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1
VENTURA, RAPHAEL. "Family Political Socialization in Multiparty Systems." Comparative Political Studies 34, no. 6 (2001): 666–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414001034006004.
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This article presents a model linking the structure of the party system with the political identification children develop during the political socialization process. According to this model, children acquire from their parents political labels that serve as voting cues. These cues can relate to a specific party (party identification), a group of parties, or a basic ideological position (usually in “left” and “right” terms). In every society, labels having greater heuristic value are more commonly transmitted from parent to offspring. The type of label with the heuristic advantage in each society is determined by the nature of the party system and, specifically, by three of its characteristics: number of parties, composition of the social cleavages, and degree of competitiveness. Some of the model's assumptions are tested with empirical data from Israel, providing a comprehensive account of the intergenerational transmission of partisanship and ideological orientations in Israel.
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Shehadeh, Maysoun Ershead. "The Arabs in Israel—Hybrid Identity of a Stateless National Collectivity." Mediterranean Studies 29, no. 1 (2021): 65–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/mediterraneanstu.29.1.65.
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Abstract The debate concerning the identity of Arabs in Israel involves a dimension that has not yet been studied—the hybrid identity of a stateless minority. The definition of Israel as a Jewish state, the fact that Arabs in Israel do not take part in the country’s Independence Day, and the emergence of a national movement among Arabs in Israel demanding cultural but not territorial autonomy are major factors that foreground this status of Arabs in Israel. The current study focuses on the influence of activist Arab groups—political, literary, and journalistic—within the Israeli Communist Party. The party operated as a group of “populist intellectuals” immediately following its consent to the Palestine Partition Plan. The goal of the Communist Party was to engineer the identity of the Palestinian collectivity in Israel as a hybrid identity adapted to the political and territorial circumstances in the aftermath of the War of 1948.
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Sa'di, Ahmad H. "Communism and Zionism in Palestine-Israel: A Troubled Legacy." Holy Land Studies 9, no. 2 (2010): 169–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hls.2010.0103.
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The political marginalisation of the Palestinians inside Israel between 1948 and 1977 has been widely discussed in the literature. The Israeli Communist Party is often credited with being the sole political organisation which gave an outlet during this period to the critical and oppositional political, literary and artistic activities of the Palestinian citizens of Israel. The Party organs in particular have done their utmost to popularise this claim, which has also become an article of faith for many Arab left-wing intellectuals. The question tackled in this article is: why did the Israeli State grant a margin of freedom to the Communist Party during this period, while denying it to every single Palestinian organisation inside Israel? I discussed this question at a conference on the Left in Palestine held at SOAS in February 2010. While the reader will be spared here the details of the subsequent personal accusations levelled against me in the organs of the Communist Party, I argue here (as in my SOAS paper) that the Communist Party was given this freedom of action for a range of reasons and in particular those to do with the Soviet support for the establishment of Israel and the important pro-Zionist role played the Communist Party during the 1948 War for Palestine. Other reasons are related to the endorsement by the Communist Party of Zionism's tenets and claims in support of the establishment of a Jewish state in Palestine, including the ‘modernising’ nature of the Zionist project.
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Harris, Ron. "State Identity, Territorial Integrity and Party Banning: The Case of a Pan-Arab Political Party in Israel." Socio-Legal Review 4, no. 1 (2008): 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.55496/cjwo9995.
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The banning of political partise in democracies, something which seemed to be a matter of the past, has reemerged in recent years in many countries, from Germany to Turkey, from Britain to Israel, and from Spain to Latvia. The present artick tells the story of an encounter in the years between 1959 and 1965, between the pan-Arab national movement El Ard and the Israeli executive and judidal branches. According to the author's interpretation of its history, El Ard was what he calls a "third generation party" based on his categorisation of pary objecdves and means. It sought to alter the identity of Israel in a radical manner. Yet it was not assodated expliitly with organisations or states that aimed at destructing Israel or altering its identity as a Jewish state. The article elaborates on the question of how to interpret the objectives of a pary; it grapples with the question of what constitutes support for terror and for the use of violence; it raises issues related to the nature of separaism, irredenta, and pan-nadonalism; itproblemadses the test for adherence to democratic principles; and it deals with the effects of emergency and post-war situations. The case study places in thick context, with ample nuances, the dilemmas and doubts involved in the ban of poliical parties, which have recently came to preoccupy many governments and courts
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De Martino, Claudia. "Israel and the Italian Communist Party (1948–2015): From fondness to enmity." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 48, no. 4 (2015): 281–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2015.07.004.
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Based on a wide array of archival sources of the Communist Party of Italy (PCI), the article explores the historical relationship between the Party, Israel and the Jew and focuses on the real motivations behind the current divide between Israel and the European (Communist or former Communist) Left. The articles argues that Communism for Israel has not been lost for the presumed discriminatory attitude of the Jews in the Communist world, nor for historical growing Communist support of Palestinian guerrilla groups, but because of the increasing militarism and nationalism of the Zionist Left and the erosion of Communist and pacifist ideals.
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SCHOFIELD, NORMAN, and ITAI SENED. "Multiparty Competition in Israel, 1988–96." British Journal of Political Science 35, no. 4 (2005): 635–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123405000335.
