Journal articles: 'Czechoslovakia Economic policy 1945-'

1

Zorin, A. V. "The problem of American Loans and Credits for Czechoslovakia in 1945–1948." MGIMO Review of International Relations 13, no. 1 (March 3, 2020): 56–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2020-1-70-56-81.

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The article is devoted to one of the aspects of the US European policy after World War II: the issue of loans and credits to affected countries. Using the example of Czechoslovakia, the author tries to answer a number of important questions: did Washington have a sound financial and economic policy towards this country, what goals did it pursue, what were its results? The study is based on the US Department of State archive documents and papers of the American ambassador to Czechoslovakia L.A. Steinhardt. The US financial policy towards Czechoslovakia in the early post-war years was the subject of intense debate in the United States. The author reveals evidence of serious disagreement between economic and political divisions of the State Department about providing of financial assistance to Prague, its size and terms of lending. Particular attention is paid to Steingardt’s position and his attempts to determine American loans and credits to Prague by upholding the property interests of American citizens. These disagreements hindered the development of a single thoughtful course regarding the Czechoslovak Republic and complicated diplomatic relations with Prague; negotiations on the allocation of large loans for the economic recovery of the Czechoslovak Republic dragged on. A fundamental role in the establishment of a new US political course had Secretary of State James Byrnes’ decision, made in the fall of 1946, on the inadmissibility of providing assistance to countries that have taken anti-American positions. This approach was finally entrenched after the Communists coup in Czechoslovakia in February 1948, when the country entered the Soviet sphere of influence. The article concludes that the post-war US policy was not distinguished by integrity and thoughtfulness.

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Rakonjac, Aleksandar. "IZMEĐU TRANSFERA TEHNOLOGIJA I DOMAĆIH REŠENJA: IZGRADNJA MOTORNE INDUSTRIJE U JUGOSLAVIJI 1945−1952." Istorija 20. veka 40, no. 2/2022 (August 1, 2022): 405–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.29362/ist20veka.2022.2.rak.405-422.

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This article aims to shed light on how the Yugoslav motor industry in the first post-war years sought to overcome the difficulties of mastering the technology of motor vehicle production on a modern industrial basis. During this period, gigantic efforts were made to get the country out of economic backwardness in the shortest possible time. The motor industry had one of the key roles on the path of modernization of the economy, and the state accordingly paid special attention to the construction of factories in this branch of industry. Reliance on pre-war pioneering moves of truck fabrication based on a license purchased in Czechoslovakia was the main capital with which began the process of emancipation of the domestic motor industry. Due to the impossibility to independently solve the issue of construction of all types of motor vehicles, help was sought abroad. Negotiations with the USSR and Hungary were started first, but even before the severance of all relations caused by the conflict between the Yugoslav and Soviet leadership, this attempt to establish cooperation failed. In the following years, after the failure in the East, the state concentrated all its efforts on establishing strong economic ties with the West. Thanks to favorable foreign policy circumstances, the reorientation of state policy had achieved great economic benefits for the further construction of the motor industry. Licenses for the fabrication of the “Ansaldo TCA/60” tractor were purchased, thus resolving the production of all heavy types of vehicles, as well as the production of oil-powered engines. By the early 1950s, cooperation had been established with several renowned companies from Germany, Italy and Switzerland, which provided opportunities for the Yugoslav engine industry to keep pace with the latest technological solutions. However, despite the transfer of technology that played a dominant role in raising the national car and tractor industry, domestic forces played a significant role in the production of the first air-cooled engine, a light wheeled tractor with a gasoline engine and the “Prvenac” truck. The Yugoslav example has shown that reliance on one’s own strength and international cooperation are two inextricably important factors in overcoming all the difficulties that come with the forced industrialization.

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ČOVIĆ, PAULINA. "FOREIGN STUDENTS AT THE UNIVERSITY OF BELGRADE AND THEIR INTEREST IN THE HISTORY OF SOUTH SLAVS (1923–1941)." ISTRAŽIVANJA, Јournal of Historical Researches, no. 30 (December 25, 2019): 197–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.19090/i.2019.30.197-216.

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The paper examines the schooling of foreign students, holders of the scholarships awarded by the Ministry of Education of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes/Yugoslavia, at the University of Belgrade between the two World Wars. The first competitions were opened mid 1920s, with those countries which aided the schooling of Yugoslav students at their respective universities being eligible to apply. During the 1930s student exchange continued, in an apparently more extensive and organized manner, only to be extended at the end of the period under review to include countries with which the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, in accordance with the change of foreign policy orientation, established close political and economic relations. Thus, in the beginning, students from France, Great Britain, Czechoslovakia and Poland came to study in Belgrade, whereas, during the years before World War II, students also came from Turkey, Germany and Italy. Scholarship holders most often worked on developing their knowledge of Serbo-Croatian-Slovenian, studied literature and Yugoslav culture in general. Many of them chose to study history, whether as part of their undergraduate or specialist studies. They are the particular focus of this study. The paper is based on unpublished archival sources, periodicals and relevant historiographic literature.

