Relevant bibliographies by topics / Cyprus – Ethnic relations

Academic literature on the topic 'Cyprus – Ethnic relations'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 18 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Cyprus – Ethnic relations"

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LOIZIDES, NEOPHYTOS G. "Ethnic Nationalism and Adaptation in Cyprus." International Studies Perspectives 8, no. 2 (May 2007): 172–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1528-3585.2007.00279.x.

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Yiftachel, Oren. "The state, ethnic relations and democratic stability: Lebanon, Cyprus and Israel." GeoJournal 28, no. 3 (November 1992): 319–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf00817909.

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Heraclides, Alexis. "The Cyprus Gordian Knot: An Intractable Ethnic Conflict." Nationalism and Ethnic Politics 17, no. 2 (May 27, 2011): 117–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537113.2011.575309.

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Moore, Gavin, Neophytos Loizides, Nukhet A. Sandal, and Alexandros Lordos. "Winning Peace Frames: Intra-Ethnic Outbidding in Northern Ireland and Cyprus." West European Politics 37, no. 1 (June 6, 2013): 159–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2013.801576.

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Sundel, Martin. "A social systems approach to improve mental health collaboration and ethnic relations in Cyprus." Systems Research and Behavioral Science 16, no. 5 (September 1999): 463–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/(sici)1099-1743(199909/10)16:5<463::aid-sres337>3.0.co;2-3.

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Atrashkevich, Alexandra Nikolaevna. "Turkey and Greece: Political and Economic Relations within the Conflict Circumstances (1999-2017)." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 19, no. 4 (December 15, 2019): 675–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2019-19-4-675-689.

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The author distinguishes four stages of bilateral relations between Turkey and Greece in 1999-2017: 1) the “thaw” of 1999-2003; 2) the period of the growing cooperation with attempts to resolve the Cyprus issue in 2003-2009; 3) the next one encompassing 2009-2014, when efforts to build a contractual-cum-institutional basis for the expansion of relations took place: 4) and that of worsening the political relations in 2014-2017. After analyzing these phases, the author concludes that during the whole of study period, Ankara and Athens failed to improve their bilateral relations to the point of overcoming negative historical accounts and ethnic stereotypes. Despite the constant increase of the trade volume, at the political level there were a number of problems hindering the intensification of the bilateral dialogue. The main ones are the Cyprus issue and Turkey’s claims on the Greek continental shelf. The solution of these issues is obligatory for the further development of bilateral political relations as well as for the maintenance of the security in the region.
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Duba, Gulay Umaner, and Nur Köprülü. "Rethinking National Identities in Divided Societies of Post-Ottoman Lands: Lessons from Lebanon and Cyprus." European Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies 4, no. 2 (January 21, 2017): 113. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejms.v4i2.p113-127.

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The communal identities rooted in the millet system are still salient in post-Ottoman lands. Cyprus and Lebanon offer two cases where ethnic and sectarian identities are more prominent than national identities. In this respect both countries represent highly divided societies in post-Ottoman territories. This article discusses the failure of power-sharing systems in Cyprus and Lebanon, arguing that the lack of cultivation of a common national identity at the founding of these republics remains even today a central obstacle to implementing stable multinational/sectarian democratic systems. As a part of Greater Syria, today’s Lebanon is a homeland to many ethnic and sectarian communities. Lebanese politics historically has been governed by a system of consociationalism, which prevents any one group from dominating the political system. This system of power sharing dates back to the 1943 National Pact, and as a result of the sectarian nature of this arrangement, religious communal identities have a stronger pull than a Lebanese national identity. These communal identities crystallized over the course of a 14-year civil war, and were exacerbated by the assassination of former Prime Minister Rafiq al-Hariri in 2005. In the case of Cyprus, the possibility of cultivating a shared national identity between Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots has historically been suppressed by kin-state relations and colonial policies which have, in turn, resulted in inter-communal conflict. An understanding of this conflict and the nature of the nationalisms of each community helps explain how the 1960 Constitution of a bi-communal and consociational Republic of Cyprus hindered inter-communal relations – a precondition for the cultivation of a common national identity – and ultimately failed. From enosis to taksimto the April 2004 referendum on the UN’sAnnan Plan, the contentious interaction between external constraints and collective self-identification processes subsequently reinforced ethno-religious identifications. Through an examination of such processes, this article aims to identify and illuminate the shifting forces that shape deeply divided societies in general, and that have shaped Cyprus and Lebanon in particular. Understanding such forces may help break down barriers to the development of common national narratives.
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Rizvi, Gowher. "Ethnic conflict and political accommodation in plural societies: Cyprus and other cases." Journal of Commonwealth & Comparative Politics 31, no. 1 (March 1993): 57–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14662049308447649.