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Formal models of voting usually assume that political agents, whether parties or candidates, attempt to maximize expected vote shares. ‘Stochastic’ models typically derive the ‘mean voter theorem’ that each agent will adopt a ‘convergent’ policy strategy at the mean of the electoral distribution. In this article, it is argued that this conclusion is contradicted by empirical evidence. Estimates of vote intentions require ‘valence’ terms. The valence of each party derives from the average weight, given by members of the electorate, in judging the overall competence or ‘quality’ of the particular party leader. In empirical models, a party's valence is independent of current policy declarations and can be shown to be statistically significant in the estimation. It is shown here that the addition of valence gives a very strong Bayes factor over an electoral model without valence. The formal model is analysed and shown to be classified by a ‘convergence’ coefficient, defined in terms of the parameters of the empirical model. This coefficient gives necessary and sufficient conditions for convergence. When the necessary condition fails, as it does in these empirical studies with valence, then the convergent equilibrium fails to exist. The empirical evidence is consistent with a formal stochastic model of voting in which there are multiple local Nash equilibria to the vote-maximizing electoral game. Simulation techniques based on the parameters of the empirical model have been used to obtain these local equilibria, which are determined by the principal component of the electoral distribution. Low valence parties, in equilibrium, will tend to adopt positions at the electoral periphery. High valence parties will contest the electoral centre, but will not, in fact, position themselves at the electoral mean. Survey data from Israel for the elections of 1988, 1992 and 1996 are used to compute the parameters of the empirical model and to illustrate the dependence of equilibria on the electoral principal components. The vote maximizing equilibria do not perfectly coincide with the actual party positions. This divergence may be accounted for by more refined models that either (i) include activism or (ii) consider strategic party considerations over post-election coalition bargaining.
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Diskin, Abraham. "The New Political System of Israel." Government and Opposition 34, no. 4 (1999): 498–515. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1999.tb00167.x.
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During the 1990s the israeli political system faced a number of major upheavals on both the macro- and the micro-political levels. As a result many of its basic features changed considerably. Presently, it is more difficult to predict future political behaviour in Israel than ever before.One may point at the only successful no-confidence vote, which took place on 15 March 1990, as an event that symbolically initiated the new era. Yitzhak Shamir, the head of the Likud and the acting prime minister at the time, overcame the crisis, formed a new government, and continued to serve as prime minister. Yitzhak Rabin of the Labour Party took power following the 1992 elections. Shimon Peres of Labour succeeded Rabin as premier following Rabin's assassination in November 1995. Peres lost the 1996 elections to Likud's new leader, Benjamin Netanyahu. In the 1999 elections, Labour returned to power under the leadership of Prime Minister Ehud Barak.
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Nikolenyi, Csaba. "Party Switching in Israel: Understanding the Split of the Labor Party in 2011." Contemporary Review of the Middle East 6, no. 3-4 (2019): 408–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347798919872843.
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In January 2011, former Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak issued a surprising announcement to take four other members of his Labor Party’s Knesset faction with himself to set up a new political party, Haatzmaut (Independence). The conditions under which this split took place illustrate the ways in which the Israeli anti-defection law, passed in the 12th Knesset, incentivizes the behavior of elected legislators who seek to exit from the party that they were elected to represent. This article shows that the anti-defection law cannot keep a legislative party together that suffers from weak internal cohesion. In fact, by imposing numerical criterion (1/3) on prospective party switchers, the anti-defection law prolongs internal disunity, thereby further weakening an already low level of cohesion.
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Harrison, Bernard. "Israel and Antisemitism." Journal of Contemporary Antisemitism 2, no. 1 (Spring 2019) (2019): 19–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.26613/jca/2.1.20.
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Recent senior legal opinion in Britain has inclined to the view that all criticism of Israel falls into the category of legitimate political opinion deserving the protection of laws guar- anteeing freedom of speech. Argument for this view, from Sir Stephen Sedley and others, is defective in that it ignores an evident distinction between antisemitism considered as an emotional disposition, and antisemitism considered as a deranged pseudo-explanatory political theory. Israel has become of late years the main focus for theoretical antisemitism of this latter kind. “Criticism” of this type is antisemitic, not because it manifests “hate speech” targeted at individual Jews qua Jews, but rather because it defames the Jewish community, falsely imagined by antisemites of this type to be unanimous, uncritical, and politically isolated in its support for Israel. The kinds of “criticism” of Israel characterized as antisemitic by the IHRA Definition of antisemitism are all of this type; and the Definition therefore poses, contrary to opinion widely expressed in recent debate on both sides of the Atlantic, no threat whatsoever to freedom of speech. Keywords: IHRA Definition, Sir Stephen Sedley, Social vs. Political Antisemitism, Labour Party
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Jozami, Maximiliano. "Argentine Left Parties and the 1967 Six-Day War through the Prism of Global Networks and South-South Connections." Anuario de Historia de América Latina 56 (December 2, 2019): 15–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.15460/jbla.56.125.
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The June 1967 war between Israel and the armies of Egypt, Syria and Jordan had an important impact on the Argentine left, which sided with the Arab countries. The Communist Party of Argentina (PCA), which had a significant influence on the Jewish community, defended the policy of the Soviet Union, while Política Obrera (PO) and the Revolutionary Workers’ Party (PRT), two Trotskyist currents, were critical of the Soviet policy and saw in the political process of the Middle East an ongoing national revolution that could develop into a socialist revolution. Even though the three parties openly repudiated anti-Semitism and denounced the calls to expel the Jewish population from Israel/Palestine, they were not exempt of the use of anti-Semitic (and Orientalist) tropes. They described Israel as a mere ‘pawn of US Imperialism’ devoid of agency and, with the exception of the PCA, ignored the existence of the Palestinians as a distinct national group. The debate of the Israel/Palestine question at the Tricontinental Conference held in Havana in 1966 influenced the left as a whole, and seems to have informed the positions of PO, organization that became the first Marxist party in the world to have called for the political destruction of the State of Israel, which was to have been carried out by the revolutionary alliance of the Arab and Jewish masses of the Middle East. Both the PCA and PRT defended Israel’s right to exist instead.