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4

Schweitzer, Vladimir. "USSR and Germany: on the Way to June 22, 1941." Contemporary Europe 99, no. 6 (November 1, 2020): 202–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope62020202213.

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The article deals with the Soviet-German relations in the period of 1939‒1941. It is shoun that after signing of the Munich agreements in September, 1938, Germany generally defined its strategy of pressure on countries that fit into the Hitler’s concept of "Push to the East". Its victims in 1935 were Czechoslovakia and Poland. After the German occupation of Czechoslovakia, Great Britain and France sought to review the "policy of appeasement" of Hitler and were ready to join the USSR in the search for ways to prevent Hitler's expansion. However, the inconsistency and contradictoriness of this "change of milestones" strengthened the position of the Soviet leadership in favour of reaching agreements with Germany. The summer of 1939 was the apotheosis of fruitless negotiations between the "Troika" (the USSR, Great Britain and France), which objectively prompted Moscow to accept the German proposal for fundamentally new bilateral agreements (the Pact of August 23, 1939). Subsequent events up to June 22, 1941 showed the unreliability of agreements with Nazism, facilitated the fleeting victory of Germany over Poland and France, and the actual isolation of Great Britain. Hitler's attack on the Soviet Union did not remove from the Soviet leadership the historical guilt of being unprepared for war with fascism, for the colossal human and territorial losses of the first stage of the Great Patriotic War

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5

McCagg, William O. "Gypsy Policy in Socialist Hungary and Czechoslovakia, 1945–1989." Nationalities Papers 19, no. 3 (1991): 313–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999108408206.

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In discussion of ethnic minorities in Eastern Europe, one hears regularly of appalling official misbehavior—not just about attempted genocide (though that too), but also about bureaucratic cruelties inflicted in every field of human activity and at every level of control. Nonetheless, it is always useful to have a measurable basis for assessing unfairness; and historians have the special task of inquiring rationally why and how unfairness came about. Hence the following paper, which attempts not just to condemn, but to explain and evaluate the Hungarian and Czechoslovak official treatment of the Gypsies in recent decades. As is fairly well known, this treatment has included not only harassment of populations which presently exceed 600,000 people in each country, but also (in both countries) systematic abduction of children by the state from unwilling Gypsy parents, and (in Czechoslovakia) equally systematic sterilization of Gypsy women.Since the point of the paper is to reach beyond mere indictment, I will use a comparative method. Specifically, in recounting each stage of the development of policy towards the Gypsies I will compare what was being done to two other groups: the Jews, on the one hand, and the physically disabled on the other.

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6

SCRANTON, PHILIP. "Managing Communist Enterprises: Poland, Hungary, and Czechoslovakia, 1945–1970." Enterprise & Society 19, no. 3 (September 2018): 492–537. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/eso.2018.13.

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Business history for three generations has focused almost exclusively on capitalist firms, their managers, and their relations with markets, states, and rivals. However, enterprises on all scales also operated within communist nations “building socialism” in the wake of World War II. This article represents a first-phase exploration of business practices in three Central European states as Stalinism gave way to cycles of reform and retrenchment in the 1960s. Focusing chiefly on industrial initiatives, the study asks: How did socialist enterprises work and change across the first postwar generation, given their distinctive principles and political/economic contexts, and implicitly, what contrasts with capitalist activities are worth considering.

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7

Zorin, Artyom V. "Problem of Compensation for American Property in Czechoslovakia in 1945–1948." Izvestia of the Ural federal university. Series 2. Humanities and Arts 22, no. 4 (202) (2020): 208–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/izv2.2020.22.4.072.

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This article explores one aspect of the US policy in Europe between 1945 and 1948. Following World War II, Washington’s increased influence required new mechanisms and ways of behaviour. US diplomacy needed to combine its traditional course meant to protect American interests with the intention of expanding its influence and support democratic governments in the liberated states. However, the policy was accompanied by several serious problems and contradictions, e.g. the US relations with Czechoslovakia concerning the compensation for the nationalised and requisitioned property of American citizens. Conducted to improve and recover its economy within the socialist reforms course, the measures were perceived in the US as evidence of an increased Communist and Soviet influence. The inability of the Czechoslovak government to pay compensation and prolonged negotiations put American diplomats in front of a choice between the protection of their citizens’ property interests and continuing to support pro-Western forces in Czechoslovakia. The weakness of the Czechoslovak economy and its limited financial resources were not accepted by the Americans as a good enough reason for concessions. Washington took a principled stand declaring the need for adequate and effective compensation as a condition for the development of any other relations. It used financial pressure — blocking loans and credits which Czechoslovakia was desperate for. This led to a deterioration of bilateral relations and influenced the decline of popularity of pro-Western political forces in Czechoslovakia, ending with the Communist takeover in 1948, which made compensation impossible for a few decades to come.

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8

Nikodym, Tomáš, Lukáš Nikodym, and Tereza Pušová. "Post-War Czechoslovakia: A Theoretical Critique." Journal of Heterodox Economics 2, no. 2 (December 1, 2015): 93–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jheec-2015-0014.

