decathlon with the exception of the last one, which is replaced by 800 m. The number of points in the combined event enters into the overall assessment of the subject Didactics of Athletics II together with an oral examination. The authors analysed not only the total number of points in the pentathlon but also in the individual disciplines and their percentage share in the final result. They have discovered that the shot put and high jump are among the most stable disciplines. The greatest variance of the percentage share in the overall number of points was observed in the 100 m dash, 800 m and in the long jump. The performance of a high number of students (almost two-thirds) came below the average performance in the particular year as expressed in points.

On July 12, 2016 an international tribunal (registered with The Hague Permanent Court of Arbitration) ruled against China`s territorial claims in the South China Sea, arguing that the Chinese historic rights within the Nine Dash-Line map have no valid effect under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS). The tribunal’s decision came at a time when tensions in the South China Sea had reached a very high level amid increasing maritime incidents caused by China and the Chinese government’s construction of artificial islands in the open sea. What was supposed to be a major victory against China for the US-backed states (Vietnam, Philippines), turned out to be only a symbolic success for the Philippines. China not only rejected the sentence, but continued to conduct provocative naval exercises, harass other foreign ships and build artificial islands for military purposes. Using historical research and comparative analysis, this paper illustrates how China’s rejection of the ruling was facilitated by a number of legal, economic and political factors that have diminished international reactions and pressures on the Chinese government: the non-ratification of UNCLOS by the US, the lack of coercive mechanisms to enforce international rulings, the economic interdependence between China and other regional states and the precedents set by other major powers. Keywords: South China Sea, Permanent Court of Arbitration, UNCLOS, maritime claims, historic rights.

Post-traumatic and post-operative stiffness of the elbow joint constitutes a significant problem since the elbow is prone to develop soft-tissue contractures and heterotopic bone formation especially if happened in dominant arm. Total elbow replacement is considered as an ultimate treatment in salvaging a stiff elbow which has failed conservative and operative therapeutic procedures to overcome the stiffness and return the elbow to an effective functional arc. A 35-year-old female came to orthopaedic outpatient clinic in Sanglah Hospital, complaining on stiffness in her right elbow since one year prior to admission. This complain was felt after she underwent internal fixation on July 19th 2016, for closed fracture right monteggia bado type-3 post internal fixation. After the surgery, she couldn’t move her elbow because of inappropriate physiotheraphy. Neglected elbow stiffness in this patient was treated surgically with total elbow arthroplasty after physiotherapy has failed to improve her range of motion over 1-year period postoperatively. This decision stated when nonsurgical treatment fails, the patient who has realistic expectations of eventual outcome and who can comply with the arduous postoperative rehabilitation program may be a surgical candidate. Total elbow arthroplasty conducted for these patients resulted in satisfying functional outcome with using quick disabilities of the arm, shoulder and hand (DASH) score improved from 81.8 to 43.2 postoperatively and no complication was reported.

Background: Clavicle fracture is one of the common fractures worldwide, which trends moved from conservative to operative treatment. This study evaluates functional outcomes between patients treated with plating and conservative in Dr. Soetomo, Hospital, Surabaya.Methods: We found 531 cases with midshaft clavicle fracture that came to our ER from 1st January 2014 to 31st December 2018. Patients with a head injury, multiple traumas associated with neurovascular injury, history of re-fracture, malunion or nonunion, open fracture, and pathological fracture were excluded in this study. The final data was 161 patients to evaluate. A conservative group total of 84 patients was treated using an arm sling or figure of eight bandages, and an operative group of 77 patients performed ORIF with S-plate. Clinical and functional scores were evaluated retrospectively with a minimum of 6 months after treatment. Shoulder function evaluated using Shoulder Constant Score and Manual Muscle Test.Results: We found that 117 (72.7%) patients were male with a mean age of 35.4 ± 12.33 years old. The right side was dominantly injured. The manual muscle test on the operative group was five, and the conservative group was four. The constant Shoulder group on the operative group was 93.38 ± 7.529, and the conservative group was 86.60 ± 7.560 (P<0.001), and DASH score on the operative group was 10.05±6.98 and the conservative group 23.67±3.49 (P<0.001).Conclusion: In our study, surgery on clavicle midshaft fracture showed significant improvement and satisfaction in patients than conservative treatment. Patients gained better function in the outcome.

The rate of cardiovascular disease (CVD) mortality reduction in the United States has plateaued recently, despite the development of novel preventive pharmacotherapies, increased access to care, and healthcare spending. This is largely due to American’s poor dietary patterns and practices causing increasing trends in the prevalence of obesity and type 2 diabetes mellitus. For decades, dietary guidelines on ‘healthy diets’ to reduce CVD risk, grounded in epidemiological research, have been nationally distributed to Americans. In this review, we highlight landmark events in modern nutrition science and how these have framed past and current understandings of diet and health. We also follow the evolution of dietary recommendations for Americans throughout the years, with an emphasis on recommendations aimed to reduce risk for CVD and mortality. Secondly, we examine how the low-fat ideology came to dominate America in the last decades of the 20th century and subsequently contributed to an excess intake of refined carbohydrates which, in the context of an increasingly sedentary lifestyle, may have fueled the obesity epidemic. We then examine the current major evidence-based dietary patterns and specific dietary approaches to reduce CVD risk, reviewing the literature surrounding nutritional components of the heart-healthy diet and discussing the dietary patterns proven most effective for CVD prevention: the Dietary Approaches to Stop Hypertension (DASH) diet, the Mediterranean diet, and the healthy vegetarian diet. Finally, we discuss emerging dietary trends, considerations for nutrition counseling, and future directions within the important field of nutrition, with the ultimate goal of improving vascular health.

Abstract The two World Wars and the Cold War had a profound impact on Langston Hughes. World War I and the October Revolution wove a web that connected the Soviet Union and its socialist cause to African Americans, and then the Yokinen and Scottsboro trials directly nurtured the “New Red Negro” writings with the spirit of rising “up from bondage” as oppressed people. Hughes traveled the world, became a global citizen, and assumed a cosmopolitan mission for international and racial affairs. However, the Nazi-Soviet Pact changed his view of the world. Hughes began to focus on the problems of “colored soldiers” and compared the advantages and disadvantages of the United States of America and the Soviet Union. When the Iron Curtain came about, McCarthyism drove Hughes to stay in the United States, maintain a distance from international and political affairs, confirm his national position, and rely on writing children’s books for a living, as well as translating and editing others’ works.

The article analyzes the phenomenon of digital bodility in the context of popular culture. In par-ticular, in the aspect of digital body existence in the space of MMORPG. The relevance is due to the apparent inadequacy of the traditional morphology of bodility, which implies the existence of a physi-cal and social body, as well as a transformation of communication strategies, including language prac-tices, which are strongly influenced by the gaming industry. However, if we are talking about the ap-pearance of a new type of bodility that fundamentally changes the whole morphology of the phenomenon, then, automatically, we raise another problem implicit in this phenomenon: these are the mechanisms of self-identification. The purpose of the work is to analyze the phenomenon of the MMORPG, the features of social communication and the specifics of self-identification in the virtual space. Modern foreign studies related to the digital body and the problems of interaction in the virtual world are, as a rule, of an applied nature, and they focus specifically on communication, rather than bodility. So, N. Dachenow, E. Nickell and R.J.Mour were very productively engaged in the study of communication strategies in the MMORPG Star Wars universe. A similar problem was solved by M. Griffits, M. Davis and D. Chapell, who were among the first to point out that it was the possibility of communication in the MMORPG that was the most attractive for users. V. Chen and G. Dach went further and turned to the analysis of the influence on the user of the immersion process in virtual reali-ty, so they came close to the problem of the digital body itself functioning. We point out the need to consider the problem of the digital body functioning in the context of increasing activity of minority cultures. Today, it can be unequivocally asserted that the importance of minority subcultural movements will increase. We are already witnessing a process in which subcul-tural movements are not simply massively entering the forefront of cultural life, but are increasingly asserting their rights to determine the cultural mainstream. The Information Society provided new opportunities and opened new prospects for the development of a very different minority communities. In our research, we define digital bodility as a highly aestheticized artificially and consciously created for the purpose of its further translation into the virtual world, formally divorced from physical sensations and the physical body, but actively interacting with it. Digital bodility determines the psy-chophysiological state of the creator, while bringing him/her closer to immortality, being able, in con-trast to the social body, to survive the death of the physical body. The article provides an analysis of the MMORPG phenomenon and the features of social communication in the space of multiplayer online games. The self-identification of modern man, and sometimes the whole process of socializa-tion, takes place precisely in the virtual space, so it is extremely important to identify the features of this process. Sometimes it seems that digital bodility gives the person many new opportunities. In particular, the possibility of existence in a parallel virtual reality with complete freedom of self-representation and self-identification. However, this is only the illusion of freedom, because both in social networks and in MMORPG the user only chooses an image/model/strategy of behavior from the ones offered to him, he collects his identity from the set of cultural patterns embedded in this program. We found that communication in these games is denser and multidimensional: the user simultaneously (in the literal sense of the word) refers to verbal communication, written communication – chats and sending letters using an alternative language system – and, most importantly, a fundamentally new and an unexplored form of communication, which can be described as “interpersonal visual.” We emphasize once again: if visual communication is actively studied as such, then communication of digital bodies remains outside the field of scientific reflection, and meanwhile, communication of this kind becomes one of the main ones. In other words, the image created in the game / social network determines the quality and success of the interaction of real users. We come to the conclusion that the main achievement of the MMORPG is not in the freedom of self-identification provision, but in the new communication strategies formation and their potential influence on the communication sphere as a whole because of the growing popularity of MMORPG.