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Kayyal, Majd, and Lubna Safi. "Palestinians inside Israel." Critical Times 3, no. 3 (2020): 496–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/26410478-8662376.
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Abstract The Palestinian student movement inside the Israeli academy was established within hostile universities. Palestinian students were not engaged in any institutional production of knowledge and therefore could not develop an alternative, anti-colonial framework within the Israeli academy. These conditions made the national student movement into a mirror of the traditional political parties in Israel, marked by the uncritical adoption of the traditional parties' positions. The student movement was administered by party power at all levels and was denied any organizational or intellectual autonomy. The parties remained dominant over student politics, and we have not seen any radical breaks with them. This strong tie has weakened the potential for a revolutionary, anti-Zionist approach within the Palestinian student movement and has resulted in its gradual collapse.
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Landau, Jacob M. "A Soviet study of the Israel labour party." Middle Eastern Studies 26, no. 3 (1990): 396–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263209008700825.
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Khanin, Vladimir (Ze'ev). "The Israel Beiteinu (Israel Our Home) party between the mainstream and ‘Russian’ community politics." Israel Affairs 16, no. 1 (2010): 105–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537120903462035.
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Weitz, Yechiam. "Reshaping the Political Order in Israel, 1965–1967." Israel Studies Review 33, no. 3 (2018): 43–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/isr.2018.330304.
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This article examines the major changes in the Israeli political arena, on both the left and right, in the two years before the 1967 War. The shift was marked by the establishment in 1965 of the right-wing Gahal (the Herut-Liberal bloc) and of the Labor Alignment, the semi-merger of Israel’s two main left-wing parties, Mapai and Ahdut HaAvodah. Some dissatisfied Mapai members broke away from the Alignment and formed a new party, Rafi, under the leadership of David Ben-Gurion. They did not gain nearly enough Knesset seats to take power in the November 1965 election, but Rafi did become part of the emergency national unity government that was formed in June 1967, due largely to the weak position of Levi Eshkol as prime minister. This enabled Rafi’s Moshe Dayan to assume the minister of defense position on the eve of the Six-Day War, which began on 5 June 1967.
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Iakimova, Elizaveta. "Evolution of “Alliance 90 / The Greens” Approaches to German Relations with Israel." Oriental Courier, no. 3 (2023): 68. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s268684310028348-0.
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The article analyzes the transformation of approaches towards Israel among the German environmentally-conscious parties. The author focuses on the course of the “Alliance 90 / The Greens” from its formation to the present, when the party has become a part of the government. Additional attention is paid to the perception of Israel by its predecessors — the “greens” from the FRG and the GDR. The feasibility of studying the Middle East vector of activity of this political force is explained by the fact that throughout the history it has remained an attractive partner in the formation of government coalitions, choosing the portfolio of foreign minister. Moreover, the German “Greens” are also represented in the European Parliament, having an opportunity to participate in decision-making process at the supranational level. The article considers the specifics environmentally-conscious parties in Germany and Israel, retrospective of perception of the State of Israel by the party, the current political platform of the “Alliance 90 / The Greens” and the activity of its member A. Baerbock as German Foreign Minister. The author concludes that the German “Greens” agree with the need to adhere to the historical principles of bilateral relations, having different approaches with the Israeli government to the Middle East conflict resolution. At the same time, under the influence of the position of senior coalition partners, topical international issues and the need to strengthen its own positions within the country, the party is able to soften its rhetoric.
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Yusuf Ahmed Obaid, Ibrahim, and Abd al-Nasir Muhammad Abdullah Sroor. "The role of "Israel Our Home" Party in the Israeli Political Life." مجلة دراسات إقلیمیة 7, no. 21 (2011): 121–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.33899/regs.2011.6429.
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Campbell, John C., and Samuel J. Roberts. "Party and Policy in Israel: The Battle between Hawks and Doves." Foreign Affairs 69, no. 3 (1990): 187. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20044467.
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Bick, Etta. "Sectarian party politics in Israel: The case of Yisrael Ba’ Aliya, the Russian immigrant party." Israel Affairs 4, no. 1 (1997): 121–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537129708719454.
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Sharaby, Rachel. "Political activism and ethnic revival of a cultural symbol." Ethnicities 11, no. 4 (2011): 489–511. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468796811415760.
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This article discusses the ethnic revival of the Mimouna holiday, a traditional holiday of immigrants from North Africa in Israel. Its revival was one of the main expressions for the ethnic revival of these immigrants after their immigration. The article analyzes the evolution of the Mimouna from an ‘unknown’ holiday celebrated by only a part of the immigrants from North Africa in a limited ritual system into a very prominent holiday among these immigrants, which was even awarded recognition and prominence in the ‘public sphere’. The article focuses on the political activism of party representatives and immigrants from North Africa as the major factor that set in motion the process of the introduction of the Mimouna holiday into the cultural mainstream in Israel.
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Świeca, Jerzy. "„Western“ Israel in the system of the oriental civilization." Review of Nationalities 6, no. 1 (2016): 161–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/pn-2016-0010.