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Abstract The paper focuses on the proposals of post-war order in Czechoslovakia and its theoretical analysis. While there exists a wide range of studies, both Czech and foreign, dedicated to the history of Czechoslovakia in the post-war period, a majority of the studies deals with political development. Then the interpretations of the failure of President Beneš’ “distinct model of socialism” are purely political – weakness of President Beneš and democratic elites, the aggressive politics of Communist party, influence of Soviet diplomacy, etc. On the other hand, economic studies are only descriptive without theoretical analysis of proposed post-war order. Our paper offers different interpretation of the fall of Czechoslovak democratic regime (1945–1948). Using the framework of Austrian school, we are trying to show the institutional incompatibility of proposed post-war order. Special emphasis is put on the relation of freedom, democracy and socialist economic planning.

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9

Adam, Jan. "Economic development and structural policy in Czechoslovakia after 1968." Journal of Comparative Economics 14, no. 1 (March 1990): 130–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0147-5967(90)90090-v.

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10

Yungblyud, Valery. "Daily Life of the American Embassy in Czechoslovakia in 1945—1948." ISTORIYA 12, no. 6 (104) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840016048-1.

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The article is devoted to the study of various aspects of daily life of the US Embassy in Czechoslovakia in 1945—1948. The author considers the main areas of its work, major problems and difficulties that American diplomats had to overcome being in difficult conditions of the post-war economic recovery and international tension growth. Special attention is paid to the role of Ambassador L. A. Steinhardt, his methods of leadership, interactions with subordinates, with the Czechoslovak authorities and the State Department. This allows to reveal some new aspects of American diplomacy functioning, as well as to identify poorly explored factors that influenced American politics in Central Europe during the years when the Cold War was brewing and tensions between Moscow and Washington were rising. The article is based on unpublished primary sources from the American archives.

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11

Jakarta, Moh Saubari. "Reflections on Economic Policy Making: 1945–51." Bulletin of Indonesian Economic Studies 23, no. 2 (August 1987): 118–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00074918712331335221.

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12

Dvořák, Tomáš. "Between fraternal help and economic realism. The employment of Polish workers in Czechoslovakia (1945-1950)." Historia Slavorum Occidentis 27, no. 4 (December 31, 2020): 101–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/hso200406.

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13

Krpec, Oldřich, and Vít Hloušek. "Czechoslovak Tariffs in the 1920s: An Example of Historical Specificity in Economic Policy." Slavic Review 80, no. 3 (2021): 523–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/slr.2021.149.

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Czechoslovakia was the first industrialized economy to substantially increase tariffs after the First World War. At that time, Czechoslovakia was highly export-oriented, with a large trade surplus in industrial goods. We argue that the introduction of tariffs was a consequence of the ethnically heterogeneous structure of the economy. German capital controlled the highly export-oriented light and consumer goods industries; Czech capital dominated in industries that were far less export-oriented or even import-competing, such as machinery, transportation equipment, and electrical goods. Trade and exchange-rate policy preferences of both groups clearly differed; however, the policy decision-making process (at least until 1926) was completely controlled by Czechoslovaks and Czech capital, explicitly committed to a nationalist takeover of Czechoslovakia's economy. This is why it was possible to implement an exchange rate and trade policy that ran contrary to theoretical expectations based on the general (national aggregate) indicators of the national economy.

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14

Strange, Susan. "Years of recovery: British economic policy 1945–51." International Affairs 62, no. 1 (1985): 130–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2618111.

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15

Worswick, David, and Alec Cairncross. "Years of Recovery: British Economic Policy 1945-51." Economic Journal 96, no. 381 (March 1986): 238. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2233447.

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Capie, Forrest, and Alec Cairncross. "Years of Recovery: British Economic Policy, 1945-51." Economic History Review 39, no. 1 (February 1986): 145. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2596126.

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17

Pollard, Sidney, and Alec Cairncross. "Years of Recovery: British Economic Policy, 1945-51." American Historical Review 91, no. 4 (October 1986): 931. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1873391.

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18

Drummond, Ian M., and Alec Cairncross. "Years of Recovery: British Economic Policy 1945-51." Economica 54, no. 214 (May 1987): 255. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2554395.

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19

Lange, Even, and Helge Pharo. "Planning and economic Policy in Norway, 1945–1960*." Scandinavian Journal of History 16, no. 3 (January 1991): 215–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03468759108579219.

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20

Adnett, Nick. "Years of Recovery: British Economic Policy 1945-51." Journal of Economic Issues 20, no. 1 (March 1986): 261–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00213624.1986.11504495.

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21

Stellner, Frantisek. "Sovietization of Higher Economic Education in Czechoslovakia (Mid 1940s — 1950s): Problems and Perspectives of Study." ISTORIYA 13, no. 4 (114) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840021116-6.