Newgrange and the white wall Newgrange, 50 km north of Dublin, receives 200,000 visitors annually and is probably the most famous and most visited passage grave in the world (Figs. 1-2). It was constructed around 3400 BC.The fact that the huge mound contained a passage grave was not revealed until 1699. In 1870, a deep ditch was dug all the way around the mound in order to let the kerbstones and their ornamentation be seen more clearly, and a stone wall was built on top of the border stones to prevent the earth of the mound from sliding into the ditch (Fig. 3). In the course of time, the mound was increasingly worn down, and some of the large stones in the chamber and passage became unstable. This was a major problem because of the many visitors. Representatives of the Irish state, which had acquired Newgrange, therefore decided to have the mound renovated, and a committee was established for this purpose. This committee in turn asked Professor Michael J O’Kelly to head an investigation and restoration of the monument. Between 1962 and 1975 O’Kelly and his team spent four years of fieldwork investigating Newgrange. The committee had specified one of the tasks as being to restore the natural sloping surface of the mound. However, the project turned out differently. Once O’Kelly had investigated the structure of the mound and observed, at several points, the layer sequence in the mound-filling that had subsided, he came up with the provocative idea that Newgrange had looked completely different from the common conception of its structure.In 1982, Michael O’Kelly published his investigations and described the context of the restoration in the book “Newgrange. Archaeology, Art and Legend”. The layer sequence of the mound just east of the entrance can be seen in the profile illustrated in Fig. 4. The mound filling mainly consists of loose stones, divided by layers of turf. O’Kelly thought that all the mound’s layers were contemporary. Outside the kerbstone numbered K95 both the subsided earth and a culture layer deposited by a Beaker-settlement around 2300 BC are visible. A “quartz/granite layer” with large amounts of small white quartz pieces was found in a wide belt outside the kerbstones. Outside the kerbstones this layer could be followed across a 105-metre long stretch (i.e. 43% of the mound’s circumference) in a width of 6-7 metres. According to O’Kelly, this layer had originally covered the front of a 3-metre tall retaining wall on top of the kerbstones on both sides of the entrance. However, the wall had been unable to withstand the pressure from the mound and had eventually given way and tipped over. Consequently, Newgrange had had a totally different appearance during the Stone Age: “Stone walls are necessary where the mound is built of loose stones, but a turf wall would be quite adequate and completely effective where the mound is built of turves or soil. It may be, therefore, that the majority of passage-grave mounds had an original drum-like appearance and were not at all the gently sloping rounded mounds which we see in varying states of collapse to-day. Newgrange was such until excavation revealed that it had the revetment wall which has now been restored.”Consequently, O’Kelly had a concrete wall built, which was covered by the quartz (Fig. 5). The passage and the chamber were embedded in concrete. The entrance of the passage grave was completely altered in order to facilitate access for the many visitors. This area of the wall was covered with dark stones (Fig. 6) to underline the fact that this was not the original appearance. Newgrange had again become an impressive monument, and many visitors find it spectacular (Fig. 1). And spectacular it is – almost too spectacular! In 1982, John Michell commented on the newly restored Newgrange: “New Grange [has been] transformed in recent years into an archaeological show-site after undergoing drastic excavations … Only a few years ago New Grange was scientifically dug into, many of its interior and other stones were disturbed, and the reconstructed model, now curiously faced with a layer of ornamental pebble-dash of quartz and boulders to represent someone’s theory of how it originally looked, lets in rain through the roof for the first time in history.” Others have observed that as there was no concrete in the Stone Age, the wall could not have been as vertical as it is now. The Loughcrew-field with its more than 30 passage graves was discovered and investigated during the 1860s by Eugene A. Conwell. Here it suffices to take note of the description of the two largest and best-preserved mounds, Mound L and Mound T, as these two mounds are important for understanding the original layout of Newgrange. “L is forty-five yards in diameter, surrounded by 42 large stones, laid lengthwise on their edges, and varying from six to twelve feet in length, and from four to five feet high. Great quantities of the loose stones which formed the apex of this carn have been removed, of which there are very visible evidences.” (Fig. 7). On Mound T – to which he has given the much more interesting name of “the Tomb of Ollamh Fodhla” after a legendary Irish king – Eugene Conwell writes: “The original shape of this carn still remains comparatively perfect, consisting of a conical mound of loose stones … It is thirty-eight and one-half yards in diameter at the base, having an elevation of twenty-one paces in slant-height from base to summit. A retaining wall, consisting of thirty-seven large flags [kerbstones] laid on edge, and varying in length from six to twelve feet, surrounds the base externally … Inside the retaining wall of large flag stones, as far as was examined, and, apparently, going all round the base of the carn, was piled up a layer, rising from three to four feet in height, and about two feet in thickness, of broken lumps of sparkling native Irish quartz …” (Fig. 8).At Loughcrew T, Eugene Conwell noticed that the white quartz had been arranged like a collar a little up the hillside, just inside the row of kerbstones. Apparently, this was a common feature of many of the mounds at Loughcrew, because the ridge with the many mounds is also called Carnbane, which is Irish for “the white mounds.” When I saw Loughcrew L and T in 1999, I realised that this could have been what Newgrange used to look like. Newgrange had changed a lot in the course of time; it had to contain several phases, just like the Irish passage graves of Baltinglass Hill and Newgrange site K (Fig. 9).Knowth is situated less than 2 kilometres from Newgrange. In a number of ways, the two Neolithic barrows are identical. Professor George Eogan carried out the investigation of Knowth, which began in 1962, the same year that Michael O’Kelly started investigating Newgrange. In Knowth, there are two passage grave chambers, one with a passage towards the west, the other with a passage towards the east. Outside and on either side of the passages’ entrances in front of the chain of kerbstones are large areas sprinkled with what Eogan calls “exotic stones”, such as white quartz. Eogan suggests that these layers may have something to do with the site of the mound: “However, excavation has not produced enough evidence wholly to confirm this theory, and we cannot rule out the likelihood that this spread, or at least its lower part, was a deliberately laid feature.” In addition, he continues: “The spread of exotic stones may also have played a role in the suggested ceremonies. They could have embellished the edge of the mound as a background for the ceremonies … After the ceremonies the stones might have been spread, a ‘cloth’ to protect and emphasize the ceremonial, possibly altar, area; it may be noted that the exotic stones occur on the old ground surface.”Similarly, some Danish dolmens and passage graves have areas of white stones along the mound side and in front of the entrances. In these cases, the stones are white-burnt flint and not quartz. Such a layer was found at the passage grave of Kong Svends Høj (King Svend’s Mound), and it has been interpreted as a sacrificial layer. The white-burnt flint may also have been arranged as a collar a little up the hillside, just as Conwell interpreted the quartz arrangement at Loughcrew T.O’Kelly thought that the quartz had been arranged in a three-metre tall wall on top of the kerbstones at Newgrange. Today, it is difficult to interpret the profile in Fig. 4 in this way, because that would imply that the wall had been pressed outwards all at once in its whole length, like a gate falling forward so that it is stretched flat on the ground with its entire height. If the wall really existed, it would more likely have collapsed gradually, and the fallen granite and quartz would have piled up in a heap just in front of the kerbstones. The quartz and granite would not have ended so far from the edge as they in fact did. The appearance of Dowth, the third Neolithic barrow by the Bend of Boyne, also contradicts O’Kelly’s collapse theory. Although Dowth is taller and so has a steeper hillside than Newgrange and Knowth, its kerbstones were not hidden by fallen stones.Usually, burial mounds consist of two or more phases, and the mounds are extended successively. The Neolithic mounds may also have several phases. It is less well known that dolmens and passage graves may also have more phases. In Denmark it is possible, in broad outline, to distinguish five steps (Fig. 10).If we take another look at the Newgrange profile, we are able to identify several possible phases (Fig. 11). If at the same time we take into consideration that the turf layers may not have been laid by humans but may instead be natural vegetation layers, this would support the idea of a gradual change in Newgrange’s appearance during the prehistoric era. Here, just as in nature, the vegetation side of the turf layers is turned upwards and not downwards, whereas the vegetation side would usually be turned downwards in turf-built mounds. Phase 1: The foot of the mound is marked by a small stone wall, situated 6.5 metres from the present kerbstones. If the kerbstones were present, phase 1 would belong to step C. However, it is more likely that the mound had no kerbstones at this early stage. Just 12 kilometres from Newgrange is the passage grave of Fourknocks I, which was investigated in 1950. It had no kerbstones, but the foot of the mound was marked by a low stone wall (Fig. 12). Moreover, it is possible that Newgrange had an even older phase, because the passage has a peculiar bend half way along its length, which may indicate the original foot of the mound.Phase 2: The distance between the foot of the mound and the kerbstones is reduced to just under 2.5 metres. Step C. Between the mound and the kerbstones was an open area, perhaps a forecourt, which may have been used for cult ceremonies and processions. Such an open area would explain why many of the kerbstones also are ornamented on the inside.Phase 3: If the complete stone layer between turf layers T2-3 and T3-4 is interpreted as one single phase, the kerbstones would have been hidden, and we would be dealing with a step E mound. More likely there are two phases in this layer, so that the surface of phase 3a was in line with the top of the kerbstones, corresponding to a step D mound – the classical passage grave mound such as Loughcrew T and perhaps Knowth. If in fact there were a phase 3a, phase 3b would belong to a step E mound.Phase 4: This phase also belongs to a step E mound. However, the layer may also have been created by material that had slid down from the upper part of the mound.When the mound was enlarged from phase 1 to phase 3a, the passage may have been lengthened by adding the outer three pairs of passage orthostats. This is indicated by the fact that these three stones are taller than the neighbouring stones in the passage, as opposed to the usual case in passage graves, where the heights of the orthostats in the passage decrease towards the outside (Fig. 13). These three pairs of stones also differ in having an unusually large distance between the third and fourth supporting stones on the northern side of the passage – exactly where a pos­sible earlier termination of the passage would have been. The present exit of the light channel in the side of the mound above the entrance was constructed when the passage was extended. The light channel already existed – it was just extended. Passages in other Irish passage graves have been extended – for instance, at Newgrange Site K (Fig. 9), which is situated a mere 100 metres from Newgrange.Whether this theory of several phases at Newgrange is correct could be confirmed or rejected by new C-14 datings. At first it would suffice to have the top layers analysed. They are rather easily accessible. One of the turf layers was previously dated to 300 AD.Around the mound of Newgrange, twelve large stones are situated at a distance of 7 to 17 metres from the mound’s kerbstones (Fig. 1). These stones can be inscribed in a large circle surrounding the mound. O’Kelly thought that such a stone circle would originally have consisted of 35-38 stones at a distance from each other of 7-9 metres. However, it is much more likely that the preserved stones towards the southeast indicate the Stone Age appearance of the large circle. Thus, there may have been 19 stones surrounding the mound (Fig. 14). The non-typical location of stone 2 also has to be taken into consideration.Michael O’Kelly knew that his restoration of Newgrange was not popular with everyone. He used to speak ironically of his opponents by saying that they wished themselves back to the romantic days when cattle were grazing on the mound, and the passage and chamber were lit by candles (Fig. 15). However, his radical and faulty restoration of Newgrange quite needlessly continued the tradition of the early 20th century, when it was popular for restorers to tear down medieval churches and castles and rebuild them largely according to their own taste. At the beginning of his book on Newgrange, Michael O’Kelly quoted one of his predecessors, E.P. Wright, who in 1900 had said: “To be a restorer of ancient monuments one should be sheltered by a triple coat of brass, but even a repairer of such required a coat of mail.”May this small comment on Newgrange help to punch a hole in Michael O’Kelly’s armour and in the hideous white wall of Newgrange!Palle EriksenRingkøbing MuseumTranslated by Annette Lerche Trolle

This study aims to examine how the Jordanian daily newspapers cover topics that are related to the terrorist group: Daesh. The study is descriptive and used content analysis approach to provide an accurate description of the topics that have addressed Daesh in the Jordanian daily newspapers. The population of the study consisted of all Jordanian daily newspapers, while the sample composed of local Jordanian Newspapers (Al Rai, Al Ghad, and Al Sabeel). By using the industrial week, the study came up with these results: - In terms of trends, Al Ghad provided more supported trends on the war against Daesh and was ranked first (36.8%), while Al Rai came second (14.8) and Al Sabeel placed in the third rank (13.8%). - As for the implications that are included in the articles and analyses, the attitude, which states that the liberalization of Al Ramadi will give hope in the liberation of the rest of the Iraqi cities, and the victory over Daesh, ranked first in Al Rai (30%), whereas the attitude, which states that Daesh’s control of its fans through media ideology and the ways Daesh uses to revenge, ranked first by (18.9%) in Al Ghad newspaper. In Al Sabeel newspaper, the attitude, which states that removal of the The People's Mobilization (in Arabic named Al Hashed al-Shaabi) form fighting Daesh pushes Sunni tribes to fight Daesh, ranked first (14.3%). - News stories about Daesh were the journalist styles used in both Al Rai (63.9%) and Al Sabeel (58.6%), while news reports about Daesh ranked first in Al Ghad (36.8%). - As for the news sources, the Arabic and international news agencies were the most news sources used in the sample of the study, in particular, about (88.5%) in Al Rai, and 51.3% in Al Ghad, and 62.1% in Al Sabeel. Key words: Treatment, Jordanian Newspapers, Daesh, Content Analysis.

Background: The Mediterranean Diet and Dietary Approaches to Stop Hypertension (DASH) diet are characterized by higher intake of fruits, vegetables, whole grains, and unsaturated fatty acids. All of these foods/nutrients may affect cholesterol, inflammation, the development of atherosclerosis, and therefore risk of sudden cardiac death (SCD). Furthermore, the DASH diet is known to lower blood pressure and hypertension is a major risk factor for SCD. Objective: To examine the association between the Mediterranean and DASH dietary patterns and risk of SCD in women. Methods: Post-menopausal women enrolled in the Women’s Health Initiative observational study (n = 93,676) completed a food frequency questionnaire at enrollment and at year three. Women enrolled at 40 clinical sites across the U.S. between 1993 and 1998, and were followed for an average of 10.5 years. We scored their diets according to how closely reported diet resembled each dietary pattern. SCD was defined as death occurring within one hour of symptom onset. We estimated risk of SCD according to quintile of dietary pattern score using hazard models with time-varying exposures. Results: A higher Mediterranean diet score was associated with a lower risk of SCD: women in the highest quintile, or who came closest to following the Mediterranean dietary pattern, had a HR of 0.62 (95% CI 0.41-0.93) compared to women in the lowest quintile, after adjustment for age, total energy, race, income, smoking, and physical activity (Table). After adjusting for other traditional coronary heart disease risk factors which are potential mediators, the association remained statistically significant: HR 0.65 (95% CI 0.43-0.99). A higher DASH diet score was not associated with reduced risk of SCD. However, sodium intake, a crucial component of the DASH dietary pattern, was not well-characterized by the FFQ. Conclusions: The Mediterranean dietary pattern may be associated with a lower risk of SCD in post-menopausal women, however there was no indication of a dose-response relationship.

Abstract Purpose Ultrasonography is currently used for both diagnostic and therapeutic purposes in de Quervain’s tenosynovitis. There is a dearth of information on how effective an ultrasound-guided (USG) steroid injection is when compared to surgical release of the first extensor compartment. Hence, we performed a non-randomized two-armed comparison study to test our hypothesis that USG guided steroid injection is equally effective as surgery. Method 62 consecutive patients participated in the study with 32 of them selecting the option of USG guided injection (Set A), and the rest undergoing surgical release (Set B). We reviewed them after 3 and 6 weeks and 6 months for functional outcome using DASH, PRWE and VAS scores, recurrence, or any complications. They were further followed if they were symptomatic. Results The DASH/PRWE/VAS scores improved at the end of 6 months from 81.7/79.3/6.8 to 1.0/1.7/1.0, respectively for patients undergoing USG guided steroid injection. Similarly, for the patient undergoing surgery, the scores improved from 82.2/81.5/6.7 to 1.7/3.4/1.0, respectively. This was statistically significant in both the groups (p < 0.05) and was comparable to each other. Two patients in Set A came back with recurrence at eight and 10 months and two reported occasional pain on heavy work. Three patients had tenderness and two had numbness in Set B at the scar site. Conclusion We observed that USG guided steroid injections are comparable to surgical release in terms of pain relief, functional outcome, complications.