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Abstract The article concentrates on defining of the civilization creature of the state Israel on the Middle East scene and on conditionings belongings of Israel both to the western system as and the eastern oriental world. The author gets to the bottom of the dynamics of the evolution of the demographic matter states as and into his scene of party-political which determines the external strategy and the policy. Finds, with foundations of State created by David Ben Gurion, evidenced the double character of Israel: on one hand on the lay structure created by the Ashkenazic party Mapai and later Labor Party, and on the other hand on the strong presence of the religion and the synagogue to which one gave back civil cases. The promotion of Sephardim from the half of years 70, the height of the meaning of rightist Likud and small orthodox formations, caused that Israel more and more modern and technologically modernized, so western, had simultaneously stood up an oriental state, in compliance with a membership the regional and unstable authority which demanded religious coalition members that to rank. The work composition focus on facts concerning both the internal situation as and subregional, mostly in the collation context with Iran and his regional allies. The author is convinced, with the civilization visage of regional actors, he most put on weight manifests itself within a period of crises and wars. Because many places devoted to the Lebanese war with Hezbollah in 2006 as and later with Hamas organization (so called three-week) war. In them came to light opportunism political elites of Israel and minimalized strategic thinking. The work avoids prognoses even on nearest future. The author denies prognosing as the indispensable condition of the scientific correctness of the text.
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Etkin, Elia, Tal Elmaliach, and Motti Inbari. "Book Reviews." Israel Studies Review 36, no. 1 (2021): 165–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/isr.2021.360111.
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Laura Wharton, Is the Party Over? How Israel Lost Its Social Agenda (Jerusalem: Yad Levi Eshkol, 2019), 432 pp. Paperback, $29.95.Fiona Wright, The Israeli Radical Left: An Ethics of Complicity (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2018), 208 pp. Hardback, $69.95.Daniel Mahla, Orthodox Judaism and the Politics of Religion: From Prewar Europe to the State of Israel (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2020), 318 pp. Hardback, $99.99.
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Greenstein, Ran. "Class, Nation, and Political Organization: The Anti-Zionist Left in Israel/Palestine." International Labor and Working-Class History 75, no. 1 (2009): 85–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547909000076.
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AbstractThe paper discusses historical lessons offered by the experience of two leftwing movements, the pre-1948 Palestinian Communist Party, and the post-1948 Israeli Socialist Organization (Matzpen). The focus of discussion is the relationship between class and nation as principles of organization.The Palestinian Communist Party was shaped by forces that shaped the Israeli-Palestinian conflict: British rule, Zionist ideology and settlement practices, and Arab nationalism. At intensified conflict periods it was torn apart by the pressures of competing nationalisms. By the end of the period, its factions agreed on one principle: the need to treat members of both national groups equally, whether as individuals or as groups entitled to self-determination. This position was rejected by both national movements as incompatible with their quest for control.In the post-1948 period, Matzpen epitomized the radical critique of Zionism. It was the clearest voice speaking against the 1967 occupation and for restoration of Palestinian rights. However, it never moved beyond the political margins, and its organization failed to provide members with a sustainable mode of activism. It was replaced by a new mode, mobilizing people around specific issues instead of presenting an overall program.The paper concludes with suggestions on how the Left may use these lessons to develop a strategy to focus on the quest for social justice and human rights.
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Dart, Ron. "The Bible Belt in British Columbia, Canadian Zionism and the Israel Lobby: Letter from Abbotsford." Holy Land Studies 11, no. 1 (2012): 87–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hls.2012.0032.
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Canada has a majority Conservative party in power, and the Conservative Party is consciously and ideologically Zionist. Many of the Members of Parliament in the Conservative Party come from committed conservative evangelical backgrounds (with a strong commitment to Zionism). I took part in a debate at the University of the Fraser Valley (buckle of the Bible Belt in British Columbia) in the autumn of 2010 in which Marci McDonald (one of the best Canadian political journalists) lectured on her recently published book, The Armageddon Factor. This letter comments on the ideology of the ruling part in Canada, Canada's Bible Belt and the influence of the evangelical Israel Lobby.
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Nosenko, T. "Zigzags of Israeli Democracy. Elections 2013." World Economy and International Relations, no. 8 (2013): 76–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2013-8-76-85.
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The general elections of 2014 did not bring significant changes to the Israeli political scene. The Likud party repeated its performance of the previous elections and came out first, although with a slightly reduced number of vote. Accordingly, Benjamin Netanyahu stays on as a prime minister. His chief partner and rival, foreign minister Avigdor Lieberman, leader of the party “Our Home Israel”, also retained his positions. Quite surprising was a high percentage of vote, obtained by Yair Lapid’s party “We Have the Future”, as well as “The Jewish Home“, led by a fast ascending politician Naftali Bennet.
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Diskin, Abraham. "Ideology, Party Change, and Electoral Campaigns in Israel, 1965-2001by Jonathan Mendilow." Political Science Quarterly 118, no. 4 (2003): 718–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/j.1538-165x.2003.tb01286.x.
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Gahan, Peter. "An Introduction to Bernard Shaw's “To Your Tents, Oh Israel!”." Shaw 41, no. 2 (2021): 319–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/shaw.41.2.0319.
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ABSTRACT “To Your Tents, Oh Israel!” may be Shaw's key work of political journalism written during his time as a full-time journalist. Shaw drafted the essay, signed “The Fabian Society” when published in the Fortnightly Review (November 1893), with input from Sidney Webb and the approval of the Fabian Society executive and publishing committees. As Beatrice Webb wrote in her diary: “The excitement of the autumn has been the issue of the Fabian manifesto … Shaw's manufacturing out of Sidney's facts.”1 As an attack on Gladstone's Liberal Party for its failure after nearly two years in government to fulfill the promises of the 1891 Newcastle Program, the manifesto, dripping with sarcasm (unusual enough in Shaw's polemics) and heightened irony, succeeded in its aim of effecting a cleavage between the Fabian Society and the Liberal Party, after seven years spent assiduously permeating it.