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In this article the experience of Sovietization of Czechoslovak higher economic education in the period from 1945 to the mid 1950s was analyzed. The authors set themselves the task of describing the state of the study of this problem and determining the vectors for further research. The Sovietization of higher economic education is considered in the context of deep social transformations in Czechoslovakia. For this reason, it is concluded that it is important to study the social image of professors of higher economic schools in the second half of the 1940s — 1950s, to comprehend their career paths and professional trajectories. The authors concludes that it is necessary to widen a problem through its in-depth study in the context of intellectual transfers between the countries of the Eastern Bloc, as well as in the light of the study of new archival sources. The authors emphasize, in particular, the need to compare the Czech, Slovak and Soviet experience in construction higher economic education, especially through the prism of the social history of science, historical anthropology, and also through the analysis of knowledge transfer.

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22

Myant, Martin. "Centre Periphery Relations in Czechoslovakia." Journal of Interdisciplinary Economics 4, no. 3 (April 1992): 269–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02601079x9200400306.

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Industrialisation in Czechoslovakia led to only a weak concentration of economic activity. This trend continued in the post-war years when no coherent regional policy was formulated. The form of development, and the central position of the engineering industry, led to concentration into a number of centres alongside dispersion often into very small towns. Much of the population gravitated towards small communities, often heavily dependent on a single employer. Available evidence suggests that this led to a considerable equalisation between regions, but differences persist between the Czech and Slovak parts of the republic. The locational structure has been criticised as inefficient, but the real problem is the extreme social costs associated with structural changes in the economy. Slovakia is suffering much more during the transition to a market. Past growth has created a structure within which current hardships are easily translated into conflicts between local communities and the central authorities.

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23

Begg, David, Vladimir Benacek, and John Flemming. "Economic Reform in Czechoslovakia: Should We Believe in Santa Klaus?" Economic Policy 6, no. 13 (October 1991): 243. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1344628.

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24

Perzi, Niklas. "Aufnahme und Ablehnung: Die Sudetendeutschen in (Nieder-)Österreich 1945/46." Kulturní studia 2022, no. 1 (May 1, 2022): 117–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.7160/ks.2022.180105.

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The article deals with the process of the reception of the so called “Sudetengermans”, who have been expelled form Czechoslovakia in 1945 and arrived completely without means to (Lower-)Austria. This aggravated the situation in the country occupied by the Allies and scarred by war and Nazi terror, where about 1.6 million so-called „displaced persons“ were staying, almost 25% of the whole population However, Austrian policy was also hostile to the persons concerned because they regarded them as „Germans“ in the course of now strongly emphasising an independent Austrian identity. The article deals with the actions of politics and authorities as well as the reactions of those affected and the civilian population. Therefore the article used a combination of archival sources as well as narrative interviews with people, who were children or adolescents at the time.

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25

Wrigley, C. J. "Years of Recovery: British Economic Policy, 1945-51. Alec Cairncross." Journal of Modern History 59, no. 4 (December 1987): 848–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/243309.

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26

Matray, James I. "Development Delayed: U.S. Economic Policy in Occupied Korea, 1945–1948." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 10, no. 1-2 (2001): 29–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187656101793645579.

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AbstractOn 9 September 1945, U.S. military forces landed at Inchon to begin American occupation of southern Korea. For almost three years thereafter, a U.S. military government under the command of Lieutenant General John R. Hodge was responsible for civil affairs south of the 38th parallel. Its policies resulted in delaying Korea's economic development. Early in World War II, the U.S. government had begun preparations for the postwar administration of military government and civil affairs. At first, the focus was on Germany and its occupied territories, but during 1944, training began for 1,500 army and navy officers to serve in occupied Japan. The program ignored Korea, with the exception of a one-hour lecture in some classes near the end of the war. Plans to prepare civil affairs handbooks summarizing conditions in target areas for over thirty nations did not include Korea. Not surprisingly, many civil affairs officers who served in postwar Korea had trained for duty in Japan. They knew nothing about the country they were to govern and of course did not speak the language. Historians have argued that this lack of preparation was largely responsible for the failures of the American occupation. But other factors were more important in explaining the lack,

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27

Brookshire, Jerry H., and Jim Tomlinson. "Democratic Socialism and Economic Policy: The Attlee Years, 1945-1951." American Historical Review 103, no. 4 (October 1998): 1256. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2651258.

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28

Klacek, Jan, and Miroslav Hrnčíř. "Prospects for economic recovery and the role of industrial policy: The case of Czechoslovakia." MOCT-MOST Economic Policy in Transitional Economies 3, no. 1 (February 1993): 51–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf01101842.

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29

TOYE, RICHARD. "THE LABOUR PARTY'S EXTERNAL ECONOMIC POLICY IN THE 1940s." Historical Journal 43, no. 1 (March 2000): 189–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x9900881x.

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This article challenges the view that, in accepting the 1945 American loan and its attendant commitments to international economic liberalization, the Labour party easily fell in behind the Atlanticist approach to post-war trade and payments. It is suggested instead that Labour's sometimes seemingly paradoxical behaviour in office was driven, not only by the very tough economic conditions it faced, but also by a fundamental contradiction inherent in its desire to ‘plan’ at both domestic and international levels. This contradiction – the ‘planning paradox’ – is explored with reference to pre-war and war-time developments, including Labour's reactions to the Keynes and White plans of 1943, and to the Bretton Woods conference of 1944. The decision to accept the US loan, and with it the Bretton Woods agreements, is then examined within this context. Finally, an assessment is made of whether, in this key area of policy, Labour's pre-1945 deliberations were effective in preparing the party for the challenges it would face in government.