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Husnu, Senel, and Richard J. Crisp. "Imagined intergroup contact: A new technique for encouraging greater inter-ethnic contact in Cyprus." Peace and Conflict: Journal of Peace Psychology 16, no. 1 (2010): 97–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10781910903484776.

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Coureas, Nicholas. "Crossing Cultural Boundaries in Merchants’ Wills from 14th-Century Cyprus." Perspektywy Kultury 30, no. 3 (December 20, 2020): 47–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.35765/pk.2020.3003.05.

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The Western merchants operating in Famagusta, Cyprus—including Geno­ese, Venetians, Catalans, Pisans, Provençals, other nationalities, and Cypriot merchants based in this port city—drew up wills with Genoese and Vene­tian notaries, a number of which are extant. These wills impart information on the bequests these merchants made to family members and friends as well as to institutions, particularly churches, monasteries, and mendicant orders. Furthermore, they record the credits and debts of these merchants to various parties, decree the manumission of slaves owned by the merchants—some of whom also received bequests—and on occasion list material objects such as clothing, silverware, or sums of currency in their possession. We can glean from these types of information that merchants had commercial and personal relations with members of nationalities or Christian denominations different to their own, had slaves of various ethnic backgrounds, and had in their pos­session currencies other than that of the Lusignan kingdom of Cyprus, as well as objects originating from elsewhere. These are phenomena that testify to their geographical mobility and their willingness to cross physical, financial, as well as cultural boundaries. On occasion, they even bequeathed sums of money to individuals and churches of non-Latin rites. In this paper, I intend to examine and assess the importance and utility of such wills, explaining that through their contents one can discover how, why and the extent to which merchants crossed national, ethnic and religious boundaries in both their commercial and their personal dealings. In addition, the limitations of the information such wills offer and the reasons why these limitations exist will also be discussed.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Cyprus – Ethnic relations"

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Adamides, Constantinos. "Institutionalized, horizontal and bottom-up securitization in ethnic conflict environments : the case of Cyprus." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2012. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/3791/.

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This thesis examines the manner in which some environments, such as ‘ethnic’ conflict situations, provide fertile ground for securitization process to develop into a more institutionalized form. Once institutionalized, securitization is no longer limited to the typical unidirectional top-down (i.e. elite-driven) path, but rather it becomes subject to bottom-up and horizontal forces, creating what is termed in this thesis ‘horizontal’ and ‘bottom-up’ securitization. These horizontal and bottom-up forces lead to ‘involuntary’ acts at the actor and audience levels, which in turn contribute to the perpetuation and further institutionalization of an already securitized environment. Within this framework the audiences have a much more active role in the development and perpetuation of security narratives and threats than they do in the ‘mainstream’ reading of the theory. The Cyprus conflict, as an intractable ‘ethnic’ conflict, is used to test the abovementioned arguments. Empirical evidence from the case study demonstrates that the social context dominating such environments contributes significantly to the development of institutionalized, horizontal and bottom-up securitization, obstructing desecuritization and subsequently also the prospects for conflict resolution.
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Trimikliniotis, Nicos. "The role of state processes in the production and resolution of "ethnic" and "national" conflict : the case of Cyprus." Thesis, University of Greenwich, 2000. http://gala.gre.ac.uk/8693/.

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Yakinthou, Christalla. "Between Scylla and Charybdis : Cyprus and the problem of engineering political settlements for divided societies." University of Western Australia. School of Social and Cultural Studies, 2008. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2008.0113.

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Conflict in deeply divided societies often has a profound impact both on the societies in which the conflict is located, and on the surrounding states and societies. Constitutional engineers working in such societies are inevitably attracted to power-sharing as a means of stabilising inter-group relations. Consociational democracy is a form of power-sharing democracy which is particularly attractive for a divided society, because its demands on the society are relatively few. It aims to separate the communities in the conflict as much as possible, while emphasising elite co-operation in the formal institutions of government. A difficulty with consociational democracy, however, is that the elite co-operation it requires to function is also required for the system to be adopted, yet will not necessarily be present. Cyprus is an excellent example of the difficulty of gaining agreement on a consociational regime for a divided society. In 1963, the consociational Republic of Cyprus collapsed as a result of mistrust between Greek and Turkish Cypriots. In 2004, a consociational system of government was designed for Cyprus by a team of UN experts under the direction of then-Secretary-General, Kofi Annan. The system of government was rejected in April 2004 at a referendum, and, consequently, was not adopted. This thesis examines why Cyprus has thus far been unable to adopt a political settlement. Failure is as hard to explain as success. Success may have many fathers and failure none, but there are as many possible causes of a failure as of a success. There is also the difficulty of the counter-factual: what facts would need to be different to produce success where experience is only of failure. The thesis systematically examines possible causes of failure, including the idea of consociational democracy itself, the particular consociational designs proposed for Cyprus, and the influence of historical aspirations and experiences. Particular attention is paid to the idea that there may be key factors which must be present before a consociational solution can be adopted. The factors, selected for this case study for their apparent relevance to Cyprus, are elite co-operation, segmental isolation, a balance of power between the disputant groups, and the ability of the international community to offer incentives for compromise. It is argued that these factors, especially elite relations and the complex web of causes which determine these, are central to an explanation of the Cyprus experience.
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Olin, Mary N. "Through the Eyes of Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots: The Perception of Cyprus." PDXScholar, 2011. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/871.