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Kretzmer, David. "Political Agreements — A Critical Introduction." Israel Law Review 26, no. 4 (1992): 407–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021223700011122.
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Political agreements are an integral part of the political system in Israel. For various reasons — mainly the proportional representation electoral system and the existence of a “third bloc” of religious parties that do no fit into the centre-right and centre-left political alliances — no political party has ever enjoyed an absolute majority in the Knesset. The dominant parties have therefore always had to rely on coalition agreements with smaller parties in order to obtain, and subsequently maintain, the parliamentary majority required for a government to rule under Israel's parliamentary system. A similar situation exists in many municipal councils and in other elected bodies, such as the Bar Council.
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Shomer, Yael. "Institutional reforms and their effect on legislators’ behavior." Party Politics 23, no. 3 (2015): 297–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068815595213.
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Do electoral systems and intra-party candidate selection procedures influence the degree to which parties act in unison? Whereas the theoretical literature is quite clear about the hypothetical effect of these institutions, empirical evidence is mixed. In this article, I solve the puzzle and theorize about the interactive effects of elections and selections on parties’ behavior. I argue that the effect of candidate selections depends on the electoral environment within which they operate. Specifically, in an electoral environment that creates incentives for candidate-centeredness, the less restrictive the selection method a party uses, the less unified its record; whereas in an electoral environment that emphasizes party-centeredness, the effect of selections on unity is more muted. Using the electoral reform and divergent selection mechanisms characterizing Israel during the last three decades and utilizing Rice Scores, I provide support for the conditional effect of electoral systems and selection procedures on party behavior.
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Katz, Yaron. "The Links between Political Campaigning and Post-Truth." Randwick International of Social Science Journal 4, no. 3 (2023): 560–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.47175/rissj.v4i3.726.
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The paper investigates the links between political campaigning and post-truth. The research argues that there are five main factors that make a successful post-truth political campaign. The first is marinating a goal of achieving a practical outcome. The second is the success to control public agenda. The third is providing a different definition of truth. fourth factor is the use of claims based on emotional beliefs. And the fifth is the success to trigger a response from the opposing party. Based on this theoretical approach, the research examines information published in the Israeli election campaign of April 2019 by the leading Likud party and its leader, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, against their main rivals – Blue and White party and its leader, Benny Gantz - former Israel Defense Forces (IDF) Chief of Staff. The issue examined is the post-truth campaign involving the cell phone hacking of Gantz. The examination looks at the campaign according to the main factors that make a successful post-truth political campaign, as described earlier. It aims to examine the way that these factors were implemented by the Likud campaign – and conclude if using these factors was properly done in this post-truth campaign.
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Rogova, Natalia. "U.S. Congress in 2023: Policies and Political Games." Russia and America in the 21st Century, no. 6 (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207054760029552-4.
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The article deals with activities of the U.S. Congress in 2023. It analyzes positions of different groups inside political parties, especially the fighting among members of the Republican faction in the Congress. The article discusses the reasons for removal of the speaker of the House of Representatives and elections of a new speaker. There is an analysis of the confrontation between supporters and opponents of military and economic assistance to Ukraine and Israel. The article tackles the future confrontation between the Republican party and the White House about the budget deficit and the federal debt,
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Karasova, Tatiana A. "Israeli Parlamentarism in XXI Century: Electorial Failure or System Crises?" Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 3 (2022): 124. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080020267-0.
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Just within three years Israel experienced four consecutive Knesset electoral campaigns (in April and September 2019; March 2020 and March 2021). However, neither leader of the permanently ruling since 2009 center-right Likud party Benjamin Netanyahu, no his electoral opponents were able to form in any way stable coalition Government. In fact the electoral campaign during this period due to the uncompromised rivalry between the major party blocs never terminated. In March 2021, at last, the anti-Netanyahu bloc managed to win electionsand form the coalition government. Such situation that hardly had any precedent in Israeli political history, as well as the obvious deadlock that Israeli political system appeared poses several questions that yet to find their comprehensive answer in the academic literature. Do we deal with a situational political "glitch", which - exactly as it had happened in the past, could be resolved at some point? Or, on the contrary, do we observe here the systematic crises of the party and political system of this country, which basic foundations were constructed long before the declaration of the State of Israel itself? Finally, considering similar political trends in other Western countries, could we talk about the general crises of the European-style parliamentary democracy model, the one that during the past centuries was believed to be the optimal political structure framework for modern and contemporary ethnic national and civic national states? While analyzing the Israeli experience the authors of this article intend to answer a part of these and related questions.
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Chang, Juiyu. "Israel: How Does the Economic Miracle Able to Happen?" Advances in Economics, Management and Political Sciences 33, no. 1 (2023): 85–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2754-1169/33/20231641.
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This paper primarily discusses the policies implemented by the Mapai party and the Likud party during Israel's economic transition from the statism stage to the neoliberalism stage. The study focuses on the impact of these policies on the economy and investigates how economic conditions influenced political decision-making. Israel has experienced significant economic changes since its founding in 1948, including periods of heavy state intervention in the economy, followed by a shift towards neoliberal policies in later years. To better understand these developments, this study analyzed 23 articles selected from the CNKI database, with a particular focus on the Israeli Economic Stabilization Plan of 1952 and the establishment of the Israel Development Bank in 1954. By examining the content of these articles, the study aimed to identify the effects of these policies on Israeli society and economy. The results provide valuable insights into the historical context and consequences of the policies enacted by both the Mapai and Likud parties, as well as the evolving relationship between politics and economics in the country throughout this transformative period.