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Bucur, Maria. "It’s Complicated." Aspasia 16, no. 1 (June 1, 2022): 189–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/asp.2022.160112.

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Kristen Ghodsee, Why Women Have Better Sex under Socialism: And Other Arguments for Economic Independence, New York: Hachette, 2018, 356 pp, $17.99 (paperback), ISBN 9781645036364Kateřina Lišková, Sexual Liberation, Socialist Style: Communist Czechoslovakia and the Science of Desire, 1945–1989, New York: Cambridge University Press, 2018, 293 pp, $31.99 (paperback), ISBN 9781108341332Agnieszka Kościańska, Gender, Pleasure, and Violence: The Construction of Expert Knowledge of Sexuality in Poland, Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 2021, 268 pp, $42.00 (paperback), ISBN 9780253053091Agnieszka Kościańska, To See a Moose: The History of Polish Sex Education, New York: Berghahn, 2021, 354 pp, $145.00 (hardback), ISBN 9781800730601Anita Kurimay, Queer Budapest, 1871–1961, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2020, 336 pp, $32.50 (paperback), ISBN 9780226705798

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Pratama, Agung Rifqi. "SISTEM EKONOMI INDONESIA DALAM PERSPEKTIF PANCASILA DAN UUD 1945." Veritas et Justitia 4, no. 2 (December 24, 2018): 304–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.25123/vej.3067.

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The focus of this article, using a juridical normatif and philosophical approach, is in tracking how Article 33 of the Indonesian Constitution is understood and how the Pancasila economic system (based on the five tenets of the State’s ideology) is being implemented by a number of exisitng economic policies. While the Article should be regarded as the embedodiment of Indonesian economic policy, it cannot be denied that the understanding of it evolved and changed following the 4thamendment to the Constitution. It is observed that the 4thamendment to the 1945 Constitution have had a great impact on the direction taken by the Indonesian economic policy makers. In using a juridical normative approach we are forced to take the position that Pancasila economic system as found in the Constitution should be followed by the letter in real economic policy making. On the other hand, just to do that, we cannot but realize the need for the existence of government political will.

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32

Nevskiy, Sergey. "Economic Policy of Aliens in Post-War West Germany (1945—1947)." Economic Policy (in Russian) 10, no. 6 (December 2015): 40–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.18288/1994-5124-2015-6-03.

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33

Whittaker, D. H., and James E. Vestal. "Planning for Change: Industrial Policy and Japanese Economic Development, 1945-1990." Economic Journal 106, no. 438 (September 1996): 1423. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2235536.

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Imaniyati, Neni Sri, Efik Yusdiansyah, Muhardi Muhardi, Husni Syam, Mohammad Tahir Cheumar, and Panji Adam. "The Political Direction of Indonesian Economic Law as the Conception of Welfare State in the 1945 Constitution." International Journal of Criminology and Sociology 10 (August 23, 2021): 1310–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.6000/1929-4409.2021.10.151.

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Political law, political economy and political economy law are three concepts that arise from a deep understanding of the 1945 Constitution as statutory norms. A series that tries to align the interests and desires of the 1945 Constitution with the interests of the state and the people's wishes, which often have different views and practices between the two. This article aims to analyze the direction of Indonesian economic law politics policy in the Welfare State conception based on the 1945 Constitution. The method used is a normative juridical approach with descriptive-analytical techniques using qualitative juridical data analysis methods. This article concludes that the direction of Indonesian economic policy shows some adoption of neoliberalism values that have become references in the formulation of monetary policy in Indonesia. As a government law politics, the direction of economic policy must be oriented towards the institutionalization of the status of the Indonesian nation to advance the general welfare. And the "vehicle" for institutionalizing this staatsidee, as formulated in Article 33 of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia, is the concept of a welfare state.

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Prasetyo, Kukuh Fadli. "Politik Hukum di Bidang Ekonomi dan Pelembagaan Konsepsi Welfare State di dalam Undang-Undang Dasar 1945." Jurnal Konstitusi 9, no. 3 (May 20, 2016): 495. http://dx.doi.org/10.31078/jk934.

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Welfare state conception has been adopted in the substance of the 1945 Constitution of Republic Indonesia (UUD 1945), that extracted in fourth paragraph of Preambule of UUD 1945, by posting the phrase ‘to improve public welfare’ as staatsidee of Republic of Indonesia. In amendment of UUD 1945, UUD 1945 determines economic democracy principles, as prescribed in Article 33 paragraph (4) UUD 1945. In its economic democracy, there is efficiency with justice principle that recognized as capitalistic unsure which lifts the spirit of neoliberalism. After analysing that corelation, I found and identify that some unsures of neoliberalism has been emulted in some legal policy in economic issued by the Administration of Indonesia, such as privatisation, market regulation, deregulation, and reducing public spending.