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It is important to consider the effects of past conflicts on the current perceptions of the people of Cyprus and of the future generations. This thesis contends that the ongoing division of Cyprus along with the many unresolved issues regarding past conflicts have had a profound effect on how the people of Cyprus perceive new information in regard to their future. The inquiry will explore the historical background of Cyprus and the affects of nationalism. The need for enemies, large group identity, divided societies and the need for dialogue will also be examined in relation to perception and new information. In light of the interviews and the lived experiences in Cyprus questions arise in regard to how the Cypriots will move forward to a solution that is agreeable to both Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots. With each person's perception being influenced by the past conflicts, pain and suffering how will they move forward? How has protracted conflict and nationalism influenced the Turkish Cypriot and Greek Cypriot perceptions to new information including a possible solution in Cyprus?
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Books on the topic "Cyprus – Ethnic relations"

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Bolayır, Kemal. Northern Cyprus. Lefkoşa: K. Bolayır, 2000.

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Joseph, Joseph S. Cyprus: Ethnic conflict and international concern. New York: P. Lang, 1985.

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Streissguth, Thomas. Cyprus: Divided island. Minneapolis, Minn: Lerner Publications, 1998.

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Rotberg, Robert I. Cyprus 2000, divided or federal?: &, Summary of the Cyprus question, an international conference. Cambridge, Mass: World Peace Foundation, 1998.

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Albaugh, Ericka A. Cyprus 2000, divided or federal?: &, Summary of The Cyprus Question, an international conference. Cambridge, Mass: World Peace Foundation, 1998.

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Imagining the modern: The cultures of nationalism in Cyprus. London: I.B. Tauris, 2004.

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William, Wallace. Reconciliation in Cyprus: The window of opportunity. [Florence]: European University Institute, Florence, Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies, 2002.

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Salih, Halil Ibrahim. Reshaping of Cyprus: A two-state solution. [S.l.]: Xlibris, 2013.

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Nevzat, Altay. Nationalism amongst the Turks of Cyprus: The first wave. Oulu, Finland: Oulu University Press, 2005.

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The broken olive branch: Nationalism, ethnic conflict and the quest for peace in Cyprus. Syracuse, N.Y: Syracuse University Press, 2008.

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Book chapters on the topic "Cyprus – Ethnic relations"

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"The governance of sport in deeply divided societies: actors and institutions in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Cyprus and Northern Ireland." In Sport and diplomacy, edited by Laurence Cooley, 13–33. Manchester University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781526131058.003.0002.

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This chapter seeks to address the question of how is sport governed in societies that are deeply divided along ethnic, religious or other lines? The chapter focuses on three case studies: Bosnia and Herzegovina, Cyprus and Northern Ireland. It argues that in each of these cases, the institutions that have been employed in order to manage relations between groups in the governance of sport are more integrative than those that have been employed at the broader political level, where accommodation or outright division are the norm. The chapter explores the nature of these institutions and examines the role of a range of actors involved in their establishment. In particular, the chapter highlights the rhetorical impact that claims about the unifying experience of sport have on relevant actors' perceptions of how it should be governed, but also questions whether the integrative approach taken in the three case studies is part of a deliberate conflict management strategy or whether it is instead simply a product of the more technocratic concerns of international and regional governing bodies.
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Maniou, Theodora, Kosmas Panagiotidis, and Andreas Veglis. "The Politicization of Selfie Journalism." In Journalism and Ethics, 579–96. IGI Global, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-8359-2.ch032.

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While the phenomenon of selfie photographs in the media has been extensively analysed by academics, Selfie Journalism was recently introduced and constitutes one of the most notable phenomena within the digital media environment, raising a number of issues relating to notions of infotainment and impartial reporting, especially in ‘difficult' sectors, such as politics. This paper identifies the specific characteristics of Selfie Journalism in political reporting. Based on both quantitative and qualitative research, the study analyses these characteristics in the period of parliamentary elections of 2016 in Cyprus. The aim of the study is dual: first, to examine the extensive use of Selfie Journalism by candidates themselves in political campaigning and, secondly, to examine the impact of this phenomenon upon the media and, in turn, media engagement in such political tactics. The greater scope of this study evolves around the argument that Selfie Journalism, as a new species of participatory journalism, has penetrated the media in an effort to attract larger audiences.
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