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Khanin, Vladimir (Ze'ev). "The new Russian Jewish Diaspora and ‘Russian’ party politics in Israel." Nationalism and Ethnic Politics 8, no. 4 (2002): 37–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537110208428677.
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MSHAI, YAEL. "INTEREST GROUPS AND BUREAUCRATS IN A PARTY-DEMOCRACY: THE CASE OF ISRAEL." Public Administration 70, no. 2 (1992): 269–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9299.1992.tb00938.x.
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Al-Shanaq, Abdul Majeed Zaid. "German-Israeli Political Relations under the Chancellor's Government Willy Brandt (1969-1974 AD)." Dirasat: Human and Social Sciences 50, no. 3 (2023): 435–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.35516/hum.v50i3.5425.
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Objectives: This study examines the evolution of German-Israeli political relations under Chancellor Willy Brandt's government (1969-1974 AD). The government, led by the Social Democratic Party (SPD), was formed after the parliamentary elections on 9/28/1969 AD and gained confidence through an alliance with the Free Democratic Party (FDP), led by Walter Scheel.
 Methods: The study employed an analytical historical approach, drawing from unpublished German documents in the archives of the German Ministry of Foreign Affairs and other contemporary sources to shed light on an under-researched subject. It analyzes Germany's progression from establishing normal relations in 1969 AD to further developments by 1974 AD.
 Results: The study reveals that political relations with Israel evolved in line with Germany's policy of openness to the socialist camp. It also examines how the German government dealt with the "Munich Process" during the Olympic Games and its impact on Israel-Germany relations. Additionally, the study explores the factors influencing Germany's stance during the October 1973 war, particularly in light of the Arab oil initiative led by King Faisal Al Saud in foreign policy.
 Conclusions: During Chancellor Willy Brandt's government, German-Israeli political relations advanced significantly, with Germany expressing support for Israeli political positions. Moreover, the study highlights the reestablishment of German-Arab relations, which had been severed since 1965 AD.
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H. Sa'di, Ahmad. "Beyond the Pale? Avigdor Lieberman and Demographic Racism in Israel." Holy Land Studies 8, no. 2 (2009): 143–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e1474947509000523.
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The long-term shift of the Israeli public to the right has resulted in the ascendance of a host of radical right wing ideologies and political parties. Yisrael Beitenu party, led by Avigdor Lieberman, an émigré from the former USSR, has attracted special attention for its xenophobic and fierce anti-Palestinian racist platform on the one hand, and for its audience which is largely composed of new Russian immigrants on the other. Various explanations have been given for the ascendance of this party, such as the imperialist culture of its Russian audience, its populist messages which lure citizens – mostly new migrants – disillusioned with the liberal democratic system and the racism prevalent in Russian culture towards the Muslim peoples of central Asia. However, a careful review of the political attitudes of Yisrael Beitenu supporters reveals that their beliefs are not significantly different from those held by mainstream Israelis. Thus, instead of looking for explanations for the rise of Yisrael Beitenu exogenous to Israeli culture and society, this article traces these reasons to the colonial nature of Israeli society, where a schizophrenic culture has emerged in which existing reality is denied, and even condemned. The new immigrants, beside the syndrome of over-loyalty which they have, seem to misinterpret the colonial culture into which they arrived. They seem to adhere to the facts of life as they are without much obfuscation or vindication.
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Papanikos, Gregory T. "Democracy and Politics: An Introduction to the Special Issue of the Athens Journal of Social Sciences." ATHENS JOURNAL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES 9, no. 2 (2022): 89–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.30958/ajss.9-2-0.
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This paper is an introduction to the special issue of the Athens Journal of Social Sciences on Politics. It includes six papers, which relate to various aspects of politics in today’s democracies. The first paper examines populism in selecting political parties of the European Union (EU); the second explains a political experiment performed in USA; the third discusses the prospects of the 2022 elections in Brazil; the fourth states that democracies need leaders as this is the case with Israel; the fifth looks at a real threat to democracy which is radicalism and violence using the case of the Slovakian youth; and the last paper examines a case of primary elections of a Greek political party (PASOK). Keywords: politics, democracy, elections, Brazil, Greece, Israel, Slovakia, USA, European Union, Latin America
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Shumilina, Inna V. "Democratic Party Crisis as Result of the Middle East Conflict-2023." Russia and America in the 21st Century, no. 1 (2024): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207054760029811-9.
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The unprecedented October 7, 2023, attack by the paramilitary wing of Hamas against Israeli civilians and peaceful targets has thoroughly shaken up social and political forces in the United States, Israel's main traditional ally. The ideological outbreak of pro-Palestinian Americans, many of whom constituted the core constituency of the Democratic Party candidate in the last presidential election, briefly weakened the cohesion of Biden's supporters in the 2024 election. Whether the Democratic Party will be able to hold on to its supporters under the pressure of ideological differences over the Middle East conflict is an open question.
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Khanin, Vladimir (Ze'ev), and Petr Viktorovich Oskolkov. "French-speaking jewish community in contemporary Israel: sociological and political profile." Contemporary Europe, no. 4 (December 15, 2023): 89–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0201708323040046.