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Frankland, E. G., and R. H. Cox. "The Legitimation Problems of New Democracies: Postcommunist Dilemmas in Czechoslovakia and Hungary." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 13, no. 2 (June 1995): 141–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c130141.

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After 1989 the countries of Eastern Europe embarked upon new directions away from central economies and one-party systems towards market economies and democratic systems. The courses of these political and economic transformations largely depended upon the ability of the emerging regimes to create legitimacy. In particular, those regimes which suffered from greater political divisiveness and significant economic problems were more likely to be confronted with a crisis of legitimacy. In this paper, the legitimation crisis theory is examined for post-communist Czechoslovakia and Hungary. It is found that the developments in Czechoslovakia and Hungary during this early transition period support the hypothesis, and, in addition, they hold implications for the survival of other transitional regimes as well as those in the West which have increasingly been confronted with questions of legitimacy.

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Fatalski, Marcin. "Foreign Policy of the Polish People’s Republic on Mexico 1945-1989." Ad Americam 19 (February 8, 2019): 45–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/adamericam.19.2018.19.04.

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In the period between 1945-1989, Polish-Mexican relations were determined by the Cold War rivalry. Poland remained in the Soviet sphere of influence and its sovereignty was limited by Moscow. Although controlled by the Kremlin, Poland had its own initiatives in foreign policy. Warsaw considered Mexico to be the most important partner in Latin America (not to mention the communist ally, Castro of Cuba), thus Polish diplomacy made many efforts to strengthen mutual political, cultural and economic relations. Mexico, with its independent foreign policy, progressive state ideology and tremendous market, seemed a particularly valuable partner in Latin America to the Polish communist leaders. The climax of Polish diplomatic initiatives occurred in the 1970s. Mexico was also interested in cooperation with Poland, especially in its economic dimension but the result of the efforts was mixed. The poor performance of Polish-Mexican economic relations when compared with the Mexican commercial exchange with other East European countries proves that the efforts of the Polish government in the economic sphere were rather futile. Political relations were good, however geopolitically both countries belonged to different spheres. The special, independent position of Mexico in world politics made such friendly relations possible.

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Stankovic, Biljana. "Czech family policy." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 167 (2018): 457–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn1867457s.

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The paper presents the development and transformation of the Czech population policy since the 1950s. It changed from the pronatalist, carried out at a time when the Czech Republic was part of the communist Czechoslovakia, to mostly social in the time of the transition from the 1990s, and the actualization and introduction of new measures in the last decade. The measures that were defined and implemented over a certain period of time represented the state?s response to the family and reproductive behavior of the population, most often reflected in low fertility, largely determined by the current social, economic and cultural conditions. In this sense, the period of the greatest challenges came after 1989, with the transformation of the social and political system and the great economic and social changes that followed, as well as the decline in fertility to an extremely low level. At that time, family policy excluded the pronatalist incentives and benefits and only kept social measures aimed at reducing poverty and alleviating inequalities. Since the early 2000s, new measures have been defined and implemented, motivated by the need to stop and change the declining fertility trend that reached the lowest level (TFR 1.13 in 1999), by looking at the possible negative socio-economic consequences, as well as the recommendations and directives of the European Union, member of which became Czech Republic in 2004. Since 2000, the decline in fertility stopped, TFR reached 1.43 in 2011 and according to data for 2016, it was 1.63 children per woman.

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Tsokhas, Kosmas. "Dedominionization: the Anglo-Australian experience, 1939–1945." Historical Journal 37, no. 4 (December 1994): 861–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00015120.

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ABSTRACTThe role of decolonization in the decline of the British empire has received a great deal of attention. In comparison there has been little research or analysis of the process of dedominionization affecting Australia and the other dominions. During the Second World War economic ties were seriously weakened and there were substantial conflicts over economic policy between the British and Australian governments. Australia refused to reduce imports in order to conserve foreign exchange, thus contributing to the United Kingdom's debt burden. The Australian government insisted that the British guarantee Australia's sterling balances and refused to adopt the stringent fiscal policies requested by the Bank of England and the British treasury. Australia also took the opportunity to expand domestic manufacturing industry at the expense of British manufacturers. Economic separation and conflict were complemented by political and strategic differences. In particular, the Australian government realized that British military priorities made it impossible for the United Kingdom to defend Australia. This led the Australians towards a policy of cooperating with the British embargo on Japan, only to the extent that this would be unlikely to provoke Japanese military retaliation. In general, the Australians preferred a policy of compromise in the Far East to one of deterrence preferred by the British.

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Tomoszková, Veronika. "Umweltschutzrecht in Tschechien." osteuropa recht 67, no. 3 (2021): 298–317. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0030-6444-2021-3-298.