Background: Hypertension as the silent killer causes premature death, predicted by 2025 to about 29% of hypertensive adults. Riskesdas 2013, 25.8% of Indonesia’s population had hypertension. The prevalence of hypertension in West Sumatra in 2017 included three diseases, measurement of population blood pressure ≥ 18 years by sex in 2017 hypertensive sufferers 23.0%. Hypertension that is not within normal limits leads to complications, resulting in extensive organ damage, rupture of blood vessels to the brain, to Heart, decreased consciousness, coma, or stroke. Prevention and control hypertension with medication adherence and adherence to diet hypertension, a healthy diet with Dietary Approach to Stop Hypertension (DASH) and regular exercise. The purpose of this research is to know the relationship between diet and exercise habits a blood pressure of hypertension sufferers at Nanggalo Padang Community Health Center Year 2018. Subjects and Method: Analytical descriptive research type, cross-sectional design. The population of the study was all hypertensive patients who came to the Nanggalo Padang Community Health Center in the year 2018. The sample size was 38. Data were collected using questionnaires. Accidental sampling technique. Univariate data analysis is presented with a frequency distribution table and bivariate analysis using Chi-Square statistical test; 95% confidence degree with α = 0,05 if p ≤ α (0,05). Result: Of research (57,9%) diet less good. (52.6%) bad exercise habits, (60,5%) is not within normal blood pressure. There is a significant relationship between a diet a normal blood pressure of hypertension patients and there is a significant relationship between exercise habit a normal blood pressure of hypertension patients at Nanggalo Padang Community Health center Year 2018. Conclusion: Health officers are advised to provide counseling, displaying posters and exercise patterns of hypertension patients waiting room.

Introduction This article is concerned with the recent rise in popularity of crypto art, the term given to digital artworks whose ownership and provenance are confirmed with a non-fungible token (NFT), making it possible to sell these works within decentralised cryptocurrency art markets. The goal of this analysis is to trace a genealogy of crypto art to Dada, an avant-garde movement that originated in the early twentieth century. My claim is that Dadaism in crypto art appears in its exhausted form that is a result of its revival in the 1950s and 1960s by the Neo Dada that reached the current age through Pop Art. Dada’s anti-art project of rejecting beauty and aesthetics has transformed into commercial success in the Neo Dada Pop Art movement. In turn, Pop Art produced its crypto version that explores not only the question of what art is and is not, but also when art becomes money. In what follows, I will provide a brief overview of NFT art and its three categories that could generally be found within crypto marketplaces: native crypto art, non-digital art, and digital distributed-creativity art. Throughout, I will foreground the presence of Dadaism in these artworks and provide art historical context. NFTs: Brief Overview A major technological component that made NFTs possible was developed in 1991, when cryptographers Stuart Haber and W. Scott Stornetta proposed a method for time-stamping data contained in digital documents shared within a distributed network of users (99). This work laid the foundation for what became known as blockchain and was further implemented in the development of Bitcoin, a digital currency invented by Satoshi Nakamoto in 2008. The original non-fungible tokens, Coloured Coins, were created in 2012. By “colouring” or differentiating bitcoins, Coloured Coins were assigned special properties and had a value independent of the underlying Bitcoin, allowing their use as commodity certificates, alternative currencies, and other financial instruments (Assia et al.). In 2014, fuelled by a motivation to protect digital artists from unsanctioned distribution of their work while also enabling digital art sales, media artist Kevin McCoy and tech entrepreneur Anil Dash saw the potential of blockchain to satisfy their goals and developed what became to be known as NFTs. This overnight invention was a result of McCoy and Dash’s participation in the Seven on Seven annual New York City event, a one-day creative collaboration that challenged seven pairs of artists and engineers to “make something” (Rhizome). McCoy and Dash did not patent their invention, nor were they able to popularise it, mentally archiving it as a “footnote in internet history”. Ironically, just a couple of years later NFTs exploded into a billion-dollar market, living up to an ironic name of “monetized graphics” that the pair gave to their invention. Crypto art became an international sensation in March 2021, when a digital artist Mike Winklemann, known as Beeple, sold his digital collage titled Everydays: The First 5000 Days for US$69.3 million, prompting Noah Davis, a curator who assisted with the sale at the Christie’s auction house, to proclaim: “he showed us this collage, and that was my eureka moment when I knew this was going to be extremely important. It was just so monumental and so indicative of what NFTs can do” (Kastrenakes). As a technology, a non-fungible token can create digital scarcity in an otherwise infinitely replicable digital space. Contrary to fungible tokens, which are easily interchangeable due to having an equal value, non-fungible tokens represent unique items for which one cannot find an equivalent. That is why we rely on the fungibility of money to exchange non-fungible unique goods, such as art. Employing non-fungible tokens allows owning and exchanging digital items outside of the context in which they originated. Now, one can prove one’s possession of a digital skin from a videogame, for example, and sell it on digital markets using crypto currency (“Bible”). Behind the technology of NFTs lies the use of a cryptographic hash function, which converts a digital artwork of any file size into a fixed-length hash, called message digest (Dooley 179). It is impossible to revert the process and arrive at the original image, a quality of non-reversibility that makes the hash function a perfect tool for creating a digital representation of an artwork proofed from data tampering. The issued or minted NFT enters a blockchain, a distributed database that too relies on cryptographic properties to guarantee fidelity and security of data stored. Once the NFT becomes a part of the blockchain, its transaction history is permanently recorded and publicly available. Thus, the NFT simultaneously serves as a unique representation of the artwork and a digital proof of ownership. NFTs are traded in digital marketplaces, such as SuperRare, KnownOrigin, OpenSea, and Rarible, which rely on a blockchain to sustain their operations. An analysis of these markets’ inventory can be summarised by the following list of roughly grouped types of artistic works available for purchase: native crypto art, non-digital art, distributed creativity art. Native Crypto Art In this category, I include projects that motivated the creation of NFT protocols. Among these projects are the aforementioned Colored Coins, created in 2012. These were followed by issuing other visual creations native to the crypto-world, such as LarvaLabs’s CryptoPunks, a series of 10,000 algorithmically generated 8-bit-style pixelated digital avatars originally available for free to anyone with an Ethereum blockchain account, gaining a cult status among the collectors when they became rare sought-after items. On 13 February 2022, CryptoPunk #5822 was sold for roughly $24 million in Ethereum, beating the previous record for such an NFT, CryptoPunk #3100, sold for $7.58 million. CryptoPunks laid the foundation for other collectible personal profile projects, such Bored Ape Yacht Club and Cool Cats. One of the ultimate collections of crypto art that demonstrates the exhaustion of original Dada motivations is titled Monas, an NFT project made up of 5,000 programmatically generated versions of a pixelated Mona Lisa by Leonardo da Vinci (c. 1503-1506). Each Monas, according to the creators, is “a mix of Art, history, and references from iconic NFTs” (“Monas”). Monas are a potpourri of meme and pop culture, infused with inside jokes and utmost silliness. Monas invariably bring to mind the historic Dadaist gesture of challenging bourgeois tastes through defacing iconic art historical works, such as Marcel Duchamp’s treatment of Mona Lisa in L.H.O.O.Q. In 1919, Duchamp drew a moustache and a goatee on a reproduction of La Joconde, as the French called the painting, and inscribed “L.H.O.O.Q.” that when pronounced sounds like “Elle a chaud au cul”, a vulgar expression indicating sexual arousal of the subject. At the time of its creation, this Dada act was met with the utmost public contempt, as Mona Lisa was considered a sacred work of art and a patron of the arts, an almost religious symbol (Elger and Grosenick 82). Needless to say, the effect of Monas on public consciousness is far from causing disgust and, on the contrary, brings childish joy and giggles. As an NFT artist, Mankind, explains in his YouTube video on personal profile projects: “PFPs are built around what people enjoy. People enjoy memes, people enjoy status, people enjoy being a part of something bigger than themselves, the basic primary desire to mix digital with social and belong to a community”. Somehow, “being bigger than themselves” has come to involve collecting defaced images of Mona Lisa. Turning our attention to historical analysis will help trace this transformation of the Dada insult into a collectible NFT object. Dada and Its Legacy in Crypto Art Dada was founded in 1916 in Zurich, by Hugo Ball, Tristan Tzara, Hans Richter, and other artists who fled their homelands during the First World War (Hapgood and Rittner 63). One of Dada’s primary aspirations was to challenge the dominance of reason that brought about the tragedy of the First World War through attacking the postulates of culture this form of reason produced. Already in 1921, such artists as André Breton, Louis Aragon, and Max Ernst were becoming exhausted by Dada’s nihilist tendencies and rejection of all programmes for the arts, except for the one that called for the total freedom of expression. The movement was pronounced dead about May 1921, leaving no sense of regret since, in the words of Breton, “its omnipotence and its tyranny had made it intolerable” (205). An important event associated with Dada’s revival and the birth of the Neo Dada movement was the publication of The Dada Painters and Poets in 1951. This volume, the first collection of Dada writings in English and the most comprehensive anthology in any language, was introduced to the young artists at the New School by John Cage, who revived Tristan Tzara’s concept that “life is far more interesting” than art (Hapgood and Rittner 64). The 1950s were marked by a renewed interest in Dadaism that can also be evidenced in galleries and museums organising numerous exhibitions on the movement, such as Dada 1916 –1923 curated by Marcel Duchamp at the Sidney Janis Gallery in 1953. By the end of the decade, such artists as Jasper Johns and Robert Rauschenberg began exploring materials and techniques that can be attributed to Dadaism, which prompted the title of Neo Dada to describe this thematic return (Hapgood and Rittner 64). Among the artistic approaches that Neo Dada borrowed from Dada are Duchampian readymades that question the status of the art object, Kurt Schwitters’s collage technique of incorporating often banal scraps and pieces of the everyday, and the use of chance operations as a compositional device (Hapgood and Rittner 63–64). These approaches comprise the toolbox of crypto artists as well. Monas, CryptoPunks, and Bored Ape Yacht Club are digital collages made of scraps of pop culture and the everyday Internet life assembled into compositional configurations through chance operation made possible by the application of algorithmic generation of the images in each series. Art historian Helen Molesworth sees the strategies of montage, the readymade, and chance not only as “mechanisms for making art objects” but also as “abdications of traditional forms of artistic labor” (178). Molesworth argues that Duchamp’s invention of the readymade “substituted the act of (artistic) production with consumption” and “profoundly questioned the role, stability, nature, and necessity of the artist’s labor” (179). Together with questioning the need for artistic labour, Neo Dadaists inherited what an American art historian Jack D. Flam terms the “anything goes” attitude: Dada’s liberating destruction of rules and derision of art historical canon allowed anything and everything to be considered art (xii). The “anything goes” approach can also be traced to the contemporary crypto artists, such as Beeple, whose Everydays: The First 5000 Days was a result of assembling into a collage the first 5,000 of his daily training sketches created while teaching himself new digital tools (Kastrenakes). When asked whether he genuinely liked any of his images, Beeple explained that most digital art was created by teams of people working over the course of days or even weeks. When he “is pooping something out in 45 minutes”, it “is probably not gonna look that great comparatively” (Cieplak-Mayr von Baldegg). At the core of Dada was a spirit of absurdism that drove an attack on the social, political, artistic, and philosophical norms, constituting a radical