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The article examines the sociological, demographic, and political characteristics of a French-speaking repatriate community in Israel. The community is an important factor in both Israeli and French internal politics and the bilateral relations between Israel and European countries. The authors conclude that multiple identities are preserved, consisting of French-speaking, Jewish, and Israeli elements, and underline the quantitative and qualitative difference between the 2010s wave of repatriation and the previous waves. The difference is tainted by the reasons that pushed the French Jews to their historic homeland and by the difficulties of economic integration. A well-developed infrastructural network is created that buttresses the identitarian multiplicity. There are also indicators that the identity infrastructure might be complemented by the organized political representation that is now realized through the positions reserved non-officially in the national party lists. Because of its predominantly right-wing conservative political orientation, the French Jewish community is considered an electoral resource for the incumbent coalition of right-wing conservative, nationalist, and ultraorthodox parties, and the need for further stimulation of the French aliya is now voiced.
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Wauters, Bram. "Turnout Rates in Closed Party Leadership Primaries: Flash and Fade Out?" Government and Opposition 50, no. 2 (2014): 218–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2013.45.
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The organization of primaries in which all party members can participate is increasingly used by political parties to select their leader. We focus here on one of the consequences of these procedures – participation rates. Based on general participation theories (mobilization theory, instrumental motivation theory and learning theory) in combination with insights into the introduction and functioning of leadership primaries, we expect that the first time a party organizes leadership primaries, participation rates will be high, but that they will decline gradually afterwards. We have focused on direct member votes for the selection of party leaders in Belgium, Israel and Canada. Our results show that participation rates are not influenced by how many times such a contest is held in a party (only first-time participation tends to be higher), but mainly by how competitive the contest is.
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Bennis, Phyllis. "The 2016 U.S. Presidential Campaign: Changing Discourse on Palestine." Journal of Palestine Studies 46, no. 1 (2016): 34–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2016.46.1.34.
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This essay examines the discourse on Palestine/Israel in the 2016 U.S. presidential campaign, charting the impact of the Palestine rights movement on the domestic U.S. policy debate. Policy analyst, author, and long-time activist Phyllis Bennis notes the sea change within the Democratic Party evident in the unprecedented debate on the issue outside traditionally liberal Zionist boundaries. The final Democratic platform was as pro-Israel and anti-Palestinian as any in history, but the process of getting there was revolutionary in no small part, Bennis argues, due to the grassroots campaign of veteran U.S. senator Bernie Sanders. Bennis also discusses the Republican platform on Israel/Palestine, outlining the positions of the final three Republican contenders. Although she is clear about the current weakness of the broad antiwar movement in the United States, Bennis celebrates its Palestinian rights component and its focus on education and BDS to challenge the general public's “ignorance” on Israel/Palestine.
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Komuro, Norio. "FTA Outward Processing at the Crossroads." Journal of World Trade 43, Issue 4 (2009): 797–846. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2009032.
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Several modern Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) contain a so-called ‘outward processing’ exception to their rules of origin (ROO). FTAs require that for a good from a Party to enjoy preferential treatment in another Party the good must be made without interruption in the FTA territory. An exception to this territoriality principle is the outward processing scheme. Under this exception, a producer in a Party may send materials to a non-Party for outward processing and re-import the processed goods for finishing. Final products can then enjoy the FTA preference in the importing Party provided that relevant conditions are met. This article examines various outward processing schemes under current FTAs concluded by, inter alia, Israel, the EU, European Free Trade Association (EFTA), Singapore and South Korea, and compares them with neighbouring regimes (i.e., third-country content and third-country materials rules). This article also assesses the scheme from economic-political and legal viewpoints. Finally, this article suggests some solutions for overcoming problems with the scheme.
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Haklai, Oded, and Adia Mendelson-Maoz. "Editors' Note." Israel Studies Review 37, no. 2 (2022): v. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/isr.2022.370201.
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We are pleased to introduce the second issue of 2022. Several of the articles in this issue are marked by their policy relevance. The article by Arie Krampf, Uri Ansenberg, and Barak Zur examines the role played by the Labor Party government between 1992 and 1996 to guide Israel onto a neoliberal economic path. The authors coin the term “embedded neoliberalism” to explain the interaction between pro-market and anti-market influences, yielding a peculiar type of neoliberal order in Israel. Examining social work education of Palestinian female students in Israel, the article by Haneen Elias and Ronit Reuven Even-Zahav identifies the significance of context-informed education that integrates the intersectional position of Palestinian students. Finally, Erez Cohen’s article identifies incompatibilities between existing public policy pertaining to post-retirement employment and the real-life needs of elderly people, suggesting a need for reform.
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Navot, Doron, Yair Goldshmidt, and Asaf Yakir. "The Limits of Right-Wing Populism in Power and the Israeli Political Crisis of 2018–2021." Middle East Journal 76, no. 3 (2022): 327–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/76.3.12.
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Between 2018 and 2021, Israel experienced an unprecedented political crisis that saw four rounds of elections, as the country's parties failed to form a stable coalition government. This article contends that this crisis was the result of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's shift away from neoliberalism and toward a populist "anti-system" agenda. While Netanyahu's intensification of institutional subversion played a role in his success in the mid–late 2010s, it complicated relations within his party and among his political allies. The end result was years of political deadlock.
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Levy, Mordechai. "The Demise of the Left Parties in Israel: From Party Identification to a Negative Partisanship." Przegląd Politologiczny, no. 3 (October 10, 2023): 73–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pp.2023.28.3.5.