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After 40 years of a totalitarian regime, the state of the environment in Czechoslovakia was catastrophic. The revolutions that swept through Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) in 1989/1990, including Czechoslovakia, sparked enthusiastic hopes for a better, democratic and perhaps “greener” future for this region. The major strategic goal of all the post-communist CEE countries was to join the European Union. The “eastern” enlargement was to take place under strict conditions in order to ensure that the EU does not suffer the negative consequences of an ill-prepared expansion. In the light of joining the EU, Czechoslovakia managed to adopt the whole series of progressive environmental legislation. However, after the parliamentary elections in June 1992 and the split of Czechoslovakia, environmental protection had to give way to economic growth and the overall transformation of society. This paper describes the development of Czech environmental law from a legal and a political perspective, providing examples illustrating the Czech Republic’s performance in implementing the EU environmental law and policy. After 17 years of membership in the EU, the Czech Republic and the implementation of the EU environmental law is still in conditional mode - the availability of the EU funds is the main leverage and motive to comply with the EU law.

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Voron, Nataliia. "History and Culture of Ukraine on the Pages of Periodicals of the Ukrainian Historical and Philological Society in Prague (in 1939-1945s)." Scientific Papers of the Vinnytsia Mykhailo Kotsyiubynskyi State Pedagogical University. Series: History, no. 34 (2020): 100–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.31652/2411-2143-2020-34-100-109.

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The purpose of the article is to analyze the representation’s report of the Western Ukrainian People’s Republic in Prague on the attitude of the president of Czechoslovakia T. G. Masaryk to the Ukrainian question. The research methodology is based on the research principles of historicism, scientificity, objectivity, general scientific methods (source analysis, historical and logical) and special historical methods (narrative and problem-chronological). The scientific novelty of the work is that the article on the basis of archival and published materials, in particular, the letters of the heads of the representation of the Western Ukrainian People's Republic in Prague to the foreign ministers of the state, analyzes the attitude of the first president of Czechoslovakia to the Ukrainian question. Conclusions. Masaryk’s attitude to the Ukrainian question is considered in the context of establishing relations between Czechoslovakia and the Western Ukrainian People’s Republic in late 1918 – early 1919, the desire of ones in 1920-1923 to gain the support of Prague in ensuring the recognition of the Entente countries the independence of this state, discussion of the case of assisting for Ukrainian emigrants in Czechoslovakia. In the article were noted the changes in the position of the Czechoslovak president in the Ukrainian question. In his work «New Europe» (1918), he supported the idea of the uniting of the Dnieper region, Eastern Galicia and Bukovina considering it necessary to preserve it as part of the federal democratic Russian state. In early 1919 president of the Czechoslovak Republic was ready to recognize the independence of the Ukrainian People’s Republic, which was revived during the anti-Hetman uprising. But made the final decision dependent on the position of the Entente states at the peace conference in Paris. The coverage of the perception of the Ukrainian question by T. G. Masaryk in 1920-1921 by the representatives of the Western Ukrainian People’s Republic in Prague testifies to his return to the concept set forth in the work «New Europe». Reports from representatives of the Western Ukrainian People’s Republic allow a more complete study of the circumstances that made it impossible for it to gain political support from Czechoslovakia. Given this, as well as the issues of the Czechoslovak Republic’s policy in Transcarpathia and on emigration were raised in the reports of the representation, these documents are an important source for studying the history of Czechoslovak-Ukrainian relations.

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Carter, Erin Baggott. "Diversionary cheap talk: economic conditions and US foreign policy rhetoric, 1945-2010." International Interactions 46, no. 2 (December 3, 2019): 163–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03050629.2020.1688319.

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Akgönenç Mughisuddin, Oya. "Determinats of Turkish Foreign Policy, 1918-1945 : Historical Perspective." Belleten 57, no. 218 (April 1, 1993): 249–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.37879/belleten.1993.249.

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Significant socio-political and economic events in the lives of nations and groups occur within the framework of historical and geographical determinants at work, together with the systemic and subsystemic factors that impinge upon them. Often, the domestic linkage of foreign policy and the impact of foreign policy on domestic politics are too closely intertwined and, therefore, can not be sharply and clearly delineated. The geographic locations and the historical experiences of nations mold into forms, norms, and traditions, producing national cultures. Expansion of a culture or its collaboration with other cultures produce similar or synthetic patterns of life, frame of mind, and a general in the formation of events.

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Brooke, Stephen. "Revisionists and Fundamentalists: the Labour Party and Economic Policy during the Second World War." Historical Journal 32, no. 1 (March 1989): 157–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x0001534x.

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‘Labour Comes of Age’, Kingsley Martin observed a few days after the party's electoral landslide of 1945. This might have been more precise if a chorus had added, sotto voce, ‘…And Comes Into an Inheritance’, for since the publication of Paul Addison's The road to 1945 (1975), the history of the Labour party during and after the war has been dominated by the notion of a political consensus forged during the Churchill coalition and left as a legacy to the Attlee government. According to Addison, it was the consensus of Keynes and Beveridge that shaped post-war politics rather than any distinctive contribution from Labour.

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Hiden, John. "British Policy Towards the Baltic States: 1939–1945." Lithuanian Historical Studies 9, no. 1 (November 30, 2004): 75–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/25386565-00901005.