movement against the Establishment (Flam xii). In Dada Art and Anti-Art, Hans Richter’s personal historical account of the Dada movement, the artist describes the basic principle of Dada as guided by a motivation “to outrage public opinion” (66). Richter’s writings also point out a desensitisation towards Dada provocations that the public experienced as a result of Dada’s repetitive assaults, demanding an invention of new methods to disgrace the public taste. Richter recounts: our exhibitions were not enough. Not everyone in Zurich came to look at our pictures, attending our meetings, read our poems and manifestos. The devising and raising of public hell was an essential function of any Dada movement, whether its goal was pro-art, non-art or anti-art. And the public (like insects or bacteria) had developed immunity to one of kind poison, we had to think of another. (66) Richter’s account paints a cultural environment in which new artistic provocations mutate into accepted norms in a quick succession, forming a public body that is immune to anti-art “poisons”. In the foreword to Dada Painters and Poets, Flam outlines a trajectory of acceptance and subjugation of the Dadaist spirit by the subsequent revival of the movement’s core values in the Neo Dada of the 1950s and 1960s. When Dadaism was rediscovered by the writers and artists in the 1950s, the Dada spirit characterised by absurdist irony, self-parody, and deadpan realism was becoming a part of everyday life, as if art entered life and transformed it in its own image. The Neo Dada artists, such as Jasper Johns, Robert Rauschenberg, Claes Oldenburg, Roy Lichtenstein, and Andy Warhol, existed in a culturally pluralistic space where the project of a rejection of the Establishment was quickly absorbed into the mainstream, mutating into the high culture it was supposedly criticising and bringing commercial success of which the original Dada artists would have been deeply ashamed (Flam xiii). Raoul Hausmann states: “Dada fell like a raindrop from heaven. The Neo-Dadaists have learnt to imitate the fall, but not the raindrop” (as quoted in Craft 129). With a similar sentiment, Richard Huelsenbeck writes: “Neo-Dada has turned the weapons used by Dada, and later by Surrealism, into popular ploughshares with which to till the fertile soil of sensation-hungry galleries eager for business” (as quoted in Craft 130). Marcel Duchamp, the forefather of the avant-garde, comments on the loss of Dada’s original intent: this Neo-Dada, which they call New Realism, Pop Art, Assemblage, etc., is an easy way out, and lives on what Dada did. When I discovered ready-mades I thought to discourage aesthetics. In Neo-Dada they have taken my ready-mades and found aesthetic beauty in them. I threw the bottle-rack and the urinal into their faces as a challenge and now they admire them for their aesthetic beauty. (Flam xiii) In Neo Dada, the original anti-art impulse of Dadaism was converted into its opposite, becoming an artistic stance and a form of aesthetics. Flam notes that these gradual transformations resulted in the shifts in public consciousness, which it was becoming more difficult to insult. Artists, among them Roy Lichtenstein, complained that it was becoming impossible to make anything despicable: even a dirty rug could be admired (Flam xiii). The audience lost their ability to understand when they were being mocked, attacked, or challenged. Writing in 1981, Flam proclaimed that “Dada spirit has become an inescapable condition of modern life” (xiv). I contend that the current crypto art thrives on the Dada spirit of absurdism, irony, and self-parody and continues to question the border between art and non-art, while fully subscribing to the “anything goes” approach. In the current iteration of Dada in the crypto world, the original subversive narrative can be mostly found in the liberating rhetoric promoted by the proponents of the decentralised economic system. While Neo Dada understood the futility of shocking the public and questioning their tastes, crypto art is ignorant of the original Dada as a form of outrage, a revolutionary movement ignited by a social passion. In crypto art, the ambiguous relationship that Pop Art, one of the Neo Dada movements, had with commercial success is transformed into the content of the artworks. As Tristan Tzara laconically explained, the Dada project was to “assassinate beauty” and with it all the infrastructure of the art market (as quoted in Danto 39). Ironically, crypto artists, the descendants of Dada, erected the monument to Value artificially created through scarcity made possible by blockchain technology in place of the denigrated Venus demolished by the Dadaists. After all, it is the astronomical prices for crypto art that are lauded the most. If in the pre-NFT age, artistic works were evaluated based on their creative merit that included considering the prominence of the artist within art historical canon, current crypto art is evaluated based on its rareness, to which the titles of the crypto art markets SuperRare and Rarible unambiguously refer (Finucane 28–29). In crypto art, the anti-art and anti-commercialism of Dada has fully transformed into its opposite. Another evidence for considering crypto art to be a descendant of Dada is the NFT artists’ concern for the question of what art is and is not, brought to the table by the original Dada artists. This concern is expressed in the manifesto-like mission statement of the first Museum of Crypto Art: at its core, the Museum of Crypto Art (M○C△) challenges, creates conflict, provokes. M○C△ puts forward a broad representation of perspectives meant to upend our sense of who we are. It poses two questions: “what is art?” and “who decides?” We aim to resolve these questions through a multi-stakeholder decentralized platform of art curation and exhibition. (The Museum of Crypto Art) In the past, the question regarding the definition of art was overtaken by the proponent of the institutional approach to art definition, George Dickie, who besides excluding aesthetics from playing a part in differentiating art from non-art famously pronounced that an artwork created by a monkey is art if it is displayed in an art institution, and non-art if it is displayed elsewhere (Dickie 256). This development might explain why decentralisation of the art market achieved through the use of blockchain technology still relies on the endorsing of the art being sold by the widely acclaimed art auction houses: with their stamp of approval, the work is christened as legitimate art, resulting in astronomical sales. Non-Digital Art It is not surprising that an NFT marketplace is an inviting arena for the investigation of questions of commercialisation tackled in the works of Neo Dada Pop artists, who made their names in the traditional art world. This brings us to a discussion of the second type of artworks found in NFT marketplaces: non-digital art sold as NFT and created by trained visual artists, such as Damien Hirst. In his recent NFT project titled Currency, Hirst explores “the boundaries of art and currency—when art changes and becomes a currency, and when currency becomes art” (“The Currency”). The project consists of 10,000 artworks on A4 paper covered in small, coloured dots, a continuation of the so-called “spot-paintings” series that Hirst and his assistants have been producing since the 1980s. Each artwork is painted on a hand-made paper that bears the watermark of the artist’s bust, adorned with a microdot that serves as a unique identification, and is made to look very similar to the others—visual devices used to highlight the ambiguous state of these artworks that simultaneously function as Hirst-issued currency. For Hirst, this project is an experiment: after the purchase of NFTs, buyers are given an opportunity to exchange the NFT for the original art, safely stored in a UK vault; the unexchanged artworks will be burned. Is art going to fully transform into currency? Will you save it? In Hirst’s project, the transformation of physical art into crypto value becomes the ultimate act of Dada nihilism, except for one big difference: if Dada wanted to destroy art as a way to invent it anew, Hirst destroys art to affirm its death and dissolution in currency. In an ironic gesture, the gif NFT artist Nino Arteiro, as if in agreement with Hirst, attempts to sell his work titled Art Is Not Synonymous of Profit, which contains a crudely written text “ART ≠ PROFIT!” for 0.13 Ether or US$350. Buying this art will negate its own statement and affirm its analogy with money. Distributed-Creativity Art When browsing through crypto art advertised in the crypto markets, one inevitably encounters works that stand out in their emphasis on aesthetic and formal qualities. More often than not, these works are created with the use of Artificial Intelligence (AI). To a viewer bombarded with creations unconcerned with the concept of beauty, these AI works may serve as a sensory aesthetic refuge. Among the most prominent artists working in this realm is Refik Anadol, whose Synthetic Dreams series at a first glance may appear as carefully composed works of a landscape painter. However, at a closer look nodal connections between points in rendered space provide a hint at the use of algorithmic processes. These attractive landscapes are quantum AI data paintings created from a data set consisting of 200 million raw images of landscapes from around the world, with each image having been computed with a unique quantum bit string (“Synthetic Dreams”). Upon further contemplation, Anadol’s work begins to remind of the sublime Romantic landscapes, revamped through the application of AI that turned fascination with nature’s unboundedness into awe in the face of the unfathomable amounts of data used in creation of Anadol’s works. These creations can be seen as a reaction against the crypto art I call exhausted Dada, or a marketing approach that targets a different audience. In either case, Anadol revives aesthetic concern and aligns himself with the history of sublimity in art that dates back to the writings of Longinus, becoming of prime importance in the nineteenth-century Romantic painting, and finding new expressions in what is considered the technological sublime, which, according to David E. Nye. concentrates “on the triumph of machines… over space and time” (as quoted in Butler et al. 8). In relation to his Nature Dreams project, Anadol writes: “the exhibition’s eponymous, sublime AI Data Sculpture, Nature Dreams utilizes over 300 million publicly available photographs of nature collected between 2018- 2021 at Refik Anadol Studio” (“Machine Hallucinations Nature Dreams”). From this short description it is evident that Anadol’s primary focus is on the sublimity of large sets of data. There is an issue with that approach: since experiencing the sublime involves loss of rational thinking (Longinus 1.4), these artworks cease the viewer’s ability to interrogate cultural adaptation of AI technology and stay within the realm of decorative ornamentations, demanding an intervention akin to that brought about by the historical avant-garde. Conclusions I hope that this brief analysis demonstrates the mechanisms by which the strains of Dada entered the vocabulary of crypto artists. It is probably also noticeable that I equate the nihilist project of the exhausted Dada found in such works as Hirst’s Cryptocurrency with a dead end similar to so many other dead ends in art history—one only needs to remember that the death of painting was announced a myriad of times, and yet it is still alive. Each announcement of its death was followed by its radiant return. It could be that using art as a visual package for monetary value, a death statement to art’s capacity to affect human lives, will ignite artists to affirm art’s power to challenge, inspire, and enrich. References Assia, Yoni et al. “Colored Coins Whitepaper.” 2012-13. <https://docs.google.com/document/d/1AnkP_cVZTCMLIzw4DvsW6M8Q2JC0lIzrTLuoWu2z1BE/edit>. Breton, André. “Three Dada Manifestoes, before 1924.” The Dada Painters and Poets: An Anthology, Ed. Robert Motherwell, Cambridge, Mass: Belknap Press of Harvard UP, 1989. 197–206. Butler, Rebecca P., and Benjamin J. Butler. “Examples of the American Technological Sublime.” TechTrends 57.1 (2013): 9–10. Craft, Catherine Anne. Constellations of Past and Present: (Neo-) Dada, the Avant- Garde, and the New York Art World, 1951-1965. 1996. PhD dissertation. University of Texas at Austin. Cieplak-Mayr von Baldegg, Kasia. “Creativity Is Hustle: Make Something Every Day.” The Atlantic, 7 Oct. 2011. 12 July 2021 <https://www.theatlantic.com/video/archive/2011/10/creativity-is-hustle-make-something-every-day/246377/#slide15>. Danto, Arthur Coleman. The Abuse of Beauty: Aesthetics and the Concept of Art. Chicago, Ill: Open Court, 2006. Dash, Anil. “NFTs Weren’t Supposed to End like This.” The Atlantic, 2 Apr. 2021. 16 Apr. 2022 <https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2021/04/nfts-werent-supposed-end-like/618488/>. Dickie, George. “Defining Art.” American Philosophical Quarterly 6.3 (1969): 253–256. Dooley, John F. History of Cryptography and Cryptanalysis: Codes, Ciphers, and Their Algorithms. Cham: Springer, 2018. Elder, R. Bruce. Dada, Surrealism, and the Cinematic Effect. Waterloo: Wilfried Laurier UP, 2015. Elger, Dietmar, and Uta Grosenick. Dadaism. Köln: Taschen, 2004. Flam, Jack. “Foreword”. The Dada Painters and Poets: An Anthology. Ed. Robert Motherwell. Cambridge, Mass: Belknap Press of Harvard UP, 1989. xi–xiv. Finucane, B.P. Creating with Blockchain Technology: The ‘Provably Rare’ Possibilities of Crypto Art. 2018. Master’s thesis. University of British Columbia. Haber, Stuart, and W. Scott Stornetta. “How to Time-Stamp a Digital Document.” Journal of Cryptology 3.2 (1991): 99–111. Hapgood, Susan, and Jennifer Rittner. “Neo-Dada: Redefining Art, 1958-1962.” Performing Arts Journal 17.1 (1995): 63–70. Kastrenakes, Jacob. “Beeple Sold an NFT for $69 million: Through a First-of-Its-Kind Auction at Christie’s.” The Verge, 11 Mar. 2021. 