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The left parties are the oldest political institutions in Israel. They were founded before the establishment of the State and were the dominant political force in its first decades. However, since the 1990s, there has been a consistent decline in their power, to the point where, in the last Knesset elections held in 2022, the left parties barely passed the threshold. This article explains the decline of the left parties and attempts to answer where the voters went. A combination of several local and global events that occurred in recent years caused the left parties to distance themselves from the narrative of Zionist Socialism characterizing them and to adopt a new narrative, which less inspires identification of Jewish voters. The article’s main argument is that the voters did not disappear but only changed their political behavior from a state of party identification and voting for the left parties to a state of political opposition and voting against the rightist parties. To illustrate the pattern of behavior, voting data for the Knesset in two communities with different demographic characteristics are presented: Kibbutz Mizra, a socialist commune identified with left voters, and Beit-Shean, a town that is a stronghold of rightist voters. The conclusion is that the way for the left parties to return to dominance is through reintegrating the Jewish identity with the values of justice and equality.
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Akirav, Osnat. "The Role of Joint Lists and the New Political Rhetoric in Israel, 2015–2020." Israel Studies Review 35, no. 3 (2020): 111–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/isr.2020.350307.
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In 2014, Israel changed its electoral rules, requiring political parties to obtain at least 3.25 percent of the popular vote to gain a seat in the Knesset. We investigated the role that this change played in the creation of joint lists of several parties in the four ensuing elections, and found that the platforms and statements of joint lists were less ideological than those of their constituent parties. Our argument is that the trend of inter-party alliances characterized by unifying rhetoric is a political innovation in the Israeli context. We suggest that, as a result of such joint parties, Israeli politics—once known to be extremely ideological—has become dominated by non-ideological pragmatism.
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Akirav, Osnat. "The Role of Joint Lists and the New Political Rhetoric in Israel, 2015–2020." Israel Studies Review 35, no. 3 (2020): 111–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/isr.2020.350307.
Full textAbstract:
In 2014, Israel changed its electoral rules, requiring political parties to obtain at least 3.25 percent of the popular vote to gain a seat in the Knesset. We investigated the role that this change played in the creation of joint lists of several parties in the four ensuing elections, and found that the platforms and statements of joint lists were less ideological than those of their constituent parties. Our argument is that the trend of inter-party alliances characterized by unifying rhetoric is a political innovation in the Israeli context. We suggest that, as a result of such joint parties, Israeli politics—once known to be extremely ideological—has become dominated by non-ideological pragmatism.
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Friedman, Abraham. "Union Structure and Rank and File Revolt : The Israeli Experience." Relations industrielles 31, no. 2 (2005): 261–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/028706ar.
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The high rate of unauthorized strikes in Israel can be attributed to the structural dualism of the largest and most important trade union in Israel— the Histadruth. In structural dualism a reference is made to the incompatibility between the organizational characteristics of the upper echelons of the union, i.e., the trade union department and those of the lower echelons, i.e. the workers' committees. Their goals and relationship with their constituency and political parties are incongruous. While the trade union department adheres to the prescriptions of the national economic policies as put forward by the Labor Alignment party, workers' committees are committed to the short run economic goals of their members at the shop level.
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El Din, Heba Gamal. "The role of think tanks in influencing policy-making in Israel." Contemporary Arab Affairs 9, no. 2 (2016): 187–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2016.1148919.
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This paper examines the emergence and role of research think tanks in Israel, particularly with regard to their influence on policy-making. The establishment of the first think tanks coincided with the founding of the state, with their numbers increasing since the 1990s. This paper attempts to map these Israeli think tanks, which are classified under four categories: government, private or independent think tanks, political party think tanks, and academic think tanks (‘universities without students’). The paper is divided into two themes. The first considers the core issues of their interest against the existence of these think tanks in the Israeli parliamentary political system. The second applies both the quantitative and the qualitative features of these think tanks in an attempt to discover the extent of their influence within the process of decision-making in Israel.
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Brilevskaya, Yana S. "Democracy in Israel: Are There Any Reasons for Concern?" Oriental Courier, no. 2 (2023): 38. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s268684310026689-5.
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The author examines the current state of democratic governance in the State of Israel. The research focuses on the changes that have taken place in the party and civil environment of the state in the last decade, as well as their impact on Israeli democracy. It also reveals the negative impact of the right-wing nature of the ruling elite on the liberal side of Israeli democratic rule. The paper states the decline of democracy in various regions of the world, in the State of Israel, which is considered the only democratic country in the Middle East. Based on this, the author examines the current state of democratic governance in Israel. The research focuses on the changes that have occurred in the party and civil environment of the state in the last decade, as well as their impact on Israeli democracy. There is a tendency towards the growth of right-wing sentiments both within the political elite and the Israeli society itself, which is the result of a long-term transformation of the political landscape of Israel and is closely related to the security issue. In addition, other reasons for the rise of right-wing sentiments are given, namely: the peculiarities of Israel’s demographic development, the failure of the peace process with the Palestinians, the changing role of religious parties in election campaigns, etc. The paper analyzes several government laws, as well as already approved laws of a legal nature: the boycott law, the Nakba Law, the law on ‘transparency,’ the law on the nation state. The recent legislative initiative of the newly elected Israeli government to limit the powers and role of the Supreme Court is subjected to a separate analysis: the reasons for the nomination of the law are revealed, its main provisions are given, possible consequences of the adoption of this law are established and their assessment in the context of the emerging democratic crisis in Israel. As a result of the above, the negative impact of the right-wing nature of the ruling elite on the liberal side of Israeli democratic rule is revealed. Two key vectors of the current government’s anti-liberal policy have been identified: firstly, changing the system of checks-and-balances within which institutions now function in favor of the political majority principle; secondly, the principles of ethno-nationalism as the basis of all spheres of Israeli society in the long term. In conclusion, the author gives forecasts of the further development of the processes considered in the work in case of preservation and further deepening of the current internal political course of the Government of Israel.