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Defending the Baltic States militarily after 1918 was not an option for British governments burdened by commitments to Imperial defence, and with only a skeletal British Expeditionary Force available to meet new European obligations incurred by the Treaty of Locarno. London saw stability and economic prosperity in the Baltic region as a whole as the real key to lasting independence for Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. To this goal Britain made a vital contribution after 1918, as a recipient of Baltic agricultural and other exports, thus facilitating Baltic purchases of manufactured products from Germany. When the British-Baltic-German trade ‘triangle’ was destroyed by Hitler’s arrival in power, the British government then used trade policy to try to limit the impact of the Third Reich in the Baltic region. Viewing the interwar period as a whole, it is easier to see both why Britain ultimately chose to resist Hitler over Baltic issues and why London was so reluctant to allow Stalin a free hand in the Baltic States during the Moscow negotiations of 1939. With the onset of war, however, Britain’s very survival was at stake and it remains remarkable under such circumstances that so much effort continued to be expended by British officials in refusing to recognize the Soviet borders of 1941.

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Fordham, Benjamin O. "Protectionist Empire: Trade, Tariffs, and United States Foreign Policy, 1890–1914." Studies in American Political Development 31, no. 2 (October 2017): 170–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x17000116.

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Between 1890 and 1914, the United States acquired overseas colonies, built a battleship fleet, and intervened increasingly often in Latin America and East Asia. This activism is often seen as the precursor to the country's role as a superpower after 1945 but actually served very different goals. In contrast to its pursuit of a relatively liberal international economic order after 1945, the United States remained committed to trade protection before 1914. Protectionism had several important consequences for American foreign policy on both economic and security issues. It led to a focus on less developed areas of the world that would not export manufactured goods to the United States instead of on wealthier European markets. It limited the tactics available for promoting American exports, forcing policymakers to seek exclusive bilateral agreements or unilateral concessions from trading partners instead of multilateral arrangements. It inhibited political cooperation with other major powers and implied an aggressive posture toward these states. The differences between this foreign policy and the one the United States adopted after 1945 underscore the critical importance not just of the search for overseas markets but also of efforts to protect the domestic market.

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Debardeleben, Joan T. "Esoteric Policy Debate: Nuclear Safety Issues in the Soviet Union and German Democratic Republic." British Journal of Political Science 15, no. 2 (April 1985): 227–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400004178.

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At a time when the nuclear power industry in many Western countries faces political and economic obstacles to expansion, commitment to assertive development of nuclear power continues to intensify in the Soviet Union, as well as in most East European countries. Although in 1980 nuclear power provided only about 5·1 per cent of electrical generating capacity in the Soviet Union, the 11th Five Year Plan (1981–85) projected an increase to 14 per cent, or to approximately 38,000 MW (megawatts) of installed capacity. Although longer-run projections are less definite, it appears that by 1990 authorities hope to achieve between 80,000 and 90,000 MW of nuclear generating capacity. A similar commitment to nuclear power exists in most CMEA countries, particularly in Czechoslovakia, Bulgaria and the German Democratic Republic (GDR). As of 31 December 1982, the GDR's 1,830 MW of nuclear generating capacity was the highest in Eastern Europe (outside the Soviet Union), although Bulgaria has overtaken the GDR in terms of proportion of electrical capacity provided by nuclear power (16 per cent for Bulgaria and 11 per cent for the GDR in 1980). According to projections, Czechoslovakia should increase its nuclear capacity from 880 MW in 1980 to between 3,100 and 3,600 MW by 1985, while the GDR plans to raise its capacity to 2,270 MW.

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Spaulding, Robert Mark. "German trade policy in Eastern Europe, 1890–1990: preconditions for applying international trade leverage." International Organization 45, no. 3 (1991): 343–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300033130.

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Over the past century, Germany has repeatedly attempted to use trade as a tool of foreign policy vis-à-vis Imperial Russia, the Soviet Union, Poland, and Czechoslovakia. Against the background of continual German economic superiority, this article analyzes Germany's ability to apply trade leverage in terms of four other factors: the nature of the prevailing international trade regime, government views of trade leverage as a tool of statecraft, the degree of German state autonomy in setting trade policies, and the availability of an effective bureaucratic mechanism for controlling German imports and exports. The historical record demonstrates that beyond economic superiority, the application of trade leverage requires a permissive international trade regime, state acceptance of trade-based economic statecraft, an autonomous domestic regime, and a rigorous trade control bureaucracy. Surprisingly, this conjunction of factors, as they applied to Eastern Europe, occurred during both the Nazi period and the early years of the Federal Republic. The article closes by pointing out how two important factors—the politicized nature of the East-West trade regime and the Federal Republic's high degree of state autonomy in setting Eastern trade policy–are being eroded by political and economic change in Eastern Europe.

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Coopey, Richard, Martin Chick, and Daniel Ritschel. "Industrial Policy in Britain 1945-1951: Economic Planning, Nationalization and the Labour Governments." Albion: A Quarterly Journal Concerned with British Studies 31, no. 2 (1999): 359. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4052802.

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Broadberry, Stephen, and Martin Chick. "Industrial Policy in Britain, 1945-1951: Economic Planning, Nationalisation and the Labour Government." American Historical Review 104, no. 2 (April 1999): 646. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2650510.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Czechoslovakia Economic policy 1945-'

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