14 July 2021 <https://www.theverge.com/2021/3/11/22325054/beeple-christies-nft-sale-cost-everydays-69-million>. Longinus. On the Sublime. Lewiston/Queenston: Edwin Mellen, 1987. Mankind, “What Are PFP NFTs”. YouTube. 2 Feb. 2022 <https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Drh_fAV4XNM>. “Machine Hallucinations.” Refik Anadol. 20 Jan. 2022 <https://refikanadol.com/works/machine-hallucination/>. “Machine Hallucinations Nature Dreams.” Refik Anadol. 18 Apr. 2022 <https://refikanadol.com/works/machine-hallucinations-nature-dreams/>. Molesworth, Helen. “From Dada to Neo-Dada and Back Again.” October 105 (2003): 177–181. “Monas”. OpenSea. 17 Feb. 2022 <https://opensea.io/collection/monas>. Museum of Crypto Art. 23 Jan. 2022 <https://museumofcryptoart.com/>. Nakamoto, Satoshi. “Bitcoin: A Peer-to-Peer Electronic Cash System.” 2008. <https://bitcoin.org/bitcoin.pdf>. Richter, Hans. Dada: Art and Anti-Art. London: Thames and Hudson, 2016. 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Cars crest the rise behind the truck stop and drop cones of light over the highway. Ryan dunks his head under a tap. He rubs red dust from his pores and tries to drink some water, but it slides down his throat like a length of wire.His older brother Josh fills their drink bottles. “Wanna get some chips or something?”Ryan shakes his head. He’s sick of watching Josh’s pulpy tongue poke his broken tooth. Their dad never left visible marks before—Ryan used to wish for a cut or bruise, so someone at school could see it. He shivers and clutches his coat tight. Josh says, “We got money.”Ryan wonders how Josh stole it. He didn’t know there was anything to steal. He stares back down the road.“Fine, fuck, I’ll get—”Ryan nudges him and he looks over his shoulder. A square silhouette approaches. The brothers stand back as a two-storey house pulls up in front of them, strapped to the back of a truck. The house is cut in half, patched with pale afterimages of furniture and light fittings. A door slams and a tattooed man with a white wedge of beard climbs out of the cabin. He stretches and heads for the toilets. Josh sidles up to the house and runs his hands along the straight, fresh edge of the floorboards. Sawdust settles onto his hoodie. He laughs and hurls his bag into one of the rooms. “Shit yeah. You coming?” Ryan hesitates. He remembers the time Josh’s Torana—a windowless wreck, used for drifting in paddocks and chasing kangaroos—broke down at the back of their property. Ryan and their dad towed Josh in the four-wheel drive while he sat in the Torana, steering with his knees. He started swinging wide, bouncing the back of the car off tree trunks, until he overshot and hit an old gum headfirst. The cable snapped, jerking the four-wheel drive to a halt. Ryan’s head smacked against the dash. Josh emerged from the smoking Torana with a bloody nose, laughing hysterically—thumping the bonnet and laughing hysterically—even after his dad came over and hit him on the back of the head. Through a window in the far wall they watch the driver eat a sausage roll. Ryan follows Josh upstairs and they stand on the edge of the second floor, where the distorted acoustics amplify the traffic sounds. From this angle, the outback barely conceals the curvature of the earth. The moon is a globe of bone amongst the clouds, a ball and socket. Ryan thinks they’re in a kid’s bedroom; a mural on the far wall depicts the bottom of the ocean and a tinted window spreads faded colours on the floor. He tries to imagine the room with all its walls in place. The brothers hide in a back room when they hear the driver's footsteps. The driver slides a torch over the house and light filters through the floorboards in front of them. They press themselves against the wall. Ryan starts shivering again and Josh elbows him in the ribs. The truck eases onto the road and the house groans, its unsupported floorboards dipping and lifting like piano keys. Signs and lights flick past. The brothers creep downstairs, struggling to stay upright on the vibrating staircase. Josh opens two tins of baked beans. A string of cold sauce as thick as an artery spills down Ryan’s neck. They place the empty tins on the floor and bet on which one will roll off the edge first. Josh wins. He grabs Ryan’s head and rubs his knuckles into it. Josh runs into the bathroom, which juts out over the edge of the trailer. Ryan hangs back in the doorway. Instead of a toilet Josh finds a small circle cut out of the floor. He steadies himself and pisses in it. Ryan sprints into the other room and pisses out the window. They laugh and piss until a horn blares behind them. Ryan ducks. Urine splatters on the sill. He scrabbles with his pants. He’s pissed on someone’s windscreen. The horn’s still going. Headlights hit the trees beside him. Josh comes in from the toilet and Ryan grabs him and pulls him to the ground. A four-wheel drive appears beside them. There’s barely enough room on the road; the truck swerves away and a branch scrapes along the roof of the house. The passengers hang out the windows, screaming abuse. Josh stumbles onto his feet and gives them the finger. Someone hurls an empty coke can and it lands on the second floor. Then the car is gone and only the wind remains, filling the house with the whining roar of a depressurised aircraft. The trees are a smear of static. Josh smacks Ryan on the back of the head. Ryan swings instinctively. Josh deflects his fist and knocks him to the floor and Ryan’s head hits the skirting board. Something crumbles. Ryan presses his thumb into Josh’s black eye and Josh twists his arm behind his back. When they were kids Josh pinned Ryan in this position and shoved gravel into his mouth. Ryan remembers the stones scratching his teeth, the bloody mud he spat out. Josh lets him up and Ryan scrambles into the corner, sick with sudden panic. He kicks his bag away. Josh wipes his mouth and laughs. He crouches down and stares at the spot where Ryan’s head hit the wall. One of the panels has collapsed inwards. Josh snorts. “Look what your fucking head did!” He pulls out the panel and tosses it onto the road. He shines his torch into the space behind it, brushes away the cobwebs and extracts a cheap gold box. “Well, well, well,” he mutters. He sets it on the ground and dusts the lid off. He tries to pry it open it but it’s locked. Ryan looks over. Josh grips the box in both hands and pulls. For a moment his top teeth dig into his lip and then the box bursts open, scattering pieces of silver. Ryan reaches out his hand, expecting jewellery, but he jerks it back when he finds a razor near his foot. The floor is littered with needles and knives. Josh picks up a brown glass bottle and squints at the label. “Iodine.” They stare at the blades in silence. A sand bank slides past as steadily as a sine wave. Josh carves the word FUCK into the floor with a scalpel. Ryan cringes but doesn’t dare warn him about diseases. On long-distance drives Ryan often stares out the window and imagines his vision is a laser-beam, cutting cleanly through cities, forests, passers-by. Now he pictures a wrecking ball swinging into the darkness and colliding with a run-down rollercoaster. He imagines the ball smashing through the tangle of struts and tracks; wrapping around and around a corkscrew section like a yoyo; sending a train of carriages hurtling through the remains of a loop. A few hours later the house passes through a town surrounded by silos and steel windmills. The brothers retreat to the mural room. Streetlights slide on and off them: orange, black, orange, black, orange, black. Josh waves at the people on the balcony of the pub. In a slouched house over a hardware store Ryan glimpses, through half-closed curtains, a topless woman sitting on the edge of a bed, combing her hair. He tries to make out the name of the town on the shopfronts. Josh lights a joint, indifferent. Ryan slides his torch over the door frame, which is marked with the family’s heights. The vibrations blur the words, but he makes out the name “Molly” at eye level. He wonders if this is her room. He stares at the underwater scene and remembers reading somewhere that squids lay eggs via a funnel under their eyes, so their offspring emerge like hard, heavy tears. Josh offers the joint to Ryan, who snatches it and takes a shallow drag. Josh brushes dandruff off his sleeves. Ryan drops the joint when a siren starts to wail: they scramble to their feet and run over to the back window, fearing the police, but the road’s empty. Josh looks up and shouts, “Smoke detector!” Ryan starts waving his jacket to clear the smoke, but Josh just rips the detector from the ceiling and hurls it into a dam beside the road. Once the houses thin out the brothers climb back downstairs and unroll their sleeping bags. Ryan uses his pack as a pillow but Josh’s is still full of tins. Dark branches clasp the stars. Ryan gets up and tugs at his penis in the toilet, watching the bitumen slide under the hole like a belt sander. He tries to remember the scene above the hardware store—the line of tea lights on the windowsill, the mosquito net over the bed, the woman’s small, pale breasts—but his mind keeps replaying the image of a young girl pressing a razor into her thigh. They're woken a few hours later by footsteps. Ryan opens his eyes. Josh is already on his feet. “What the hell is that?” The ceiling creaks again and Josh picks up the torch and the scalpel. “I'm gonna take a look.” They creep upstairs. The hall is empty. Something shuffles in one of the rooms and slams against the wall. Josh whispers, “There ain’t no doors on that side of the hall. The fucking door's in the other half of the house.' He grabs the end of the wall and leans out, struggling to see around it. The wind blasts him back and he cups his hands over his black eye. He pushes the torch into Ryan’s chest. “Go. You go.” Ryan tries to turn away but Josh blocks him and says, “Don’t be a dickhead. Just see what’s over there.” The dark, crinkled skin around his eye shines with tears. “Fuck’s sake, my eye’s killing me. I can’t go.” He pushes Ryan again. With his free hand Ryan feels for the frame behind the plaster. He swings his leg around the wall, plants his foot on the other side, presses his chest against the end of the wall and edges into the other room. It’s empty. Sliding doors in the far wall conceal a walk-in wardrobe. A door on the right leads to an en suite. His foot crunches on the coke can and he kicks it onto the road. He pushes the bathroom door open and the torch beam slides over the tiles. He glimpses movement behind him in the mirror, but it’s only the trees. The tiles remind him of the killing floor on their chicken farm. When he and Josh were little their dad just cut the chickens’ heads off with an axe and let them run around spurting blood out of their necks, but a few years ago he got new machinery installed. Now the chickens were strung up by their feet on an overhead conveyor belt that carried them to a trough filled with electrified water, which killed them as soon as their heads hit it. He walks back into the bedroom and stares at the sliding doors. “Oi hurry up!” Josh shouts from the hall. “Fuck you.” “Fuck you, dickhead!” Ryan pushes a sliding door open and shines his torch in. A man crouches in the darkness, gripping a bottle of colourless liquid in both hands. His clothes are stuffed with newspapers; his beard clings to his chin like clotted blood caked together. He stares at Ryan and shouts, “Bastards! Leave me alone ya bastards! Get outta here! Get out!” He hurls the bottle and it smacks into Ryan’s shoulder. The bottle smashes on the floor; shards of glass cascade onto the highway. The man stumbles out of the wardrobe, lunging at Ryan, grabbing at his jacket. Ryan reaches around the wall and Josh pulls him over. The man slams his fists rhythmically, like pistons, into the other side of the wall. They scramble downstairs and Ryan takes off his jacket and waves it over the edge, screaming to get the driver’s attention. He looks up and sees the man shouting at him, tears streaming sideways across his face. Josh pulls Ryan back but he struggles free. Ryan crouches near the edge and stares at the scrub racing past. There’s a hill ahead and the truck’s slowing down. Josh sees what he’s thinking and calls him an idiot, but he’s already leaning forwards, judging the distance, waiting for the driver to downshift. Josh grabs him by the collar and hisses something but he doesn’t listen and pulls away and jumps. His head smacks solidly against a root and his arm twists under his torso, grinding into the gravel. He lies on his back and spits out black dust. Blood dribbles out of his arm. When the house reaches the top of the hill something flies out and bounces along the side of the road. Ryan gets to his feet and limps towards it. He searches through the bushes and finds his bag with half the tins in it. The roof of the house disappears over the top of the hill and he imagines Josh reaching his destination, perhaps a few hours after dawn, on a small hill out in the bush somewhere, where the morning light is as sallow as blood plasma and the other half of the house is already waiting.

I wake up early, questions buzzing through my mind. While I sip my morning cup of tea and read The Guardian online, the writer, restless because I’m ignoring her, walks around firing questions.“Expecting the patriarchy to want to share its enormous wealth and power with women is extremely naïve.”I nod. Outside the window pieces of sky are framed by trees, fluffy white clouds alternate with bright patches of blue. The sweet, heady first wafts of lavender and citrus drift in through the open window. Spring has come to Hvar. Time to get to work.The more I understand about narcissism, the more I understand the world. I didn’t understand before. In the 1990s.“No—you knew, but you didn’t know at the same time.”I kept telling everybody The River Ophelia wasn’t about sex, (or the sex wasn’t about sex), it was about power. Not many people listened or heard, though. Only some readers.I’ve come here to get away. To disappear. To write.I can’t find the essay I want for my article about the 1990s. I consider the novel I’m reading, I Love Dick by Chris Kraus and wonder whether I should write about it instead? It’s just been reprinted, twenty years after its initial release. The back cover boasts, “widely considered to be the most important feminist novel of the past two decades.” It was first published in the 1990s. So far it’s about a woman named Chris who’s addictively obsessed with an unavailable man, though I’m yet to unravel Kraus’s particular brand of feminism—abjection? Maybe, maybe … while I think, I click through my storage folder. Half way through, I find a piece I wrote about Kathy Acker in 1997, a tribute of sorts that was never published. The last I’d heard from Kathy before this had been that she was heading down to Mexico to try shark cartilage for her breast cancer. That was just before she died.When I was first introduced to the work of Foucault and Deleuze, it was very political; it was about what was happening to the economy and about changing the political system. By the time it was taken up by the American academy, the politics had gone to hell. (Acker qtd. in Friedman 20)Looking back, I’d have to say my friendship with Kathy Acker was intense and short-lived.In the original I’d written “was a little off and on.” But I prefer the new version. I first met Kathy in person in Sydney, in 1995. We were at a World Art launch at Ariel bookshop and I remember feeling distinctly nervous. As it turned out, I needn’t have been. Nervous, that is.Reading this now brings it all back: how Kathy and I lost touch in the intervening two years and the sudden fact of her death. I turn to the end and read, “She died tragically, not only because she was much too young, but because American literature seems rather frumpy without her, of cancer on the 30th November 1997, aged 53.”The same age as I am now. (While some believe Kathy was 50 when she died, Kathy told me she lied about her age even to the point of changing her passport. Women who lie about their age tend to want to be younger than they are, so I’m sticking with 53.) This coincidence spooks me a little.I make a cup of tea and eat some chocolate.“This could work …” the writer says. My reasons for feeling nervous were historical. I’d spoken to Kathy once previously (before the publication of The River Ophelia on the phone from Seattle to San Francisco in 1993) and the conversation had ended abruptly. I’d wanted to interview Kathy for my PhD on American fiction but Kathy wouldn’t commit. Now I was meeting her face to face and trying to push the past to the back of my mind.The evening turned out to be a memorable one. A whole bunch of us—a mixture of writers, publishers, academics and literati—went out to dinner and then carried on drinking well into the night. I made plans to see Kathy again. She struck me as a warm, generous, sincere and intensely engaging person. It seemed we might become friends. I hesitated: should I include the rest? Or was that too much?The first thing Kathy had said when we were introduced was, “I loved your book, The River Ophelia. I found it as soon as I arrived. I bought it from the bookshop at the airport. I saw your amazing cover and then I read on the back that it was influenced by the work of Kathy Acker. I was like, wow, no one in America has ever put that on the back cover of a novel. So I read it immediately and I couldn’t put it down. I love the way you’ve deconstructed the canon but still managed to put a compelling narrative to it. I never did that.”Why didn’t I include that? It had given me more satisfaction than anything anyone else had said.I remember how quickly I abandoned my bestselling life in Sydney, sexual harassment had all but ruined my career, and exchanged it for an uncertain future in London. My notoriety as an author was damaging my books and my relationship with my publisher had become toxic. The first thing I did in London was hire a lawyer, break my contract with Picador and take both novels out of print.Reality intrudes in the form of a phone call from my mother. Terminally ill with cancer, she informs me that she’s off her food. For a retired chef, the loss of appetite is not inconsiderable. Her dying is a dull ache, a constant tiredness and sadness in me. She’s just arrived in London. I will go there next week to meet her.(1)I first came across Kathy’s work in 1991. I’d just finished my MA thesis on postmodernism and parody and was rewarding myself with some real reading (i.e. not related to my thesis) when I came across the novel Don Quixote. This novel had a tremendous impact on me. Those familiar with DQ may recall that it begins with an abortion that transforms its female narrator into a knight.When she was finally crazy because she was about to have an abortion, she conceived of the most insane idea that any woman can think of. Which is to love. How can a woman love? By loving someone other than herself. (Acker Quixote 9)Kathy’s opening sentences produced a powerful emotional response in me and her bold confronting account of an abortion both put me in touch with feelings I was trying to avoid and connected these disturbing feelings with a broader political context. Kathy’s technique of linking the personal and emotional with the political changed the way I worked as a writer.I’d submitted the piece as an obituary for publication to an Australian journal; the editor had written suggestions in the margin in red. All about making the piece a more conventional academic essay. I hadn’t been sure that was what I wanted to do. Ambitious, creative, I was trying to put poststructuralist theory into practice, to write theoretical fiction. It’s true, I hadn’t been to the Sorbonne, but so what? What was the point of studying theory if one didn’t put it into practice? I was trying to write like French theorists, not to write about them. The editor’s remarks would have made a better academic essay, it’s just I’m not sure that’s where I wanted to go. I never rewrote it and it was never published.I first encountered I Love Dick (2017) during a film course at the AFTVRS when the lecturer presented a short clip of the adaptation for the class to analyse. When I later saw the novel in a bookshop I bought a copy. Given my discovery of the unpublished obituary it is also a bit spooky that I’m reading this book as both Chris Kraus and Kathy Acker had relationships with academic and Semiotext(e) publisher Sylvère Lotringer. Chris as his wife, Kathy as his lover. Kraus wrote a biography of Acker called After Kathy Acker: A Biography, which seems fairly unsympathetic according to the review I read in The Guardian. (Cooke 2017) Intrigued, I add Kraus’s biography to my growing pile of Acker related reading, the Acker/Wark letters I’m Very Into You and Olivia Laing’s novel, Crudo. While I’ve not read the letters yet, Crudo’s breathless yet rhythmic layering of images and it’s fragmented reflections upon war, women and politics reminded me less of Acker and more of Woolf; Mrs Dalloway, in fact.(2)What most inspired me, and what makes Kathy such a great writer, is her manner of writing politically. For the purposes of this piece, when I say Kathy writes politically, I’m referring to what happens when you read her books. That is, your mind—fuelled by powerful feelings—makes creative leaps that link everyday things and ideas with political discourses and debates (for Kathy, these were usually critiques of bourgeois society, of oedipal culture and of the patriarchy).In the first pages of Don Quixote, for example, an abortion becomes synonymous with the process of becoming a knight. The links Kathy makes between these two seemingly unrelated events yields a political message for the creative reader. There is more at stake than just gender-bending or metamorphoses here: a reversal of power seems to have taken place. A relatively powerless woman (a female victim except for the fact that in having an abortion she’s exerting some measure of control over her life), far from being destroyed by the experience of aborting her foetus, actually gains power—power to become a knight and go about the world fulfilling a quest. In writing about an abortion in this way, Kathy challenges our assumptions about this controversial topic: beyond the moral debate, there are other issues at stake, like identity and power. An abortion becomes a birth, rather than a banal tragedy.When I think about the 1990s, I automatically think of shoulder pads, cocktails and expense accounts (the consumption of the former, in my case, dependent on the latter). But on reflection, I think about the corporatisation of the publishing industry, the Backlash and films like Thelma and Louise, (1991) Basic Instinct (1992) and Single White Female (1992). It occurs to me that the Hollywood movie star glamorous #MeToo has its origin in the turbulent 1990s Backlash. When I first saw each of these films I thought they were exciting, controversial. I loved the provocative stance they took about women. But looking back I can’t help wondering: whose stories were they really, why were we hearing them and what was the political point?It was a confusing time in terms of debates about gender equality.Excluding the premise for Thelma and Louise, all three films present as narrative truth scenarios that ran in stark contrast to reality. When it came to violence and women, most domestic homicide and violence was perpetrated by men. And violence towards women, in the 1990s, was statistically on the rise and there’s little improvement in these statistics today.Utter chaos, having a British passport never feels quite so wonderful as it does in the arrivals hall at Heathrow.“Perhaps these films allow women to fantasise about killing the men who are violent towards them?”Nyah, BI is chick killing chick … and think about the moral to the story. Fantasy OK, concrete action painful, even deadly.“Different story today …”How so?“Violent female protagonists are all the rage and definitely profitable. Killing Eve (2018) and A Simple Favour (2018).”I don’t have an immediate answer here. Killing Eve is a TV series, I think aloud, A Simple Favour structurally similar to Single White Female … “Why don’t you try self-publishing? It’ll be 20 years since you took The River Ophelia out of print, bit of an anniversary, maybe it’s time?”Not a bad idea. I’m now on the tube to meet mum at her bed and breakfast but the writer is impatient to get back to work. Maybe I should just write the screenplay instead?“Try both. If you don’t believe in your writing, who else will?”She has a point. I’m not getting anywhere with my new novel.A message pips through on Facebook. Want to catch up?What? Talk about out of the blue. I haven’t heard from Sade in twenty years … and how on earth did he get through my privacy settings?After meeting mum, the next thing I do is go to the doctor. My old doctor from West Kensington, she asks me how I’m going and I say I’m fine except that mum’s dying and this awful narcissistic ex-partner of mine has contacted me on Facebook. She recommends I read the following article, “The Highly Sensitive Person and the Narcissist” (Psychology Today).“Sometimes being a kind caring person makes you vulnerable to abusers.”After the appointment I can’t get her words out of my head.I dash into a Starbucks, I’m in Notting Hill just near the tube station, and read the article on my laptop on wifi. I highlight various sections. Narcissists “have a complete lack of empathy for others including their own family and friends, so that they will take advantage of people to get their own needs and desires met, even if it hurts someone.” That sounds about right, Sade could always find some way of masking his real motives in charm, or twisting reality around to make it look like things weren’t his fault, they were mine. How cleverly he’d lied! Narcissists, I read, are attracted to kind, compassionate people who they then use and lie to without remorse.But the bit that really makes me sit up is towards the end of the article. “For someone on the outside looking at a relationship between a highly sensitive person and a narcissist, it’s all too easy to blame the HSP. How and why would anyone want to stay in such a relationship?” Narcissists are incredibly good at making you doubt yourself, especially the part of you that says: this has happened before, it’ll happen again. You need to leave.The opening paragraph of the psychology textbook I read next uses Donald Trump as an example. Trump is also Patrick Bateman’s hero, the misogynistic serial killer protagonist of Bret Easton Ellis’s notorious American Psycho. Despite an earlier version that broadly focused on New York fiction of the 1990s, Ellis’s novel and the feminist outcry it provoked became the central topic of my PhD.“Are you alright mum?”I’ve just picked Mum up and I’m driving her to Paris for a night and then on to Switzerland where she’s going to have voluntary euthanasia. Despite the London drizzle and the horrific traffic the whole thing has a Thelma and Louise feel about it. I tell mum and she laughs.“We should watch it again. Have you seen it since it first came out?”“Sounds like a good idea.”Mum, tiny, pointy-kneed and wearing an out-of-character fluoro green beanie given to her at the oncology clinic in Sydney, is being very stoic but I can tell from the way she constantly wrings her hands that she’s actually quite terrified.“OK Louise,” she says as I unfold her Zimmer frame later that evening.“OK Thelma,” I reply as she walks off towards the hotel.Paris is a treat. My brother is waiting inside and we’re hoping to enjoy one last meal together.Mum didn’t want to continue with chemo at 83, but she’s frightened of dying a horrific death. As we approach hotel reception Mum can’t help taking a detour to inspect the dinner menu at the hotel restaurant.“Oysters naturel. That sounds nice.”I smile, wait, and take her by the elbow.I’ve completely forgotten. The interview/review I wrote of Acker’s Pussy, King of the Pirates, in 1995 for Rolling Stone. Where is it? I open my laptop and quickly click through the endless publicity and reviews of The River Ophelia, the interview/review came out around the same time the novel was published, but I can’t find it. I know I had it out just a few months ago, when I was chasing up some freelance book reviews.I make a fresh pot of tea from the mini bar, green, and return to my Acker tribute. Should I try to get it published? Here, or back in Australia? Ever the émigré’s dilemma. I decide I like the Parisian sense of style in this room, especially the cotton-linen sheets.Finally, I find it, it’s in the wrong folder. Printing it out, I remember how Kathy had called her agent and publisher in New York, and her disbelief when I’d told her the book hadn’t been picked up overseas. Kathy’s call resulted in my first New York agent. I scrutinise its pages.Kathy smiles benign childlike creativity in the larger photo, and gestures in passionate exasperation in the smaller group, her baby face framed by countless metal ear piercings. The interview takes place—at Kathy’s insistence—on her futon in her hotel room. My memories clarify. It wasn’t that we drifted apart, or rather we did, but only after men had come between us first. Neither of us had much luck in that department.(4)Kathy’s writing is also political because her characters don’t act or speak the way you’d expect them to. They don’t seem to follow the rules or behave in the way your average fictional character tends to do. From sentence to sentence, Kathy’s characters either change into different people, or live revolutionary lives, or even more radical still, live impossible lives.When the narrator of DQ transforms herself into a knight (and lives an impossible life); she turns a situation in which she is passive and relatively powerless—she is about to be operated on and drugged—into an empowering experience (and lives a creative revolutionary life). Ironically, getting power means she turns herself into a male knight. But Kathy gets around the problem that power is male by not letting things rest there. The female, aborting Kathy isn’t actually replaced by a male knight, bits of him are just grafted onto her. Sure, she sets out on a quest, but the other aspects of her empowerment are pretty superficial: she does adopt a new name (which is more like a disguise), and identity (appearance); and picks up a bad habit or two—a tendency to talk in the language used by knights.“But who’s the father?” the writer wants to know. “I mean isn’t that the real question here?”No, that is exactly not the real question here and not the point. It is not about who the father is—it’s about what happens to a woman who has an unwanted unplanned pregnancy.The phone rings. It’s my brother. Mum’s waiting for me downstairs and the oysters are beckoning.(5)The idea that writing could be political was very appealing. The transformation between my first novel, Marilyn’s Almost Terminal New York Adventure and my second, The River Ophelia (Picador insisted on publishing them in reverse chronology) was partly a result of my discovery of Kathy’s work and the ideas it set off in me. Kathy wasn’t the first novelist to write politically, but she was the first female novelist to do so in a way that had an immediate impact on me at an emotional level. And it was this powerful emotional response that inspired me as a writer—I wanted to affect my readers in a similar way (because reading Kathy’s work, I felt less alone and that my darkest experiences, so long silenced by shame and skirted around in the interests of maintaining appearances, could be given a voice).We’re driving through Switzerland and I’m thinking about narcissism and the way the narcissists in my personal and professional life overshadowed everything else. But now it’s time to give the rest of the world some attention. It’s also one way of pulling back the power from the psychopaths who rule the world.As we approach Zurich, my mother asks to pull over so she can use the ladies. When she comes out I can see she’s been crying. Inside the car, she reaches for my hand and clasps it. “I don’t know if I’m strong enough to say goodbye.”“It’s alright Mum,” I say and hold her while we both cry.A police car drives by and my mother’s eyes snag. Harassed by the police in Australia and unable to obtain Nembutal in the UK, Mum has run out of options.To be a woman in this society is to find oneself living outside the law. Maybe this is what Acker meant when she wrote about becoming a pirate, or a knight?Textual deconstruction can be a risky business and writers like Acker walk a fine line when it comes to the law. Empire of the Senseless ran into a plagiarism suit in the UK and her publishers forced Acker to sign an apology to Harold Robbins (Acker Hannibal Lecter 13). My third novel Dependency similarly fell foul of the law when I discovered that in deconstructing gossip and myths about celebrities, drawing on their lives and then making stuff up, the result proved prophetic. When my publisher, Harper Collins, refused to indemnify me against potential unintended defamation I pulled the book from its contract on the advice of a lawyer. I was worth seven million pounds on paper at that point, the internet travel site my then husband and I had founded with Bob Geldof had taken off, and the novel was a radical hybrid text comprised of Rupert Murdoch’s biography, Shakespeare’s King Lear and Hello Magazine and I was worried that Murdoch might come after me personally. I’d fictionalised him as a King Lear type, writing his Cordelia out of his will and leaving everything to his Goneril and Reagan.Recent theoretical studies argue that Acker’s appropriation and deconstruction constitute a feminist politics as “fragmentation” (June 2) and as “agency” (Pitchford 22). As Acker puts it. “And then it’s like a kid: suddenly a toy shop opens up and the toy shop was called culture.” (Acker Hannibal Lecter 11).We don’t easily fit in a system that wasn’t ever designed to meet our needs.(6)By writing about the most private parts of women’s lives, I’ve tried to show how far there is to go before women and men are equal on a personal level. The River Ophelia is about a young woman whose public life might seem a success from the outside (she is a student doing an honours year at university in receipt of a scholarship), but whose private life is insufferable (she knows nothing about dealing with misogyny on an intimate level and she has no real relationship-survival skills, partly as a result of her family history, partly because the only survival skills she has have been inscribed by patriarchy and leave her vulnerable to more abuse). When Justine-the-character learns how to get around sexism of the personal variety (by re-inventing her life through parodies of classic texts about oedipal society) she not only changes her life, but she passes on her new-found survival skills to the reader.A disturbing tale about a young university student who loses herself in a destructive relationship, The River Ophelia is a postmodern novel about domestic violence and sexual harassment in the academy, contrary to its marketing campaign at the time. It’s protagonist, Justine, loves Sade but Sade is only interested in sex; indeed, he’s a brutish sex addict. Despite this, Justine can’t seem to leave: for all her education, she’s looking for love and commitment in all the wrong places. While the feminist lore of previous generations seems to work well in theory, Justine can’t seem to make it work in practise. Owning her power and experimenting with her own sexuality only leaves her feeling more despairing than before. Unconventional, compelling and controversial, The River Ophelia became an instant best-seller and is credited with beginning the Australian literary movement known as grunge/dirty realism.But there is always the possibility, given the rich intertextuality and self referentiality, that The River Ophelia is Justine’s honours thesis in creative writing. In this case, Sade, Juliette, Ophelia, Hamlet, Bataille, Simone, Marcelle and Leopold become hybrids made up from appropriated canonical characters, fragments of Justine’s turbulent student’s world and invented sections. But The River Ophelia is also a feminist novel that partly began as a dialogue with Ellis whose scandalous American Psycho it parodies even as it reinvents. This creative activity, which also involves the reader by inviting her to participate in the textual play, eventually empowers Justine over the canon and over her perpetrator, Sade.Another hotel room. This one, just out of Zürich, is tiny. I place my suitcase on the rack beneath the window overlooking the narrow street and start to unpack.“Hasn’t this all been said before, about The River Ophelia?” The writer says, trying out the bed. I’m in the middle of an email about self-publishing a new edition of TRO.Some of it. While the grunge label has been refuted, Acker’s influence has been underplayed.Acker often named her protagonists after herself, so losing the Acker part of my textual filiation plays into the whole grunge/dirty realism marketing campaign. I’ve talked about how I always name protagonists after famous women but not linked this to Acker. Bohemia Beach has a protagonist named after Cathy as in Wuthering Heights. Justine of The River Ophelia was doubly an Acker trait: firstly, she was named Justine after De Sade’s character and is a deconstruction of that character, and secondly she was named Justine self-reflexively after me, as a tribute to Kathy as in Kathy Goes to Haiti.The other context for The River Ophelia that has been lost is to do with the early work of Mary Gaitskill, and Catherine Texier. The narcissists were so destructive and so powerful they left no time for the relatively more subtle Gaitskill or Texier. Prototypes for Sex in the City, the 1990s was also a time when Downtown New York women writers explored the idea that gender equality meant women could do anything men did sexually, that they deserved the full gamut of libertine sexual freedoms. Twenty years on it should also be said that women who push the envelope by writing women protagonists who are every bit as sexually transgressive as men, every bit as addictively self-destructive as male protagonists deserve not to be shamed for that experimentation. They deserve to be celebrated and read.AfterwordI’d like to remember Kathy as I knew her briefly in Sydney. A bottle-blonde with a number two haircut, a leopard-skin bikini and a totally tattooed body, she swam a surprisingly genteel breast-stroke in the next lane in one of the world’s most macho lap-swimming pools.ReferencesA Simple Favour. Dir. Paul Feig. Lionsgate, 2018.Acker, Kathy. Don Quixote. London: Collins, 1986.———. Empire of the Senseless. New York: Grove, 1988.———. Hannibal Lecter, My Father. New York: Semiotext(e), 1991.———. Kathy Goes to Haiti. New York: Grove Press/Atlantic Monthly, 1994.——— and McKenzie Wark. I’m Very into You: Correspondence 1995-1996. New York: Semiotext(e), 2015.Basic Instinct. Dir. Paul Verhoeven. TriStar Pictures, 1992.Brontë, Emily. Wuthering Heights. New York: Norton and Co, 2003.Bushnell, Candace. Sex in the City. United States: Grand Central Publishing, 1996.Cooke, Rachel. “Review of After Kathy Acker: A Biography by Chris Kraus—Baffling Life Study.” The Guardian 4 Sep. 2017. 4 Dec. 2018 <https://www.theguardian.com/books/2017/sep/04/after-kathy-acker-a-biography-chris-kraus-review>.Deleuze, Gilles, and Felix Guattari. A Thousand Plateaus: Capitalism and Schizophrenia. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1987.Ellis, Bret Easton. American Psycho. New York: Vintage, 1991.Ettler, Justine. Bohemia Beach. Melbourne: Transit Lounge. 2018.———. “Kathy Acker: King of the Pussies.” Review of Pussy, King of the Pirates, by Kathy Acker. Rolling Stone. Nov. 1995: 60-61.———. Marilyn’s Almost Terminal New York Adventure. Sydney: Picador, 1996.———. “La Trobe University Essay: Bret Easton Ellis’s Glamorama, and Catherine Texier’s Break Up.” Australian Book Review, 1995.———. The Best Ellis for Business: A Re-Examination of the Mass Media Feminist Critique of “American Psycho.” PhD. Sydney: University of Sydney, 2013.———. The River Ophelia. Sydney: Picador, 1995.Faludi, Susan. Backlash: The Undeclared War against American Women. New York: Crown, 1991.Friedman, Ellen G. “A Conversation with Kathy Acker.” The Review of Contemporary Fiction 9.3 (Fall 1989): 20-21.Gaitskill, Mary. Bad Behaviour. New York: Random House, 1988.I Love Dick. Dir. Jill Soloway. Amazon Video, 2017.June, Pamela B. The Fragmented Female Body and Identity: The Postmodern Feminist and Multiethnic Writings of Toni Morrison, Therese Huk, Kyung Cha, Phyllis Alesia Perry, Gayl Jones, Emma Perez, Paula Gunn Allen, and Kathy Acker. New York: Peter Lang Publishing, 2010.Killing Eve. Dir. Phoebe Waller-Bridge. BBC America, 2018.Kraus, Chris. After Kathy Acker: A Biography. London: Penguin, 2017.———. I Love Dick. London: Serpent’s Tail, 2016.Laing, Olivia. Crudo. London: Picador, 2018.Lee, Bandy. The Case of Donald Trump: 27 Psychiatrists and Mental Health Experts Assess a President. New York: St Martin’s Press. 2017.Lombard, Nancy, and Lesley McMillan. “Introduction.” Violence against Women. Eds. Nancy Lombard and Lesley McMillan. London: Jessica Kingsley Publishers, 2013.Pitchford, Nicola. Tactical Readings: Feminist Postmodernism in the Novels of Kathy Acker and Angela Carter. London: Associated Uni Press, 2002.Schiffrin, André. The Business of Books: How International Conglomerates Took Over Publishing and Changed the Way We Read. London and New York: Verso, 2000.Shakespeare, William. King Lear. London: Penguin Classics, 2015.Siegle, Robert. Suburban Ambush: Downtown Writing and the Fiction of Insurgency. United States: John Hopkins Press, 1989.Single White Female. Dir. Barbet Schroeder. Columbia Pictures, 1992.Texier, Catherine. Panic Blood. London: Collins, 1991.Thelma and Louise. Dir. Ridley Scott. Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer, 1991.Ward, Deborah. “Sense and Sensitivity: The Highly Sensitive Person and the Narcissist.” Psychology Today (16 Jan. 2012). 4 Dec. 2018 <https://www.psychologytoday.com/us/blog/sense-and-sensitivity/201201/the-highly-sensitive-person-and-the-narcissist>.

Staples of early United States Internet meme culture were sold via digital auctions for cryptocurrency (except one, which was sold for cash) throughout 2021. Through these transactions, Internet memes, or “the linguistic, image, audio, and video texts created, circulated, and transformed by countless cultural participants across vast networks and collectives” (Milner 1), were “minted” as non-fungible tokens—a marker within cryptocurrency economy that denotes the level of originality or irreplaceability of an (often digital) artifact (Wired). Early 2021 saw Internet memes (memes, hereafter) and non-fungible tokens (NFTs, hereafter) articulated to one another when a series of trades ignited a “buying frenzy”. In February 2021, the original animation file of the Nyan Cat meme (a rendering of a flying cat with a Pop-Tart body) was sold for 300 Ethereum, or US$600,000 (Griffith; Kay); in April 2021, the original photo file of the Disaster Girl meme (an image of a smiling child in front of a burning home) sold for 180 ETH, or nearly US$500,000 (BBC News); in May 2021, the original video file of the viral YouTube video “Charlie Bit My Finger” (wherein an infant bites the finger of their older sibling with glee) was sold for US$760,999, but no cryptocurrency was exchanged for this auction (Evans); in June 2021, the original image of the Shiba Inu who became Doge (image of a dog looking contemplative, often with text around the dog’s face) was sold for a record-breaking (for memes) 1,696.9 ETH, or US$4 million (Rosenblatt). Other notable memes were sold around this time, such as Bad Luck Brian (an unflattering school picture of a teenager who became synonymous with embarrassing social situations), Overly Attached Girlfriend (wide-eyed teenager who was portrayed as obsessive over their significant other), and Success Kid (an infant clenching their fist with a sense of achievement), but for lower prices (Wired; Dash; Gallagher). All the memes sold during this frenzy feature either animals or white individuals, and none of the creators or subjects of the original files are Black. That said, mainstream Internet culture, specifically within the United States, is predicated upon the Othering and exploitation of Black cultural production (Brock 97, 124; Benjamin). The fungible constitution of US Black culture is replete within digital cultures, from contemporary discussions of digital blackface in white use of memes featuring Black folks to express emotion (J.L. Green; Jackson, “Digital Blackface”, White Negroes) and/or using imagery featuring Black folks without permission (J.L. Green; Nakamura; Matamoros-Fernández). The advent of meme-based NFTs, however, offers new areas of inquiry into the triangulation of race, fungibility, and US digital cultures. I approach this cultural phenomenon with two general queries: What cultural and racial legacies of non/fungibility are present in the dynamics of memes becoming NFTs? What are the implications in digital media and US culture? Fungibility and Black Cultural Production As this issue explores, fungibility is a quality of interchangeable, performing persons or objects, but a turn to US Afro-pessimism illustrates how fungibility is a central quality to racialisation. (Continental African scholars coined Afro-pessimism, and its original formulation was markedly different from the US counterpart, which emerged with little to no engagement with the existing African canon. Afropessimism 1.0, as Greg Thomas names it, focusses on the postcolonial economic conditions across the continent. Importantly, there is an undergirding optimism, “the urge to positive social change”, to the inquiries into the poverty, colonial extractivism, and more; Amrah qtd. in Thomas 283; Rieff; de B’béri and Louw.) Fungibility, in US-borne Afro-pessimist literature, is used to describe (1) a major tenet of slavery wherein Black bodies are treated as interchangeable objects rather than human actors, and (2) how the afterlife of slavery continues to structure everyday experiences for Black folks (Bilge; Hartman; Wilderson, III et al.). US Afro-pessimism argues that slavery instantiated an ontological structure that articulates humanity as irreconcilable with Blackness and further articulates whiteness as for what (or whom) the Black body performs and labours (Bilge; Douglass et al.; Wilderson, III and Soong). Within the US, the fungibility of the Black body means it is always already vulnerable to and violable by “the whims of the [non-Black] world” (Wilderson, III 56; see also: Hartman; Lindsey). Indeed, Wilderson, building off Hartman, asserts, “the violence-induced fungibility of Blackness allows for its appropriation by White psyches as ‘property of enjoyment’” (89). The fungibility of Blackness aides in white “transpos[ition of Black] cultural gestures, the stuff of symbolic intervention onto another worldly good, a commodity of style” (Wilderson, III 56). This expropriation of Black digital “imaginative labour” by US white mainstream culture is part and parcel to Internet practices (Iloh; Lockett; Jackson). bell hooks argues white US mainstream culture treats Black cultural production as the “spice, [the] seasoning that can liven up the dull dish that is mainstream white culture” (21). By the same token, US white mainstream culture “desire[s] … sustained ‘labor’ … of a dark Other” that seeks to contiunously exploit fungible Black production (31). The constitutive fungibility of Blackness enriches, even if just affectively, the non-fungibility of whiteness; this parasitic relationship has extended to digital culture, with white actors extracting Black meme culture. Internet memes, until the advent of NFTs, did not necessarily provide monetary gain for the creators or original owners. For example, the creator of the iconic phrase “on fleek”, Kayla Newman (aka Peaches Monroee) is regularly discussed when considering the exploitation of Black digital culture (Parham; Maguire; Hazlehurst). The term came from a Vine of Newman hyping herself up in the front-facing camera of her smartphone—“We in this bitch! Finna get crunk. Eyebrows on fleek. Da fuq”—and quickly went viral. Maguire’s insightful analysis of Newman’s viral fame underscores the exploitation and appropriation of Black girl cultural production within the US. Maguire turns toward the legal intricacies of copyright and property as Newman sought ownership of her iconic phrase; however, Vats’s work on the legal rhetorics of intellectual property note its racial exclusivity in the US. (Moreton-Robinson traces similar white supremacist ownership within Australian contexts.) Meaning, only white actors benefit from such legal rhetorics. These forbearances point to the larger cultural legacies of fungibility that alienate Black bodies from their cultural production. US Black digital culture is alienated from the individuals who perform the imaginative labour that benefits and enriches whiteness (Wilderson, III; hooks). The legacies of mass enslavement fundamentally structured the capital and libidinal economies of US culture (Wilderson, III et al.; Spillers; Brock), therefore it stands to reason, like other forms of hegemonic ideologies, that such structuring logics of anti-Blackness are foundational to digital US culture (Benjamin; Brock; Towns; Matamoros-Fernández). Iloh, Williams, and Michele Jackson separately argue that the foundation of mainstream US Internet culture is indebted to the labour of Black users. However, as Brock argues, US Internet culture is a medium by which whiteness marks itself as the default even though Black labour, individuals, and culture are regularly exploited to perpetuate white engagement. Jackson specifically notes that the white performance of US Black culture “financially, artistically, socially, and intellectually” rewards white and other non-Black actors for demonstrating their understanding of Black cultural productions (Jackson, White Negroes 5; see also: hooks; Nakamura). Black individuals are not (fairly) compensated for this labour, even as white individuals gain clout. Newman’s term “on fleek” became a staple of US Vine and broader Internet culture, spawning a hashtag (#EyebrowsOnFleek) and being featured in multiple brand commercials (Maguire). Newman notes that she did not consider trademarking the term because she did not realise how quickly it would spread, allowing corporations and other actors to capitalise on her term free of charge (Hazlehurst; Maguire). Usage of the term became a signpost of the in-crowd within US millennial popular culture (Maguire). However, when Newman later launched a hair extensions company utilising her phrase (On Fleek Hair Extensions), she was resoundingly criticised. During a GoFundMe campaign to jumpstart the business, white digital actors accused Newman of milking her fame (Parham; Hazlehurst; Maguire). Mainstream digital actors forbade Newman’s ownership of her own labour after exploiting her creation throughout its popularity, marking her imaginative labour as fungible. These cultural dynamics exemplify of how anti-Blackness proliferates US digital culture, marking Black cultural labour as fungible and as the (shared) property of white actors. Whiteness regularly dichotomises itself against Blackness, needing the denigration and de-humanisation of Blackness to constitute whiteness’s perceived racial superiority (Wilderson, III et al.; Hartman; Thomas). Since Blackness has been constituted as fungible, alienating the labouring bodies from their production, whiteness (implicitly) constitutes itself as non-fungible. Thus, under this paradigm, white actors, their bodies, and their (property’s) cultural production are constituted as non-fungible, as the foil to fungible Blackness. Of course, anti-Blackness uses fungibility as a means of enriching whiteness, first evidenced by the logics of the Atlantic Slave Trade and extending throughout contemporary US culture. Newman’s iconic “on fleek” was easily detached from her (removing product from labourer) for the benefit of celebrities and companies. I argue that NFTs further these logics; as the next section explores, non-fungible tokens capacitate white monetisation of Black cultural labour. Non-Fungibility and Non-Black Cultural Agency The sale of meme-based NFTs offers a modern illustration of the fungibility of Black cultural production. Importantly, every seller of meme-based NFTs has been non-Black, with most being white or white-passing. NFTs, thus, seemingly give non-Black actors the agency to “reclaim” meme imagery via monetisation. Contemporary US meme culture is directly created by, influenced by, and appropriated from US Black (digital) culture (Jackson, White Negroes; Iloh; Brock; J.L. Green; Nakamura). Black cultural actors used memes largely as a space to share the joys and pains of Black US life (Brock); however, the connectivity of the Internet offered avenues for extraction and appropriation by non-Black actors (Iloh; Nakamura; J.L. Green; Matamoros-Fernández). Meme-based NFTs extend these anti-Black logics by monetising the cultural impact of certain memes. Specifically, memes are considered valuable only when minted as an NFT, which seeks to transform the fungible by a non-fungible agent. This section turns to the tensions between non-Black cultural agency over Black cultural influence within US Internet culture, using the Disaster Girl meme as an illustration. Memes, because of their participatory nature, require a certain level of fungibility to perpetuate circulation (Milner; Moreno-Almeida; Shifman). While certain digital actors proffer the original textual (e.g. #UKnowUrBlackWhen, a popular hashtag for Black users sharing experiences specific to US Black culture), graphic (e.g. Fail/Win, a popular meme genre for posting images of everyday chores tagged as Fail or Win), and/or contextual (e.g. Pepper Spray Cop, a meme genre where a police officer is pepper spraying protestors is photoshopped into different scenes) facets of a meme, these same characteristics must be manipulable for the meme to flourish (Parham; Jenkins; Huntington). Further, original creators must have an alienable relation to their cultural production, a “letting go” of the meme, so it may become part of broader cultural milieu, ever-evolving (Shifman; Jenkins). Minting memes into NFTs, however, reverses and obfuscates this cultural and imaginative labour by minting the original image. The sale of the Disaster Girl meme photograph as an NFT exhibits this erasure. The meme orginates from a photo Dave Roth took of his daughter, Zoë Roth, at a 2005 control-burn of a home in their neighbourhood (Fazio; Staff). D. Roth eventually submitted the image of his white, brown-haired daughter slyly smiling as the house burns in the background to a handful of photo contests, winning them (ibid.). The image was published online in 2008 and quickly circulated among social media platforms. Memes emerged as Internet users remixed the original image, either with text or by photoshopping Z. Roth into new disasters, thus dubbing her Disaster Girl (Green, Refinery). Since, Z. Roth’s four-year-old self has been “endlessly repurposed as a vital part of meme canon” (Fazio). Gesturing to the fungibility of meme culture, Z. Roth said she “love[s] seeing them because [she]’d never make any of them [her]self” (qtd in Fazio), meaning she (and her father) had willingly alienated themselves from the meme imagery. The agency to willingly turn over cultural production is solely attributable to non-Black bodies within the logics of fungible Blackness. Z. Roth’s non-participation did not prevent her from monetising the original meme, however. On 17 April 2021, Z. Roth sold the original photo file of the Disaster Girl meme (Fazio). Roth notes the creation and selling of an NFT is “the only thing memes can do to take control” (qtd. in Fazio). To exhibit agency of minting an NFT, Z. Roth collapses memes’ identities into the original image rather than the participation, remix, and becoming that meme culture involves. Memes, by nature, require the repeated and continual labour of digital public actors to continue circulating (Shifman; Milner; Jenkins). The stronger the meme’s circulatory impact, the more cultural heft it carries. However, the Roth family could only ever sell the original image. The minting of an NFT, for Z. Roth, “was a way for her to take control over a situation that she has felt powerless over since elementary school” (Fazio). Here, Z. Roth is further exerting non-Black agency to wilfully reclaim the previously fungible object. Ironically, the very thing Z. Roth is wanting to exert control over is what gives value to the meme in the first place. The virality and longevity of the Disaster Girl meme is its value, but given the fungibility of meme culture, this labour is easily obfuscated. As noted, memes must exhibit a certain level of fungibility to regenerate throughout digital cultures in various iterations; memes also require the fungible Black cultural production, especially within the US. Brock argues the capacity to laugh through pain or chaos is a characteristic of US Black humour and foundational to contemporary US meme humour. The Disaster Girl meme exemplifies the influences of US Black cultural humour both in the comedic frame—smiling in the face of disaster—and the composition of image—looking directly into the camera as if to break the fourth wall (Outley et al.; Brock). These facets influence the affectivity of the Disaster Girl image, or its capacity to move audiences to add their own remix to the meme. Remix is not only an inherently Black practice (Navas et al.), but it is also the lifeblood of meme culture and Internet culture more broadly. Iloh, Jackson, and Williams separately argue the proliferation of Black digital culture in the US means much of what enters mainstream US culture was shaped by Black users. Therefore, Black imaginative labour is an absent presence at the heart of Disaster Girl (or any) meme’s popularity—the popularity that made it valuable as an NFT. Minting the original image as a meme-based NFT consumes the labour of digital public actors to realise a value for the image owner. According to Cervenak, “NFTs can be seen as a tool for creators to be made whole for the work they put in” creating the original image (qtd. in Notopoulos). However, in memes the “work [being] put in”, the imaginative labour generating the memes, is that of various digital public actors. Neither the digital public actors, specifically Black public actors, nor the US Black cultural production and labour are recognised within the NFT economy. The reversion of memes back to the original image attempts to erase the Black cultural labour that generated the meme’s value. The work of digital public actors must be seen as both interchangeable and working in the service of the original “owner” of meme imagery to facilitate the trade of meme-based NFTs. Unlike Newman, Z. Roth was lauded for the monetisation of her meme-fame. Indeed, Newman’s imaginative labour needed to be obfuscated for the appropriation of “on fleek” by non-Black US culture. Z. Roth did very little labour in the invention and circulation of the Disaster Girl meme; however, her agency within anti-Black US culture created the conditions of possibility for her minting of the NFT. The dynamics of NFTs, Black US cultural labour, and anti-Blackness allow for the simultaneous obfuscation and appropriation of fungible meme-culture. Just as enslavement alienated Black bodies from the profits of their labour, NFTs similarly erase Black cultural production from the monetary benefit; NFTs (further) digitise these paradigms of anti-Blackness in US digital culture. Conclusion This essay has just barely chipped the surface on the articulations of race, fungibility, and NFTs. The arguments contained within demonstrate the legacies of fungible Blackness, which US Afro-pessimism links to the structuring logics of the Atlantic Slave Trade, and their manifestation in contemporary digital culture, specifically via meme-based NFTs. First, the essay traced the needed alienation and appropriation of Black cultural labour within US culture. Translating these practices to meme culture, the essay argues the minting of meme-based NFTs is a non-fungible agency only available to non-Black actors. There remains much to be explored, especially regarding equitable cultural practices. 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